A graduand at Rongo University was caught wearing a stolen gown to fake graduation, causing social media backlash. A graduand at Rongo University was reportedly caught wearing a gown that belonged to another student in an attempt to fake graduation. The incident occurred when the rightful owner of the gown confronted the graduand. Dressed in a pink suit, patterned shirt, graduation sash, and cap, he said all attempts to contact her were unsuccessful. On the few occasions she answered calls, she reportedly claimed she was attending to personal errands. “Yesterday we had a photoshoot, and she took my gown. We searched all day, but she said she was getting her nails done and then ignored our calls,” the graduand stated. After failing to locate her, he decided to wait until graduation day to address the matter in the presence of her parents. He demanded proof of her eligibility by asking her to show her name on the official graduation list. When the booklet was checked, her name was not found. Onlookers urged the young woman to clarify the situation. An elderly woman, believed to be a relative, eventually intervened and pleaded for forgiveness before leading her away from the crowd. The confrontation sparked reactions on social media. Users criticized the alleged act, highlighting the importance of honesty over appearances. Continue Reading Full Article ENTERTAINMENT Graduand Caught Wearing Stolen Gown at Rongo University By Witty Pascal Entertainment Editor Witty Pascal Home Comment Dec 2, 2025 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: A graduand at Rongo University was reportedly caught wearing a gown that belonged to another student in an attempt to fake graduation. The incident occurred when the rightful owner of the gown confronted the graduand. Dressed in a pink suit, patterned shirt, graduation sash, and cap, he said all attempts to contact her were unsuccessful. ADVERTISEMENT On the few occasions she answered calls, she reportedly claimed she was attending to personal errands. “Yesterday we had a photoshoot, and she took my gown. We searched all day, but she said she was getting her nails done and then ignored our calls,” the graduand stated. ADVERTISEMENT After failing to locate her, he decided to wait until graduation day to address the matter in the presence of her parents. He demanded proof of her eligibility by asking her to show her name on the official graduation list. When the booklet was checked, her name was not found. Onlookers urged the young woman to clarify the situation. An elderly woman, believed to be a relative, eventually intervened and pleaded for forgiveness before leading her away from the crowd. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today African Culture Vyroota Biography: Age, Real Name, Songs & Rise from Kireka . Entertainment Seputla Sebogodi Dies: Cause of Death and Biography . Investment Deals Burundi-Washington Nickel Deal Signals Great Lakes Strategic Shift . Afrobeats Ekunrawo and Jux Release New Afro-R&B Collaboration ‘Halima’ . Musics Bobi Wine Declined 10% Stake Offer in Uganda’s Galaxy FM . ADVERTISEMENT The confrontation sparked reactions on social media. Users criticized the alleged act, highlighting the importance of honesty over appearances. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles African Culture Vyroota Biography: Age, Real Name, Songs & Rise from Kireka Discover Vyroota’s age, family roots, breakthrough songs, award and journey from Kireka. . Entertainment Seputla Sebogodi Dies: Cause of Death and Biography Veteran Generations actor Seputla Sebogodi died after complications related to diabetes . Investment Deals Burundi-Washington Nickel Deal Signals Great Lakes Strategic Shift Burundi’s Washington nickel agreement sharpens Great Lakes competition over critical minerals. . Afrobeats Ekunrawo and Jux Release New Afro-R&B Collaboration ‘Halima’ Nigerian singer Ekunrawo partners with Tanzanian star Jux on the cross-border single ‘Halima’. . Tags African Entertainment African Entertainment Musics Musics

B-Red survives alleged attack in Osogbo as Osun government urges police to arrest suspects involved in the incident. Nigerian singer Adebayo Adeleke, popularly known as B-Red , has recounted how he narrowly escaped an alleged assassination attempt in Osogbo, Osun State. The incident, which reportedly occurred near Oke-Fia close to the Government House, was confirmed by the Osun State Government. The Commissioner for Information and Public Enlightenment, Kolapo Alimi, described the development as a serious security concern. According to B-Red, the situation began while he was returning from Alekuwodo Market. He said he noticed a group of commercial motorcyclists wearing similar caps attempting to surround his vehicle at a traffic point under the Oke-Fia Bridge. He added that the situation escalated when a white Toyota Venza approached, and one of its occupants allegedly shouted, “It is him,” triggering a pursuit. The singer said both the vehicle and the motorcyclists chased him through nearby streets, repeatedly attempting to block his movement. He eventually drove into the premises of the Osun State Government House, where he found safety. B-Red further claimed he identified one of the occupants of the pursuing vehicle as an individual he described as a known political thug. The Osun State Government stated that the matter has been reported to security agencies and called for the immediate arrest and prosecution of those involved. Authorities emphasized that the incident should not be treated lightly due to its potential security implications. Investigations into the incident are ongoing. Continue Reading Full Article ENTERTAINMENT B-Red Escapes Alleged Assassination Attempt in Osogbo By Witty Pascal Entertainment Editor Witty Pascal Home Comment May 1, 2026 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Nigerian singer Adebayo Adeleke, popularly known as B-Red , has recounted how he narrowly escaped an alleged assassination attempt in Osogbo, Osun State. The incident, which reportedly occurred near Oke-Fia close to the Government House, was confirmed by the Osun State Government. The Commissioner for Information and Public Enlightenment, Kolapo Alimi, described the development as a serious security concern. According to B-Red, the situation began while he was returning from Alekuwodo Market. ADVERTISEMENT He said he noticed a group of commercial motorcyclists wearing similar caps attempting to surround his vehicle at a traffic point under the Oke-Fia Bridge. He added that the situation escalated when a white Toyota Venza approached, and one of its occupants allegedly shouted, “It is him,” triggering a pursuit. The singer said both the vehicle and the motorcyclists chased him through nearby streets, repeatedly attempting to block his movement. He eventually drove into the premises of the Osun State Government House, where he found safety. ADVERTISEMENT B-Red further claimed he identified one of the occupants of the pursuing vehicle as an individual he described as a known political thug. The Osun State Government stated that the matter has been reported to security agencies and called for the immediate arrest and prosecution of those involved. Authorities emphasized that the incident should not be treated lightly due to its potential security implications. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Biography Poco Lee Biography: Age, Real Name, Dance Career and Songs . Biography Eric Omondi Biography: Comedy, Activism and Public Life . Biography Who Is Snit Habteab, Eritrea’s Miss World Trailblazer? . Entertainment Poco Lee UK Case Sparks Consent Debate Among Nigerian Stars . Entertainment FOLA Leads 2026 Headies Nominations Ahead of Toronto . ADVERTISEMENT Investigations into the incident are ongoing. Source: The Sun Nigeria (reported by Lawrence Agbo, May 1, 2026) ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Biography Poco Lee Biography: Age, Real Name, Dance Career and Songs Inside the Nigerian dancer’s rise from Ojo street shows to Afrobeats stages, music and global fame. . Biography Eric Omondi Biography: Comedy, Activism and Public Life How Eric Omondi rose through Churchill Show and became a prominent Kenyan activist. . Biography Who Is Snit Habteab, Eritrea’s Miss World Trailblazer? The neuroscientist and educator became Eritrea’s first Miss World entrant and reached the Top 6 . Entertainment Poco Lee UK Case Sparks Consent Debate Among Nigerian Stars The dancer faces five sexual offence charges and returns to court on September 15. . Tags Entertainment Entertainment Nigerian Entertainment Nigerian Entertainment Nigeria Nigeria

Killarney Mall transferred to AJPG on 2 November. Here is what the R397.5 million deal means and what remains to be delivered. JOHANNESBURG, 6 November 2026 — Killarney Mall has passed to AJPG Property 1 Proprietary Limited, completing a transaction announced earlier this year. Seller Octodec confirmed in a 5 November stock-exchange announcement that ownership transferred on 2 November after the conditions for implementation were fulfilled, including competition approval. The agreed consideration was R397.5 million, subject to agreed adjustments. The sale covers all the shares and claims in Killarney Mall Properties, the subsidiary through which Octodec held the property. Who owns Killarney Mall after the transfer? AJPG Property 1 Proprietary Limited became the owner on 2 November 2026, according to Octodec’s completion announcement. The agreed R397.5 million transaction is complete, but that does not establish that proposed improvements, business-support funding or new retail outlets have already been delivered. The completion notice marks a different stage from the February agreement and October regulatory coverage. Octodec says the conditions required to implement the deal have been met. The announcement therefore records an ownership change, rather than an intention to sell. AJP’s original purchase statement described a transaction still subject to due diligence, scheduled to begin on 25 February. At that stage, chief executive John Baladakis presented the mall as a turnaround opportunity and argued that the group’s experience with regional and community shopping centres could help improve its performance. Those comments explain the buyer’s ambition. They do not establish a completed refurbishment or measurable improvement in trading. The distinction is relevant for shoppers and businesses assessing what the change of owner will mean on the ground. The purchase consideration is also separate from any future capital expenditure. It should not be read as a R397.5 million construction budget, an allocation to tenants or a commitment to expand the centre. Why Octodec is selling Octodec plans to direct proceeds towards borrowings and its strategic priorities. Business Day’s report quotes deputy chief executive and financial director Riaan Erasmus describing the transaction as a step towards a more focused portfolio and the redeployment of capital into assets with stronger growth prospects. Continue Reading Full Article BUSINESS TRENDS Killarney Mall Transfer Completed in R397.5 Million Deal By Kamau Bahati Entertainment Editor Kamau Bahati Home Comment Nov 6, 2026 Nov 6, 2026 5 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: JOHANNESBURG, 6 November 2026 — Killarney Mall has passed to AJPG Property 1 Proprietary Limited, completing a transaction announced earlier this year. Seller Octodec confirmed in a 5 November stock-exchange announcement that ownership transferred on 2 November after the conditions for implementation were fulfilled, including competition approval. The agreed consideration was R397.5 million, subject to agreed adjustments. The sale covers all the shares and claims in Killarney Mall Properties, the subsidiary through which Octodec held the property. Who owns Killarney Mall after the transfer? AJPG Property 1 Proprietary Limited became the owner on 2 November 2026, according to Octodec’s completion announcement. The agreed R397.5 million transaction is complete, but that does not establish that proposed improvements, business-support funding or new retail outlets have already been delivered. The completion notice marks a different stage from the February agreement and October regulatory coverage. Octodec says the conditions required to implement the deal have been met. The announcement therefore records an ownership change, rather than an intention to sell. AJP’s original purchase statement described a transaction still subject to due diligence, scheduled to begin on 25 February. At that stage, chief executive John Baladakis presented the mall as a turnaround opportunity and argued that the group’s experience with regional and community shopping centres could help improve its performance. Those comments explain the buyer’s ambition. They do not establish a completed refurbishment or measurable improvement in trading. The distinction is relevant for shoppers and businesses assessing what the change of owner will mean on the ground. ADVERTISEMENT The purchase consideration is also separate from any future capital expenditure. It should not be read as a R397.5 million construction budget, an allocation to tenants or a commitment to expand the centre. Why Octodec is selling Octodec plans to direct proceeds towards borrowings and its strategic priorities. Business Day’s report quotes deputy chief executive and financial director Riaan Erasmus describing the transaction as a step towards a more focused portfolio and the redeployment of capital into assets with stronger growth prospects. That fits the direction set out in the company’s interim results for the six months ended February 2026 . Under “Acquisitions and disposals”, Octodec identified residential properties, mini-warehouse industrial parks and neighbourhood convenience shopping centres as its three principal long-term property categories. The same report envisaged reducing debt in the short term and acquiring income-enhancing industrial or retail assets over time. These are corporate objectives, rather than a promise that the Killarney proceeds will finance a particular building or create a specified number of jobs. For readers following African investment, the transaction illustrates capital moving between owners of an existing commercial asset. Its development value will depend partly on what follows: investment in the property, viable businesses and sustained customer use. ADVERTISEMENT The R2.3 million small-business commitment A more specific opportunity appears in AJP’s small-business empowerment announcement . The group says it will make R2.3 million in total support available to two previously disadvantaged black women entrepreneurs, combining direct start-up funding with rental contributions. AJP describes plans to work with national franchise brands as part of its revitalisation approach. The amount is a combined commitment for two entrepreneurs, not R2.3 million for each person, and includes rent support rather than consisting entirely of cash grants. The announcement does not identify the recipients, confirm disbursement or give opening dates for their businesses. It also does not provide an application deadline or a detailed selection process. Prospective entrepreneurs should therefore seek the programme’s terms directly from AJP before treating it as an open funding call. Property Flash’s October report described an empowerment fund and support for historically disadvantaged retailers among the public-interest requirements associated with competition approval. Delivery will require more than the sale’s completion: the relevant measures are funding provided, businesses established and outlets operating. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Business Trends Killarney Mall Transfer Completed in R397.5 Million Deal . ADVERTISEMENT What shoppers and tenants can check now Killarney Mall is at 60 Riviera Road in Johannesburg . Its published trading-hours page lists normal hours of 09:00–18:00 on weekdays, 09:00–17:00 on Saturdays and 10:00–16:00 on Sundays and public holidays. Individual stores may differ, so visitors should confirm directly before travelling for a particular service. The centre also features in XTRAfrica’s Johannesburg cinema guide . Current cinema schedules should be checked separately from that older destination guide. For tenants, the completion announcement does not set out individual lease changes, rental adjustments or relocation arrangements. Those questions require direct communication with centre management; a change of ownership alone is insufficient evidence of a particular change to a shop’s terms. The next substantive developments would be a costed improvement programme, dated works, named business-support beneficiaries or confirmed outlet openings. Until those details emerge, the verified milestone is the transfer of ownership, with the buyer’s turnaround and enterprise-support plans still to be measured against delivery. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Business Trends Killarney Mall Transfer Completed in R397.5 Million Deal Octodec confirms the sale, while AJP’s plans include support for two black women entrepreneurs. . Tags South Africa Economy South Africa Economy South Africa South Africa South Africa Business & Investment South Africa Business & Investment Breaking News Breaking News

Finidi George faces his first significant challenge as Nigeria's head coach as the Super Eagles prepare to take on South Africa and Benin in the 2026 FIFA World Cup qualifiers. These matches, scheduled for Friday, 7 June, and Monday, 10 June, are pivotal after Nigeria's slow start in Group C, securing only two points from their opening two qualifiers. The Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) has labeled these fixtures as "must-win encounters." George, who stepped in as interim head coach in March, has already overseen two friendlies, achieving a victory against rivals Ghana but suffering a loss to Mali. Despite the mixed results, the upcoming qualifiers will be his first major test since his permanent appointment. The team faces a significant setback with Napoli striker Victor Osimhen ruled out due to injury. However, George can rely on the attacking prowess of players like Atalanta's Europa League final hero Ademola Lookman and Victor Boniface, who emerged as the top scorer for German double winners Bayer Leverkusen this season. George brings a wealth of experience to the role. His illustrious playing career and his managerial stint at Enyimba, where he led the team to a domestic league title, highlight his capabilities. Additionally, his 20 months as an assistant to former Nigeria coach Jose Peseiro, who led the team to the 2023 Africa Cup of Nations final in Ivory Coast, further solidify his credentials. As the Super Eagles gear up for these crucial matches, George's strategic acumen and ability to motivate his squad will be under the spotlight. Fans and analysts alike will be watching closely to see how Nigeria performs under his leadership in these decisive World Cup qualifiers. Continue Reading Full Article By Author Name Author Name Home Comment Jun 3, 2024 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Finidi George faces his first significant challenge as Nigeria's head coach Finidi George faces his first significant challenge as Nigeria's head coach as the Super Eagles prepare to take on South Africa and Benin in the 2026 FIFA World Cup qualifiers. These matches, scheduled for Friday, 7 June, and Monday, 10 June, are pivotal after Nigeria's slow start in Group C, securing only two points from their opening two qualifiers. The Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) has labeled these fixtures as "must-win encounters." George, who stepped in as interim head coach in March, has already overseen two friendlies, achieving a victory against rivals Ghana but suffering a loss to Mali. Despite the mixed results, the upcoming qualifiers will be his first major test since his permanent appointment. ADVERTISEMENT The team faces a significant setback with Napoli striker Victor Osimhen ruled out due to injury. However, George can rely on the attacking prowess of players like Atalanta's Europa League final hero Ademola Lookman and Victor Boniface, who emerged as the top scorer for German double winners Bayer Leverkusen this season. George brings a wealth of experience to the role. ADVERTISEMENT His illustrious playing career and his managerial stint at Enyimba, where he led the team to a domestic league title, highlight his capabilities. Additionally, his 20 months as an assistant to former Nigeria coach Jose Peseiro, who led the team to the 2023 Africa Cup of Nations final in Ivory Coast, further solidify his credentials. As the Super Eagles gear up for these crucial matches, George's strategic acumen and ability to motivate his squad will be under the spotlight. Fans and analysts alike will be watching closely to see how Nigeria performs under his leadership in these decisive World Cup qualifiers. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Tags

Hout Bay fire recovery begins with meals, water and damage assessments after the Imizamo Yethu blaze. Here is what is confirmed about assistance. HOUT BAY, SOUTH AFRICA — 12 October 2026. Emergency meals and bottled water have reached residents affected by Sunday's fire in Imizamo Yethu, where a preliminary City assessment put the number displaced at approximately 400. Recovery work includes registering affected households and assessing damage, while residents face the longer task of replacing homes and belongings. The 11 October blaze destroyed about 80 informal structures and damaged four formal homes, according to the assessment reported by Cape Argus . These are preliminary figures rather than a final household count. What assistance is confirmed after the Hout Bay fire? Gift of the Givers has provided hot meals and bottled water. Disaster-management officials and community leaders have been assessing urgent needs. Emergency relief is confirmed, but the published response does not establish a fixed compensation payment or a timetable for rebuilding every affected home. Meals and water address the first recovery needs eNCA reported on Sunday that Gift of the Givers was providing emergency humanitarian assistance, including hot meals and bottled water. Its report, published at 13:34 SAST, said the fire had been contained and the area was being monitored for possible flare-ups. Disaster-management officials and community leaders were leading assessments to identify displaced families' immediate needs. That work is important because the number of people affected does not, on its own, show what each household has lost or what help it requires. Food and drinking water provide immediate support. They do not answer the separate questions of where households can stay, how damaged services will be restored or what rebuilding assistance will follow. Families need clear information on those arrangements as the recovery moves beyond the first emergency response. Fire containment came before the damage assessment City Fire and Rescue spokesperson Mark Bosch said the emergency call was received at 03:45 SAST on Sunday. The fire was contained at 06:43 SAST, equivalent to 07:43 EAT. The call time should not be confused with the precise moment the fire started. Smile FM's account of the response described crews responding from Hout Bay and several other Cape Town stations. The scale of the blaze and hazards at the scene required an Incident Management Team. Continue Reading Full Article NATURAL DISASTERS Hout Bay Fire Recovery: Emergency Aid Reaches Displaced Families By Kamau Bahati Entertainment Editor Kamau Bahati Home Comment Oct 12, 2026 Oct 12, 2026 5 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: HOUT BAY, SOUTH AFRICA — 12 October 2026. Emergency meals and bottled water have reached residents affected by Sunday's fire in Imizamo Yethu, where a preliminary City assessment put the number displaced at approximately 400. Recovery work includes registering affected households and assessing damage, while residents face the longer task of replacing homes and belongings. The 11 October blaze destroyed about 80 informal structures and damaged four formal homes, according to the assessment reported by Cape Argus . These are preliminary figures rather than a final household count. What assistance is confirmed after the Hout Bay fire? Gift of the Givers has provided hot meals and bottled water. Disaster-management officials and community leaders have been assessing urgent needs. Emergency relief is confirmed, but the published response does not establish a fixed compensation payment or a timetable for rebuilding every affected home. Meals and water address the first recovery needs eNCA reported on Sunday that Gift of the Givers was providing emergency humanitarian assistance, including hot meals and bottled water. Its report, published at 13:34 SAST, said the fire had been contained and the area was being monitored for possible flare-ups. Disaster-management officials and community leaders were leading assessments to identify displaced families' immediate needs. That work is important because the number of people affected does not, on its own, show what each household has lost or what help it requires. Food and drinking water provide immediate support. They do not answer the separate questions of where households can stay, how damaged services will be restored or what rebuilding assistance will follow. Families need clear information on those arrangements as the recovery moves beyond the first emergency response. ADVERTISEMENT Fire containment came before the damage assessment City Fire and Rescue spokesperson Mark Bosch said the emergency call was received at 03:45 SAST on Sunday. The fire was contained at 06:43 SAST, equivalent to 07:43 EAT. The call time should not be confused with the precise moment the fire started. Smile FM's account of the response described crews responding from Hout Bay and several other Cape Town stations. The scale of the blaze and hazards at the scene required an Incident Management Team. Containment did not immediately end the operation. Bosch said the heavy fuel load required extended damping down, with crews remaining until the area was safe. The initial response therefore involved both stopping the spread and dealing with material that could continue burning afterwards. No injuries were reported in that account. The cause remained unknown; there is no confirmed basis for attributing the blaze to a particular person or electrical fault. ADVERTISEMENT Residents began salvaging what survived EWN's reporting from the settlement described residents trying to recover belongings from the remains of their homes on Sunday. Firefighters were still damping down parts of the scene during the recovery effort. One resident, Linda Matshaya, was guarding what remained of his shack against scrap-metal thieves. His experience shows another immediate concern after evacuation: protecting the possessions that survive while trying to work out where to go next. For affected households, the emergency has consequences beyond the destroyed structure. Salvaging belongings and securing them are part of the recovery, alongside access to food, water and a place to stay. A count of damaged buildings cannot fully describe those individual losses. Registration and housing remain separate tasks Cape Argus reported that the City's Disaster Risk Management Centre was undertaking registration and impact assessments, with disaster-management and informal-settlements teams coordinating recovery. The preliminary assessment also recorded damage to electricity and sanitation infrastructure. Community activist Roscoe Jacobs called for urgent assistance and progress on housing. That demand places longer-term accommodation alongside immediate relief, but it is not an announcement of a completed housing allocation or an agreed rebuilding date. Residents should distinguish an assessment of their losses from confirmation of a particular benefit. Registration helps establish the impact; any offer of materials, accommodation or financial assistance needs its own clear terms and responsible organisation. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Government Announcements Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Political Appointments Muhoozi Clarifies Uganda CDF Exit Plan: Has He Resigned? . Agriculture Morocco Tomato Export Restrictions: Africa and Europe Explained . Investment Kenya Plans $500M Startup Fund: How It Could Work . Business Trends Killarney Mall Transfer Completed in R397.5 Million Deal . ADVERTISEMENT Where to ask about assistance and disrupted services Gift of the Givers' official contact page lists its national toll-free number as 0800 786 911 and its email address as info@giftofthegivers.org . Residents or potential donors can use those channels to ask about current arrangements. They are general organisational contacts, not a published fire-specific collection timetable. If a South African identity document was lost or damaged, XTRAfrica's lost-ID replacement guide explains the relevant service routes. Existing grant recipients who have payment problems can consult the SRD status-check guide or banking-details guide . Those guides concern existing public services. They do not establish entitlement to a new fire-relief payment. The next useful recovery information is a confirmed assistance location, distribution schedule, restoration plan or accommodation arrangement for affected households. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Government Announcements Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next Signed environmental grants put local delivery, community ownership and accountability in focus. . Political Appointments Muhoozi Clarifies Uganda CDF Exit Plan: Has He Resigned? Muhoozi says he may hand over Uganda's military command but has not announced a resignation date. . Agriculture Morocco Tomato Export Restrictions: Africa and Europe Explained New permits reportedly frozen, European shipments exempt; West African markets face uncertainty. . Investment Kenya Plans $500M Startup Fund: How It Could Work Kenya's NIFC wants to raise $500m for startups, with half targeted at technology and AI businesses. . Tags Breaking News Breaking News South Africa South Africa

In a significant legal move, Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, a prominent Rwandan political figure, filed a case against the Rwandan State at the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) on April 30, 2024. This legal action aims to challenge the denial of her civic rights by the Rwandan authorities, a crucial step towards her intention to participate in the upcoming Presidential elections in Rwanda this July. Ms. Ingabire, who returned to Rwanda in January 2010 from the Netherlands to contest in that year's presidential elections, faced immediate arrest and was subsequently sentenced to 15 years in prison. Her trial was widely criticized internationally as being politically motivated. She was partially vindicated when the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights found that Rwanda had violated her rights to freedom of expression and a defense. Following a Presidential pardon in September 2018, after eight years behind bars, Ms. Ingabire’s recent attempt to restore her civic rights was blocked by the Rwandan High Court in March 2024. This ruling prevented her from traveling outside Rwanda and from registering as a presidential candidate, further stymying her participation in political life—a violation of the East African Community Treaty’s stipulations on democracy, rule of law, and human rights. Ms. Ingabire’s legal team, comprising Rwandan lawyer Gatera Gashabana and Kenyan lawyers Emily Osiemo and Elisha Ongoya, along with international lawyers Kate Gibson, Sheila Paylan, Philippe Larochelle, and Iain Edwards, have filed for urgent interim measures. These measures are critical to prevent irreparable harm that would result from her inability to register for the upcoming elections. Furthermore, Ms. Ingabire has also been restricted from leaving the country, which has notably prevented her from attending significant family events, including her son's wedding, the birth of her grandchild, and visiting her critically ill husband in the Netherlands. The legal proceedings initiated by Ms. Ingabire Umuhoza at the EACJ represent not only her fight for personal justice but also underscore a broader struggle for democratic freedoms and human rights in Rwanda. Supporters and human rights advocates around the world watch closely, hoping this case will mark a turning point towards greater political openness and respect for human rights in Rwanda. Continue Reading Full Article By Author Name Author Name Home Comment May 1, 2024 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: FILE - Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza poses at her home, April 07, 2010, in Kigali, Rwanda In a significant legal move, Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, a prominent Rwandan political figure, filed a case against the Rwandan State at the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) on April 30, 2024. This legal action aims to challenge the denial of her civic rights by the Rwandan authorities, a crucial step towards her intention to participate in the upcoming Presidential elections in Rwanda this July. Ms. Ingabire, who returned to Rwanda in January 2010 from the Netherlands to contest in that year's presidential elections, faced immediate arrest and was subsequently sentenced to 15 years in prison. Her trial was widely criticized internationally as being politically motivated. She was partially vindicated when the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights found that Rwanda had violated her rights to freedom of expression and a defense. ADVERTISEMENT Following a Presidential pardon in September 2018, after eight years behind bars, Ms. Ingabire’s recent attempt to restore her civic rights was blocked by the Rwandan High Court in March 2024. This ruling prevented her from traveling outside Rwanda and from registering as a presidential candidate, further stymying her participation in political life—a violation of the East African Community Treaty’s stipulations on democracy, rule of law, and human rights. Ms. Ingabire’s legal team, comprising Rwandan lawyer Gatera Gashabana and Kenyan lawyers Emily Osiemo and Elisha Ongoya, along with international lawyers Kate Gibson, Sheila Paylan, Philippe Larochelle, and Iain Edwards, have filed for urgent interim measures. These measures are critical to prevent irreparable harm that would result from her inability to register for the upcoming elections. ADVERTISEMENT Furthermore, Ms. Ingabire has also been restricted from leaving the country, which has notably prevented her from attending significant family events, including her son's wedding, the birth of her grandchild, and visiting her critically ill husband in the Netherlands. The legal proceedings initiated by Ms. Ingabire Umuhoza at the EACJ represent not only her fight for personal justice but also underscore a broader struggle for democratic freedoms and human rights in Rwanda. Supporters and human rights advocates around the world watch closely, hoping this case will mark a turning point towards greater political openness and respect for human rights in Rwanda. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Tags

Nearly 55 million people in West and Central Africa are facing a severe food crisis, exacerbated by soaring prices, economic hardships, and ongoing regional conflicts. This crisis is expected to intensify during the June-August lean season, with the number of people affected quadrupling over the last five years. Economic challenges such as double-digit inflation and stagnating local production are major drivers of this crisis, in addition to the recurrent conflicts across the region. Countries like Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra Leone, and Mali are among the worst affected. In some northern areas of these countries, approximately 2,600 individuals are likely to experience catastrophic levels of hunger. Margot Vandervelden, the World Food Programme's acting regional director for West Africa, emphasizes the urgency of the situation, stating, "The time to act is now. We need all partners to step up... to prevent the situation from getting out of control." Alongside the WFP, the U.N. children's agency UNICEF and the Food and Agriculture Organization are actively calling for increased support. The crisis is particularly severe among children, with an estimated 16.7 million children under the age of five suffering from acute malnutrition across the regions. This alarming rate of malnutrition underscores the urgent need for targeted nutritional interventions. Additionally, the region's heavy dependence on food imports has tightened the squeeze, especially for countries battling high inflation such as Ghana, Nigeria, and Sierra Leone. Robert Guei, the FAO's Sub-regional Coordinator for West Africa, advocates for policies to boost and diversify local food production to respond to the unprecedented food and nutrition insecurity. The escalating food crisis in West and Central Africa requires a multifaceted approach involving local policy changes, international aid, and immediate action. With millions at risk, the global community's response in the coming months will be crucial in averting a major humanitarian disaster. Continue Reading Full Article By Author Name Author Name Home Comment Apr 14, 2024 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: women receiving food aid Nearly 55 million people in West and Central Africa are facing a severe food crisis, exacerbated by soaring prices, economic hardships, and ongoing regional conflicts. This crisis is expected to intensify during the June-August lean season, with the number of people affected quadrupling over the last five years. Economic challenges such as double-digit inflation and stagnating local production are major drivers of this crisis, in addition to the recurrent conflicts across the region. Countries like Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra Leone, and Mali are among the worst affected. In some northern areas of these countries, approximately 2,600 individuals are likely to experience catastrophic levels of hunger. ADVERTISEMENT Margot Vandervelden, the World Food Programme's acting regional director for West Africa, emphasizes the urgency of the situation, stating, "The time to act is now. We need all partners to step up... to prevent the situation from getting out of control." Alongside the WFP, the U.N. children's agency UNICEF and the Food and Agriculture Organization are actively calling for increased support. The crisis is particularly severe among children, with an estimated 16.7 million children under the age of five suffering from acute malnutrition across the regions. This alarming rate of malnutrition underscores the urgent need for targeted nutritional interventions. ADVERTISEMENT Additionally, the region's heavy dependence on food imports has tightened the squeeze, especially for countries battling high inflation such as Ghana, Nigeria, and Sierra Leone. Robert Guei, the FAO's Sub-regional Coordinator for West Africa, advocates for policies to boost and diversify local food production to respond to the unprecedented food and nutrition insecurity. The escalating food crisis in West and Central Africa requires a multifaceted approach involving local policy changes, international aid, and immediate action. With millions at risk, the global community's response in the coming months will be crucial in averting a major humanitarian disaster. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Tags

An open letter urges France and the EU to act on Victoire Ingabire’s detention, framing it as a credibility test for diplomacy. An open letter sent from France by a coalition of Rwandan opposition groups, civil society organisations and independent personalities is urging French Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot to push for concrete European action over the imprisonment of opposition figure Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza arguing the case has become a direct measure of Western credibility on human rights and democratic principles in Africa. A dispute over diplomatic language and what it implies At the centre of the signatories’ argument is not only Ingabire’s detention, but the way it is described by Western partners. The letter criticises diplomatic formulations that treat the matter primarily as routine judicial proceedings, warning that such framing can appear to mirror Kigali ’s own narrative and blur the line between peaceful political opposition and security threats. The authors specifically dispute references to alleged ties between Ingabire and the FDLR armed group , contending that the claim has not been established by an independent national or international court. They argue that presenting the case as standard law enforcement risks weakening the EU’s public stance on political pluralism and due process especially when European institutions have already taken positions on the matter. The European Parliament’s position raises the stakes The letter points to prior European Parliament action as evidence that Ingabire’s detention has already moved beyond a purely domestic lens in Brussels. In September 2025, the European Parliament adopted a resolution on Ingabire’s case, including calls related to her release and political freedoms in Rwanda adding institutional weight to the expectations placed on EU diplomacy. That earlier parliamentary step matters because it creates a benchmark: if EU member states continue to speak cautiously while the Parliament uses sharper language, the gap becomes visible internally and externally and invites questions about coherence in Europe’s Rwanda policy. The signatories also cite international human rights mechanisms to support their claim that the case should not be treated as ordinary justice. They reference the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, which they say classified Ingabire’s detention as arbitrary and called for her release, arguing that this raises obligations for partners who emphasise rule-of-law diplomacy. Beyond Ingabire herself, the letter describes restrictions and pressure affecting her political party, DALFA-Umurinzi, and broader civic space arguing that soft diplomatic language such as “restrictions” does not adequately reflect what the authors describe as systematic political criminalisation. Continue Reading Full Article JUSTICE & CRIME Ingabire Case Tests EU–Rwanda Diplomacy as Pressure Grows By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Feb 4, 2026 May 15, 2026 5 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: An open letter sent from France by a coalition of Rwandan opposition groups, civil society organisations and independent personalities is urging French Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot to push for concrete European action over the imprisonment of opposition figure Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza arguing the case has become a direct measure of Western credibility on human rights and democratic principles in Africa. A dispute over diplomatic language and what it implies At the centre of the signatories’ argument is not only Ingabire’s detention, but the way it is described by Western partners. The letter criticises diplomatic formulations that treat the matter primarily as routine judicial proceedings, warning that such framing can appear to mirror Kigali ’s own narrative and blur the line between peaceful political opposition and security threats. The authors specifically dispute references to alleged ties between Ingabire and the FDLR armed group , contending that the claim has not been established by an independent national or international court. They argue that presenting the case as standard law enforcement risks weakening the EU’s public stance on political pluralism and due process especially when European institutions have already taken positions on the matter. ADVERTISEMENT The European Parliament’s position raises the stakes The letter points to prior European Parliament action as evidence that Ingabire’s detention has already moved beyond a purely domestic lens in Brussels. In September 2025, the European Parliament adopted a resolution on Ingabire’s case, including calls related to her release and political freedoms in Rwanda adding institutional weight to the expectations placed on EU diplomacy. That earlier parliamentary step matters because it creates a benchmark: if EU member states continue to speak cautiously while the Parliament uses sharper language, the gap becomes visible internally and externally and invites questions about coherence in Europe’s Rwanda policy. The signatories also cite international human rights mechanisms to support their claim that the case should not be treated as ordinary justice. They reference the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, which they say classified Ingabire’s detention as arbitrary and called for her release, arguing that this raises obligations for partners who emphasise rule-of-law diplomacy. ADVERTISEMENT Beyond Ingabire herself, the letter describes restrictions and pressure affecting her political party, DALFA-Umurinzi, and broader civic space arguing that soft diplomatic language such as “restrictions” does not adequately reflect what the authors describe as systematic political criminalisation. Another reason the case is diplomatically sensitive is historical context. The letter reaffirms the central recognition of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi , but argues that genocide memory should not be used as a standing justification for limiting political freedoms decades later. For the signatories, Western partners who invest in memory and reconciliation initiatives with Rwanda face a parallel obligation: ensuring that commemorative engagement does not become a substitute for addressing present-day rights concerns. What the letter asks France and the EU to do next The authors urge France to raise the Ingabire case actively within the Council of the European Union and to support the use of targeted measures under the EU’s human rights sanctions framework steps they present as necessary for diplomatic dialogue to carry real credibility. They also say the French foreign ministry has been contacted formally on the issue more than once, but without what they consider a substantive public response . People also read: FDU-Inkingi Elects Pierre Célestin Rwalinda as President DRC Vows to Enforce UN Law, Challenges Rwanda’s Occupation Rwandan Opposition Launches Coalition to Challenge Kagame Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today War in Eastern DRC Kagame Uses Habyarimana’s Son to Broaden Rwanda’s Threat Case . Justice & Crime Ingabire Case Tests EU–Rwanda Diplomacy as Pressure Grows . DRC Peace Effort A Letter to Trump: FDLR Pushes Back on ‘Destruction Agenda’ . ADVERTISEMENT Why this is a “test” in practical terms Taken together, the argument is that the Ingabire case now functions as a stress test for EU–Rwanda diplomacy on three fronts: Consistency: whether European messaging aligns with prior parliamentary positions; Clarity: whether Western governments distinguish political dissent from security allegations in their public language; Credibility: whether dialogue is paired with tools the EU already says it has for serious rights cases. For the signatories, the outcome will signal whether Europe’s stated commitments on rights and pluralism are applied predictably even in partnerships shaped by security cooperation and sensitive historical memory. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles War in Eastern DRC Kagame Uses Habyarimana’s Son to Broaden Rwanda’s Threat Case In a defiant speech, Rwanda’s president cast old regime figures as part of today’s regional threat. . Justice & Crime Ingabire Case Tests EU–Rwanda Diplomacy as Pressure Grows Open letter urges France and EU to act, warning diplomatic language may blur politics and justice . DRC Peace Effort A Letter to Trump: FDLR Pushes Back on ‘Destruction Agenda’ FDLR says disbanding it won’t fix Congo’s conflict and urges Trump to pursue real dialogue . Tags Rwanda-Congo Peace Deal Rwanda-Congo Peace Deal Rwanda Rwanda Rwandan Opposition Rwandan Opposition African Union African Union Rwanda Opposition Rwanda Opposition Victoire Ingabire Victoire Ingabire

Tiwa Savage has crossed 800 million Spotify streams, joining a select group of Nigerian artists with sustained global reach. Nigerian singer Tiwa Savage has surpassed 800 million total streams on Spotify, placing her among a select group of Nigerian artists to reach the milestone across all credits on the platform. Savage’s catalogue blends Afrobeats, R&B and pop, a sound that has earned international recognition. Her 2020 album Celia was named among Time magazine’s top 10 albums of that year. She has also featured regularly on Spotify’s annual Wrapped lists for Nigeria’s most streamed female artists, ranking eighth in the 2025 data. Over more than a decade, the multi-award-winning artist has released songs that have performed strongly both locally and internationally, including collaborations such as “Ma Lo” with Wizkid, solo releases like “Koroba,” and her appearance on Asake’s “Loaded.” Her music continues to record significant listenership in Nigeria, the United States and the United Kingdom. The 800 million stream mark reflects sustained audience engagement rather than a single breakout hit. Savage is a Berklee College of Music graduate who began her career as a trombone player before working across the UK and Nigerian music scenes. She has collaborated with international artists including Beyoncé, Sam Smith, Coldplay’s Chris Martin, Brandy, Nas and Craig David. While Spotify does not publish official all-time stream rankings, available data indicate that a combination of lead releases and featured appearances has driven Savage’s cumulative totals. Nigeria’s 800 Million Spotify Streams Club Several Nigerian artists have surpassed 800 million total streams on Spotify, a level associated with long-term global and domestic performance. Based on figures compiled from Chart Masters and the Debut Hub page on X, the following artists had crossed the mark as of December 2025 (totals include lead and featured credits): Wizkid — 9.82B Burna Boy — 9.41B Continue Reading Full Article ENTERTAINMENT Tiwa Savage Joins Nigeria’s 800M Spotify Streams Club By Witty Pascal Entertainment Editor Witty Pascal Home Comment Dec 15, 2025 May 15, 2026 3 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Nigerian singer Tiwa Savage has surpassed 800 million total streams on Spotify, placing her among a select group of Nigerian artists to reach the milestone across all credits on the platform. Savage’s catalogue blends Afrobeats, R&B and pop, a sound that has earned international recognition. Her 2020 album Celia was named among Time magazine’s top 10 albums of that year. She has also featured regularly on Spotify’s annual Wrapped lists for Nigeria’s most streamed female artists, ranking eighth in the 2025 data. ADVERTISEMENT Over more than a decade, the multi-award-winning artist has released songs that have performed strongly both locally and internationally, including collaborations such as “Ma Lo” with Wizkid, solo releases like “Koroba,” and her appearance on Asake’s “Loaded.” Her music continues to record significant listenership in Nigeria, the United States and the United Kingdom. The 800 million stream mark reflects sustained audience engagement rather than a single breakout hit. Savage is a Berklee College of Music graduate who began her career as a trombone player before working across the UK and Nigerian music scenes. She has collaborated with international artists including Beyoncé, Sam Smith, Coldplay’s Chris Martin, Brandy, Nas and Craig David. ADVERTISEMENT While Spotify does not publish official all-time stream rankings, available data indicate that a combination of lead releases and featured appearances has driven Savage’s cumulative totals. Nigeria’s 800 Million Spotify Streams Club Several Nigerian artists have surpassed 800 million total streams on Spotify, a level associated with long-term global and domestic performance. Based on figures compiled from Chart Masters and the Debut Hub page on X, the following artists had crossed the mark as of December 2025 (totals include lead and featured credits): Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Biography Poco Lee Biography: Age, Real Name, Dance Career and Songs . Biography Eric Omondi Biography: Comedy, Activism and Public Life . Biography Who Is Snit Habteab, Eritrea’s Miss World Trailblazer? . Entertainment Poco Lee UK Case Sparks Consent Debate Among Nigerian Stars . Entertainment FOLA Leads 2026 Headies Nominations Ahead of Toronto . ADVERTISEMENT Wizkid — 9.82B Burna Boy — 9.41B Rema — 5.56B Tems — 4.33B Davido — 3.34B+ Ayra Starr — 3.16B+ Omah Lay — 2.77B+ Asake — 2.75B+ CKay — 2.72B+ Fireboy DML — 2.27B+ Mr Eazi — 1.86B+ BNXN — 1.66B+ Kizz Daniel — 1.51B+ Olamide — 1.39B+ Seyi Vibez — 1.3B+ Victony — 1.22B+ ODUMODUBLVCK — 1.06B+ Oxlade — 986M+ Ruger — 983M+ Adekunle Gold — 813M+ Joeboy — 813M+ Young Jonn — 802M+ Shallipopi — 800M+ Tiwa Savage — 800M+ The figures are estimates drawn from multiple tracking sources, as Spotify does not release precise cumulative stream totals publicly. The milestone comes amid continued global growth for Afrobeats, with Nigeria recording more than 1.3 billion listening hours on Spotify in 2025. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Biography Poco Lee Biography: Age, Real Name, Dance Career and Songs Inside the Nigerian dancer’s rise from Ojo street shows to Afrobeats stages, music and global fame. . Biography Eric Omondi Biography: Comedy, Activism and Public Life How Eric Omondi rose through Churchill Show and became a prominent Kenyan activist. . Biography Who Is Snit Habteab, Eritrea’s Miss World Trailblazer? The neuroscientist and educator became Eritrea’s first Miss World entrant and reached the Top 6 . Entertainment Poco Lee UK Case Sparks Consent Debate Among Nigerian Stars The dancer faces five sexual offence charges and returns to court on September 15. . Tags Entertainment Entertainment Nigerian Entertainment Nigerian Entertainment Nigeria Nigeria

The Rubaya mine now sits at the center of Congo’s strategy to raise costs for M23 and Rwanda-backed operations. In late April 2024, the M23 insurgency, supported by the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF), seized the mining town of Rubaya in North Kivu and its adjoining coltan pits. United Nations experts later described how the rebels set up a parallel administration, controlling “mining, trade, transport and taxation” and monopolizing exports to Rwanda. By levying a $ 7-per-kilogram tax on coltan and enforcing exclusive trading routes, M23 collected at least $800 000 per month. Rubaya produces an estimated 15% of the world’s coltan, a tantalum-rich ore essential for electronics, and now funds a conflict that has displaced hundreds of thousands in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Kinshasa’s response has been to transform Rubaya from a revenue source for armed actors into a diplomatic trap for their backers. In February 2026, Reuters reported that President Félix Tshisekedi’s government quietly included the rebel‑held Rubaya coltan mine on a shortlist of strategic assets offered to the United States under a minerals‑cooperation framework. A senior Congolese official and a U.S. diplomat confirmed that the list was presented to a DRC‑U.S. meeting in Washington on 5 February 2026. By incorporating a mine he does not control into a bilateral partnership, Tshisekedi is asserting sovereignty, inviting American involvement, and raising the cost for Rwanda and M23 to hold the territory. In chess terms, it is not checkmate, but it is a forced sequence. How control of Rubaya funds conflict The UN Group of Experts on the DRC documented how the M23/RDF alliance transformed Rubaya into a revenue machine. After capturing the area on 30 April 2024, the rebels set up permits for miners and traders, doubled miners’ wages to keep production flowing, and imposed taxes on each kilogram of coltan or cassiterite. Convoys carrying up to 5 tons of coltan left twice a week, and UN investigators estimated that at least 120 tons per month were exported to Rwanda . Once across the border, Congolese ore was mixed with Rwandan production, creating “ the largest contamination of 3T mineral supply chains ” in the region. Reuters reporters who visited Rubaya in March 2025 were told by M23 officials that the group imposed a 15 % tax on coltan purchases. The UN concluded that M23 “levied at least $800 000 per month” from coltan and manganese. The capture of Rubaya fits into a broader pattern. UN Security Council resolution 2773 (2025) condemned M23’s offensives, ordered the group to cease hostilities and withdraw, and called on the Rwanda Defence Force to cease support and immediately withdraw from the DRC. A U.S. statement to the Security Council reiterated that “ M23 must fully withdraw … Rwanda must cease support for M23 and withdraw all troops ”. The EU, in a January 2025 statement, similarly urged “Rwanda’s military presence in the DRC [to] cease” and warned that those sustaining the conflict would face “all tools at its disposal”. Despite these admonitions, M23’s parallel administration has endured, financed by Rubaya’s ore and sheltered by Kigali’s denials. The Washington Peace Agreement and renewed pressure on Kigali In December 2025, the DRC and Rwanda signed the Washington Peace Agreement, brokered by the United States, Qatar, and the African Union. The pact is built on six pillars: respect for territorial integrity; cessation of hostilities; disarmament and conditional reintegration of non‑state armed groups; regional economic cooperation; protection of civilians; and a joint security mechanism. It requires the withdrawal of Rwandan troops, prohibits state support for armed groups, and establishes a joint oversight committee. Despite the agreement, M23 launched a major offensive in December 2025, seizing the city of Uvira. U.S. officials condemned the attack as a “clear violation” of the Washington Accords and warned that Rwanda’s military actions were a “grave mistake”. Lucy Tamlyn , U.S. ambassador to the DRC, said Washington was weighing “all possible tools” to uphold the framework. French media later reported that the United States considered sanctions on Rwandan officials and that withholding economic components of the Washington Accords could cost Kigali billions of dollars. By including Rubaya in the strategic asset list, Tshisekedi is effectively tying the mine to the U.S.–DRC Strategic Partnership Agreement, signed in December 2025. The agreement’s objectives include facilitating increased investment by U.S. persons, ensuring durable supply chains for critical minerals, promoting responsible mining, and combating the use of minerals to finance conflict. It establishes a Strategic Asset Reserve (SAR) : within 30 days, the DRC must designate priority mineral assets, and the list can only be updated in consultation with the United States. By placing Rubaya on this list, Kinshasa signals that any party obstructing its return to state control may jeopardize U.S. investment and invite sanctions. Turning a contested mine into a diplomatic lever Reuters reported that Kinshasa’s document emphasised that Rubaya could deliver a “fully traceable, conflict‑free” tantalum supply compliant with U.S. procurement rules. The DRC estimates the mine needs $50 million–$150 million to restart and ramp up commercial output, with rapid cost recovery expected due to soaring global demand. Rubaya’s ore, containing tantalum concentrations of 20-40 %, is essential for semiconductors and aerospace components. By offering this prize in a U.S. partnership, Tshisekedi internationalizes the conflict zone and invites American scrutiny of supply chains. It forces Rwanda to choose between maintaining M23’s occupation, risking U.S. sanctions, and exclusion from lucrative projects. Continue Reading Full Article WAR IN DR CONGO Tshisekedi’s Rubaya Strategy: A Calculated Warning to Rwanda and M23 By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Feb 20, 2026 May 15, 2026 7 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: In late April 2024, the M23 insurgency, supported by the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF), seized the mining town of Rubaya in North Kivu and its adjoining coltan pits. United Nations experts later described how the rebels set up a parallel administration, controlling “mining, trade, transport and taxation” and monopolizing exports to Rwanda. By levying a $ 7-per-kilogram tax on coltan and enforcing exclusive trading routes, M23 collected at least $800 000 per month. Rubaya produces an estimated 15% of the world’s coltan, a tantalum-rich ore essential for electronics, and now funds a conflict that has displaced hundreds of thousands in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Kinshasa’s response has been to transform Rubaya from a revenue source for armed actors into a diplomatic trap for their backers. In February 2026, Reuters reported that President Félix Tshisekedi’s government quietly included the rebel‑held Rubaya coltan mine on a shortlist of strategic assets offered to the United States under a minerals‑cooperation framework. A senior Congolese official and a U.S. diplomat confirmed that the list was presented to a DRC‑U.S. meeting in Washington on 5 February 2026. By incorporating a mine he does not control into a bilateral partnership, Tshisekedi is asserting sovereignty, inviting American involvement, and raising the cost for Rwanda and M23 to hold the territory. In chess terms, it is not checkmate, but it is a forced sequence. How control of Rubaya funds conflict The UN Group of Experts on the DRC documented how the M23/RDF alliance transformed Rubaya into a revenue machine. After capturing the area on 30 April 2024, the rebels set up permits for miners and traders, doubled miners’ wages to keep production flowing, and imposed taxes on each kilogram of coltan or cassiterite. Convoys carrying up to 5 tons of coltan left twice a week, and UN investigators estimated that at least 120 tons per month were exported to Rwanda . Once across the border, Congolese ore was mixed with Rwandan production, creating “ the largest contamination of 3T mineral supply chains ” in the region. Reuters reporters who visited Rubaya in March 2025 were told by M23 officials that the group imposed a 15 % tax on coltan purchases. The UN concluded that M23 “levied at least $800 000 per month” from coltan and manganese. ADVERTISEMENT The capture of Rubaya fits into a broader pattern. UN Security Council resolution 2773 (2025) condemned M23’s offensives, ordered the group to cease hostilities and withdraw, and called on the Rwanda Defence Force to cease support and immediately withdraw from the DRC. A U.S. statement to the Security Council reiterated that “ M23 must fully withdraw … Rwanda must cease support for M23 and withdraw all troops ”. The EU, in a January 2025 statement, similarly urged “Rwanda’s military presence in the DRC [to] cease” and warned that those sustaining the conflict would face “all tools at its disposal”. Despite these admonitions, M23’s parallel administration has endured, financed by Rubaya’s ore and sheltered by Kigali’s denials. The Washington Peace Agreement and renewed pressure on Kigali In December 2025, the DRC and Rwanda signed the Washington Peace Agreement, brokered by the United States, Qatar, and the African Union. The pact is built on six pillars: respect for territorial integrity; cessation of hostilities; disarmament and conditional reintegration of non‑state armed groups; regional economic cooperation; protection of civilians; and a joint security mechanism. It requires the withdrawal of Rwandan troops, prohibits state support for armed groups, and establishes a joint oversight committee. Despite the agreement, M23 launched a major offensive in December 2025, seizing the city of Uvira. U.S. officials condemned the attack as a “clear violation” of the Washington Accords and warned that Rwanda’s military actions were a “grave mistake”. Lucy Tamlyn , U.S. ambassador to the DRC, said Washington was weighing “all possible tools” to uphold the framework. French media later reported that the United States considered sanctions on Rwandan officials and that withholding economic components of the Washington Accords could cost Kigali billions of dollars. ADVERTISEMENT By including Rubaya in the strategic asset list, Tshisekedi is effectively tying the mine to the U.S.–DRC Strategic Partnership Agreement, signed in December 2025. The agreement’s objectives include facilitating increased investment by U.S. persons, ensuring durable supply chains for critical minerals, promoting responsible mining, and combating the use of minerals to finance conflict. It establishes a Strategic Asset Reserve (SAR) : within 30 days, the DRC must designate priority mineral assets, and the list can only be updated in consultation with the United States. By placing Rubaya on this list, Kinshasa signals that any party obstructing its return to state control may jeopardize U.S. investment and invite sanctions. Turning a contested mine into a diplomatic lever Reuters reported that Kinshasa’s document emphasised that Rubaya could deliver a “fully traceable, conflict‑free” tantalum supply compliant with U.S. procurement rules. The DRC estimates the mine needs $50 million–$150 million to restart and ramp up commercial output, with rapid cost recovery expected due to soaring global demand. Rubaya’s ore, containing tantalum concentrations of 20-40 %, is essential for semiconductors and aerospace components. By offering this prize in a U.S. partnership, Tshisekedi internationalizes the conflict zone and invites American scrutiny of supply chains. It forces Rwanda to choose between maintaining M23’s occupation, risking U.S. sanctions, and exclusion from lucrative projects. This strategy draws on precedents. In July 2024, the U.S. Treasury sanctioned PARECO‑FF and associated companies for illegal mining operations and taxation schemes in Rubaya, noting that minerals smuggled through Rwanda fuelled conflict. Under Secretary John K. Hurley warned that the Treasury “will not hesitate to take action against groups that deny the United States and our allies access to the critical minerals vital for our national defense”. These sanctions show Washington’s readiness to punish entities operating in Rubaya’s illicit supply chains. A senior M23 official acknowledged to Reuters that Kinshasa’s decision to list Rubaya “aims to draw the U.S. into recovering the area militarily,” a telling admission that the rebels view the minerals partnership as a threat. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today War in Eastern DRC Fresh Masisi Fighting Forces More Congolese Families to Flee . War in Eastern DRC US Expects Rwandan Troop Withdrawal by Mid-Next Month, Says Rubio . Washington Peace Accord Trump Administration Blocked Kagame From Re-Entering the US . War in Eastern DRC Kagame Refuses to Withdraw Troops from Congo, Defying U.S. Pressure . War in DR Congo Tshisekedi’s Rubaya Strategy: A Calculated Warning to Rwanda and M23 . ADVERTISEMENT Endgame logic: narrowing Kigali’s room to manoeuvre The Rubaya illustrates the strategic contest between Presidents Félix Tshisekedi and Paul Kagame. Kigali’s advantage has long rested on plausible deniability: the ability to support M23 while claiming to protect Rwanda’s security and to profit from coltan without being held accountable. Tshisekedi’s Rubaya strategy seeks to raise the diplomatic and economic cost of this posture. By internationalizing a contested mine, tying its future to U.S. supply‑chain security and embedding it in a treaty that mandates responsible mining, Kinshasa is shaping the terms of engagement. The listing sends a message: if Rwanda continues to back M23, it risks losing access to U.S. investment and facing new sanctions, consequences that may weigh heavily as Kigali seeks to diversify its economy and maintain its global partnerships. Ultimately, the move is less about selling what Kinshasa does not control and more about asserting sovereignty over its mineral wealth and leveraging Washington’s commitment to secure critical supplies. The UN, EU, and United States have all publicly connected Rwanda to M23 and denounced the illegal exploitation of Congolese resources . By drawing Rubaya into the U.S. partnership, Tshisekedi limits Kigali’s options. Rubaya’s listing forces a sequence in which continued occupation becomes increasingly costly, diplomacy becomes conditional on compliance, and the international spotlight intensifies on those profiting from Congo’s minerals. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles War in Eastern DRC Fresh Masisi Fighting Forces More Congolese Families to Flee AFC/M23 advances and clashes with Wazalendo trigger new displacement as Doha monitoring begins. . War in Eastern DRC US Expects Rwandan Troop Withdrawal by Mid-Next Month, Says Rubio Washington says sanctions were needed after poor compliance with the DRC-Rwanda peace agreement . Washington Peace Accord Trump Administration Blocked Kagame From Re-Entering the US The reported visa issue comes amid rising US pressure over Rwanda’s role in eastern Congo. . War in Eastern DRC Kagame Refuses to Withdraw Troops from Congo, Defying U.S. Pressure Kagame refuses to withdraw Rwandan troops from DR Congo despite U.S. pressure. . Tags Washington Peace Accord Washington Peace Accord DR.Congo DR.Congo Rwanda Rwanda DRAFT DRAFT Paul Kagame Paul Kagame Felix Tshisekedi Felix Tshisekedi

The UAE has begun sourcing gold directly from DR Congo, bypassing Rwanda and disrupting smuggling networks long linked to conflict minerals. Why the UAE Changed Its Congo Gold Strategy The United Arab Emirates has decisively shifted its gold sourcing strategy in Central Africa, opting to buy gold directly from the Democratic Republic of Congo and bypass Rwanda — a move that strikes at the heart of what Congolese officials and international investigators describe as years of systematic smuggling of Congolese gold through Kigali. The turning point came on February 2 in Abu Dhabi , with the signing of the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) between Kinshasa and Abu Dhabi, in the presence of Presidents Félix-Antoine Tshisekedi and Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan. How Congolese Gold Was Routed Through Rwanda For years, eastern Congo’s gold has quietly flowed out through Rwanda. In 2024 alone, Rwanda exported $1.07 billion in gold to the UAE, despite limited domestic production. Multiple investigations, including by The Sentry, an NGO co-founded by George Clooney, have documented how much of this gold originated in North and South Kivu, areas destabilized by Rwanda-backed armed groups, including the M23. The figures are stark. According to The Sentry, Rwanda exported more than $800 million worth of gold between January and March 2025, coinciding with the occupation of several Congolese mining sites by M23 rebels . For Kinshasa, the conclusion has long been clear: Congo was being looted, while Rwanda acted as the laundering corridor. What the CEPA Agreement Really Changes The Kinshasa–Abu Dhabi agreement is designed to collapse that smuggling architecture. Under CEPA, the UAE commits to sourcing gold directly from Congolese channels, within a formalized, traceable framework covering trade in goods and services, rules of origin, e-commerce, and private investment promotion. “This agreement embodies a shared commitment to dismantling mafia networks through transparency,” said Foreign Trade Minister Julien Paluku, stressing that the deal aims to end opaque supply chains that have deprived Congo of revenues for decades. Continue Reading Full Article MINING AND MINERALS UAE Cuts Rwanda Out, Begins Buying Gold Directly From Congo By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Feb 4, 2026 May 15, 2026 5 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Why the UAE Changed Its Congo Gold Strategy The United Arab Emirates has decisively shifted its gold sourcing strategy in Central Africa, opting to buy gold directly from the Democratic Republic of Congo and bypass Rwanda — a move that strikes at the heart of what Congolese officials and international investigators describe as years of systematic smuggling of Congolese gold through Kigali. The turning point came on February 2 in Abu Dhabi , with the signing of the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) between Kinshasa and Abu Dhabi, in the presence of Presidents Félix-Antoine Tshisekedi and Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan. How Congolese Gold Was Routed Through Rwanda For years, eastern Congo’s gold has quietly flowed out through Rwanda. In 2024 alone, Rwanda exported $1.07 billion in gold to the UAE, despite limited domestic production. Multiple investigations, including by The Sentry, an NGO co-founded by George Clooney, have documented how much of this gold originated in North and South Kivu, areas destabilized by Rwanda-backed armed groups, including the M23. The figures are stark. According to The Sentry, Rwanda exported more than $800 million worth of gold between January and March 2025, coinciding with the occupation of several Congolese mining sites by M23 rebels . For Kinshasa, the conclusion has long been clear: Congo was being looted, while Rwanda acted as the laundering corridor. What the CEPA Agreement Really Changes The Kinshasa–Abu Dhabi agreement is designed to collapse that smuggling architecture. ADVERTISEMENT Under CEPA, the UAE commits to sourcing gold directly from Congolese channels, within a formalized, traceable framework covering trade in goods and services, rules of origin, e-commerce, and private investment promotion. “This agreement embodies a shared commitment to dismantling mafia networks through transparency,” said Foreign Trade Minister Julien Paluku, stressing that the deal aims to end opaque supply chains that have deprived Congo of revenues for decades. Crucially, the agreement does not emerge overnight. Kinshasa and Abu Dhabi began formalizing trade relations as early as 2021, laying the groundwork for a controlled, state-to-state economic relationship. Primera Gold: Proof That Direct Trade Works The most tangible symbol of this shift is Primera Gold, a gold refinery established in Bukavu in 2023. Its impact has been transformative. ADVERTISEMENT Before Primera, the DRC officially exported between 5 and 10 kilograms of artisanal gold per year, with a historical peak of just 34 kg in 2020 — a statistical absurdity for a country sitting atop some of Africa’s richest gold reserves. That changed overnight. 2023: 5,000 kg exported 2024: between 7,000 and 9,000 kg Average: ~800 kg per month In just 45 days, Primera exported more gold than the DRC had officially exported in the previous 15 years combined — a 12,000% increase in recorded exports in 2023 alone. “This is an unprecedented revolution,” Minister Paluku said. “It’s up to each individual to make their own economic choice.” Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Mining and Minerals Kamilombe Relocation: Compensation and ZEA 371 Explained . Mining and Minerals Zijin Reports About $6 Billion in Cumulative DRC Mining Investment . Mining and Minerals DRC Takes Mining Investment Campaign to China Conference . Mining and Minerals Eastern DRC copper project delivers promising new drilling results . Mining and Minerals DRC to Launch State-Controlled Geological Data Bank in 2026 . ADVERTISEMENT The Role of Conflict and Armed Groups in Gold Smuggling Ironically, despite holding a 55% Emirati stake, the UAE withdrew from the Primera Gold partnership in 2024 after export volumes temporarily collapsed — a disruption Congolese officials attribute to sabotage, pressure from illicit networks, and regional instability. But the strategic direction has not changed. The new CEPA framework signals that Abu Dhabi has chosen state legitimacy over shadow trade, dealing directly with Kinshasa rather than relying on Kigali as an intermediary. What This Means for Rwanda’s Export Model Beyond economics, the deal carries heavy political consequences. By formalizing direct gold trade with Congo, the UAE effectively undermines Rwanda’s role as a regional gold hub, weakening a system that critics say financed armed groups and prolonged conflict in eastern Congo. Congo is no longer willing to subsidize its own destabilization. But for Kigali, the loss of direct access to Emirati gold markets threatens a lucrative and controversial revenue stream. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Mining and Minerals Kamilombe Relocation: Compensation and ZEA 371 Explained Pit compensation, ore sales and access to a replacement mining zone are separate questions. . Mining and Minerals Zijin Reports About $6 Billion in Cumulative DRC Mining Investment Zijin says its cumulative DRC mining investments total about $6 billion across copper, cobalt and . Mining and Minerals DRC Takes Mining Investment Campaign to China Conference DRC Mines Minister Louis Watum leads a delegation to China Mining 2026 to promote projects . Mining and Minerals Eastern DRC copper project delivers promising new drilling results Copper Intelligence says all 13 main drill holes at its Butembo project in eastern DRC intersected . Tags DRC Mining DRC Mining Rwanda Rwanda DRC Economy DRC Economy DR.Congo DR.Congo Felix Tshisekedi Felix Tshisekedi Congo Mining News Congo Mining News

Book a SARS appointment on official eBooking, MobiApp, SMS 47277 or 0800 00 7277. You must be registered for tax. To book a SARS appointment online, use the official eBooking form . You must already be registered for tax. You can also book on the SARS MobiApp, by SMS to 47277 , or by calling 0800 00 7277 and selecting option 0. Do not pay a private “agent” to book a slot. Use only SARS pages that end in sars.gov.za . Need a tax number first? See how to get your SARS tax number online . If you cannot sign in, see SARS eFiling login . Official portals and contacts Make an Appointment — SARS page that opens eBooking eBooking form — capture details and pick a slot Branch Finder — addresses, hours and branch notices Supporting documents list — papers for each visit reason SARS Online Query System — extra documents after you have a case number Contact Centre: 0800 00 7277, then option 0 Continue Reading Full Article TAX AND REVENUE How to Book a SARS Appointment Online By The Editorial Staff Public Services The Editorial Staff Home Comment Aug 30, 2026 Aug 30, 2026 10 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: To book a SARS appointment online, use the official eBooking form . You must already be registered for tax. You can also book on the SARS MobiApp, by SMS to 47277 , or by calling 0800 00 7277 and selecting option 0. Do not pay a private “agent” to book a slot. Use only SARS pages that end in sars.gov.za . Need a tax number first? See how to get your SARS tax number online . If you cannot sign in, see SARS eFiling login . Official portals and contacts Make an Appointment — SARS page that opens eBooking eBooking form — capture details and pick a slot Branch Finder — addresses, hours and branch notices Supporting documents list — papers for each visit reason SARS Online Query System — extra documents after you have a case number Contact Centre: 0800 00 7277, then option 0 SMS: 47277 with Booking, a space, then your ID, passport or asylum number Branch hours: weekdays 08:00–16:00; Wednesdays 09:00–16:00 What you need You must be a SARS-registered taxpayer, registered representative or tax practitioner A South African ID number (citizens) or a foreign passport or permit number (non-South Africans) A valid cellphone number and/or email address Your names and ID captured exactly as SARS already has them A tax reference number — personal income tax, company income tax, PAYE or VAT. Customs and excise client numbers cannot be used on eBooking Supporting documents that identify the person attending, plus papers for your visit reason Unregistered users are sent to eFiling to register. If SARS cannot verify you, you cannot book. How to book on eBooking Open the Make an Appointment page or go straight to the eBooking form . Use Chrome, Edge, Firefox or Safari — not Internet Explorer. Tick the hearing-impaired box if the person attending needs that support. Choose your requestor type: Individual, Representative, Tax Practitioner, or SMME Sole Proprietor. Enter ID type and contact details. For a South African ID or passport, SARS usually retrieves your tax number. Asylum seekers must type the tax number. Complete the CAPTCHA and continue. Choose a booking type: Telephonic Engagement, Video, Walk-in, Mobile Tax Unit, Pop-Up Branch, or VAT Registration Accreditation. For a walk-in, mobile unit or pop-up, choose a province and branch. Video and phone bookings do not need a branch. Choose a reason category and reason from the lists. If your reason is not listed, SARS says you should use eFiling, the MobiApp or e@syFile instead. Pick one available date and time. You cannot book more than 60 days ahead, or earlier than 48 hours from now. Public holidays do not count toward the 48 hours. Bookings made after 16:00 on a Thursday, or from Friday to Sunday, only show slots from the following Tuesday. Upload supporting documents (pdf, doc, docx, xls, xlsx, gif, jpg, jpeg, bmp, png or tiff; not password-protected; not larger than 5MB). If you choose Upload Later, you have 24 hours or SARS cancels the slot. Submit and keep the case or reference number. SARS sends email and SMS confirmation, then a reminder 48 hours before the appointment. Other official ways to book SARS MobiApp Tap Branch Booking on the pre-login screen, or Branch eBooking from the menu after you log in. SMS 47277 Send: Booking, a space, then your ID, passport or asylum number. Example: Booking 1234567890123 . A SARS official calls you back. This SMS service is only for taxpayers or representatives registered for Personal Income Tax. It is not available to tax practitioners. ADVERTISEMENT Contact Centre Call 0800 00 7277 and select option 0. A SARS official books the appointment for you. eFiling On your eFiling dashboard, use the Online Booking icon. It opens the same SARS appointment page. On the day Walk-in: Go to the branch on your confirmation. Bring the documents you uploaded. Late arrivals may lose the slot. Phone: Be available on the number you gave. Do not walk into a branch. Video: Join the Microsoft Teams link SARS emails. You need internet and a camera. Do not walk into a branch. You are assisted by the next available consultant. You cannot pick a specific agent unless you make a new booking. Cancel or change a booking Open the eBooking form again, complete requestor details and the CAPTCHA. Your active booking appears. Use the delete icon to cancel, then book a new slot. You cannot schedule recurring or block bookings. Tax practitioners may make multiple bookings, but only one active booking is allowed per taxpayer. Extra documents after you book If you need to add files after confirmation, use the SARS Online Query System . Put your eBooking case number in the case number field. See the official supporting-documents list for your visit reason. SARS may still ask for more. If the only reason for a branch visit is a bank-account change, first try how to update your banking details with SARS . ADVERTISEMENT Common problems Details do not validate. Retype your ID or passport exactly as SARS has it. A mismatch means no booking. No timeslots. Choose another day, another branch, or a video or phone engagement. Fully booked slots do not display. Reason not in the list. Complete the task on eFiling, the MobiApp or e@syFile. eBooking is for processes that are not fully automated. Slot cancelled. Upload documents within 24 hours. If SARS cancelled the booking, start again. You are unregistered. Register on eFiling first. SARS can then allocate a personal income tax number so you can book. Specialised units. eBooking is not offered for Large Business, High Net Worth Individual or Restricted Taxpayer Unit registrations. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today SASSA Payment Dates SASSA Change Banking Details Link: Official Guide . Tax and Revenue How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online . Social Service How to Check UIF Claim Status Online . Local Government How to Replace a Lost South African ID . ADVERTISEMENT Scam warning Book only on sars.gov.za or tools.sars.gov.za Never pay anyone to “fast-track” a SARS appointment SARS will not ask you to pay a booking fee on WhatsApp, e-wallet or a personal account Keep the official SMS or email that includes your reference or case number Frequently asked questions Do I need an appointment to visit a SARS branch? SARS tells taxpayers to book online or on the MobiApp to avoid a long queue. You are contacted after the booking is requested. Can I walk in without booking? Pop-up branches and Mobile Tax Units may take unscheduled walk-ins as well as booked visits. For a normal branch, book first. Is there a booking fee? The SARS appointment pages do not list a charge to use eBooking, the MobiApp, SMS or the Contact Centre. How far ahead can I book? No more than 60 days. The earliest slot is after 48 hours, with the Thursday-after-16:00 and weekend rule above. Official sources Make an Appointment Book an Appointment at SARS — External Guide (PDF) Branch Finder Branch appointment supporting documents SARS website Checked against SARS public pages on 30 August 2026 (ET). Screens, slot rules and branch hours can change — follow what the official form shows that day. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles SASSA Payment Dates SASSA Change Banking Details Link: Official Guide Use the official SASSA link to change your SRD banking details safely. Follow the steps and avoid . Tax and Revenue How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return Use the official SARS checker and 2026 rules to see if you must file an ITR12. . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online Book a SARS branch, video or phone slot on eBooking, MobiApp, SMS or 0800 00 7277. . Social Service How to Check UIF Claim Status Online Use UIF Online, free USSD *134*843#, or call 0800 030 007 to track your claim. . Tags South Africa Gov Services South Africa Gov Services