Discover 10 African rites of passage still practiced today, celebrating culture, identity, and tradition across generations. Across the African continent, rites of passage serve as profound cultural ceremonies marking an individual’s transition from one stage of life to another through birth, puberty, marriage, and death. Rooted in centuries of tradition, many of these rituals are still practiced today, bridging ancient heritage with modern identity. These rites of passage are more than cultural relics; they are active social instruments that mold identity, reinforce values, and maintain communal bonds. While some have evolved or faced critique under modern scrutiny, their continued practice reveals the resilience of African traditions and the enduring power of cultural heritage. Here are ten significant African rites of passage that continue to be observed in communities across the continent. 1. Imbalu (Uganda - Bagisu People) Imbalu is a public circumcision ceremony marking the transition of boys into manhood among the Bagisu people of eastern Uganda. Held every even-numbered year, this ritual involves elaborate dances, face painting, and communal celebrations. Despite modernization, the Imbalu remains a cornerstone of Bagisu cultural identity and social responsibility. 2. Sharo (Nigeria - Fulani People) Among the Fulani of northern Nigeria, the Sharo is a test of manhood where young men must endure public flogging without showing pain. It tests bravery, endurance, and readiness for adult responsibilities. Successful participants gain social respect and marriage eligibility, reaffirming traditional ideals of masculinity. 3. Ukuthwasa (South Africa - Xhosa and Zulu Communities) Ukuthwasa is a spiritual rite of passage for individuals called to become traditional healers or sangomas. It includes months of training, ancestral rituals, and purification rites. In both rural and urban settings, this initiation continues to be respected as a sacred journey into spiritual leadership. 4. Unyago (Tanzania - Swahili and Coastal Tribes) Continue Reading Full Article By Author Name Author Name Home Comment Jun 13, 2025 May 15, 2026 4 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Across the African continent, rites of passage serve as profound cultural ceremonies marking an individual’s transition from one stage of life to another through birth, puberty, marriage, and death. Rooted in centuries of tradition, many of these rituals are still practiced today, bridging ancient heritage with modern identity. These rites of passage are more than cultural relics; they are active social instruments that mold identity, reinforce values, and maintain communal bonds. While some have evolved or faced critique under modern scrutiny, their continued practice reveals the resilience of African traditions and the enduring power of cultural heritage. Here are ten significant African rites of passage that continue to be observed in communities across the continent. 1. Imbalu (Uganda - Bagisu People) Imbalu is a public circumcision ceremony marking the transition of boys into manhood among the Bagisu people of eastern Uganda. Held every even-numbered year, this ritual involves elaborate dances, face painting, and communal celebrations. Despite modernization, the Imbalu remains a cornerstone of Bagisu cultural identity and social responsibility. ADVERTISEMENT 2. Sharo (Nigeria - Fulani People) Among the Fulani of northern Nigeria, the Sharo is a test of manhood where young men must endure public flogging without showing pain. It tests bravery, endurance, and readiness for adult responsibilities. Successful participants gain social respect and marriage eligibility, reaffirming traditional ideals of masculinity. 3. Ukuthwasa (South Africa - Xhosa and Zulu Communities) Ukuthwasa is a spiritual rite of passage for individuals called to become traditional healers or sangomas. It includes months of training, ancestral rituals, and purification rites. In both rural and urban settings, this initiation continues to be respected as a sacred journey into spiritual leadership. 4. Unyago (Tanzania - Swahili and Coastal Tribes) Unyago is a female initiation rite practiced in parts of Tanzania and coastal Kenya. It includes teachings about womanhood, marital roles, fertility, and cultural values. While the ritual has evolved over time, it still plays a key role in preparing young girls for adult life. ADVERTISEMENT 5. Male Circumcision Initiation (South Africa - Xhosa People) Among the Xhosa, initiation into manhood ( ulwaluko ) involves a secluded period where boys undergo circumcision and are taught cultural values, discipline, and responsibility. Despite health concerns prompting regulation, the rite remains a pivotal cultural tradition marking male adulthood. 6. Leblouh (Mauritania) Though controversial and increasingly discouraged, leblouh is a traditional rite of passage among some communities in Mauritania where girls are force-fed to meet a cultural ideal of beauty and readiness for marriage. While fading due to health advocacy, remnants of the practice still persist in remote areas. 7. Ga Coming-of-Age Dance (Ghana - Ga People) Young girls of the Ga people participate in elaborate dances and public performances during the Homowo festival, marking their transition into womanhood. The ceremony blends music, storytelling, and intergenerational mentoring, preserving cultural pride and identity. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Health News Uganda HIV Self-Test Assembly: Prices, Jobs and Exports . Banking and Finance Absa Dubai Office: Services, Eligibility and Contacts . Business & Investment 5 Best Citizenship by Investment Programs for Africans . Scholarships 120 EAC Master’s Scholarships Open to EAC Students — How to Apply . Scholarships UCT Mastercard Foundation Scholarship 2027 Opens to Africans . ADVERTISEMENT 8. Bull Jumping (Ethiopia - Hamar Tribe) This daring ritual marks a young man's readiness for marriage. In the Hamar community, the initiate must leap across the backs of several bulls to prove strength and maturity. If successful, he gains social status and the right to start a family. The ritual remains an iconic and sacred rite in southern Ethiopia. 9. Nubian Female Tattooing (Egypt/Sudan - Nubian Tribes) In some Nubian communities, tattooing serves as a rite of passage for young girls entering adolescence. Traditionally applied to the face or hands, these markings symbolize beauty, fertility, and cultural identity. Though now practiced more selectively, it retains deep symbolic value among elders. 10. Naming Ceremonies (Across West Africa) In Yoruba, Akan, and many West African cultures, a child’s naming ceremony ( Ikomojade in Yoruba, Outdooring in Akan) is a sacred rite of passage that includes blessings, prayers, and symbolic gestures. It marks a newborn’s formal introduction into the family and community, emphasizing continuity and spiritual protection. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Health News Uganda HIV Self-Test Assembly: Prices, Jobs and Exports Mukono factory assembles OraQuick kits, but the UGX 7,000 price remains a target . Banking and Finance Absa Dubai Office: Services, Eligibility and Contacts What African businesses and Gulf investors need to know about Absa’s new DIFC office. . Business & Investment 5 Best Citizenship by Investment Programs for Africans Compare five Caribbean second-passport programs, their investment costs, family benefits.... . Scholarships 120 EAC Master’s Scholarships Open to EAC Students — How to Apply Up to 120 EAC Master’s scholarships are open to nationals of eight East African countries, . Tags Africa Africa Sharo Sharo African languages African languages African History African History Imbalu Imbalu African Culture African Culture African spiritual practices African spiritual practices Endangered African traditions Endangered African traditions

Learn why the Hadza share food, from survival and social pressure to morality, equality, and reputation in camp life. Food sharing is one of the most important parts of Hadza life . But it is often misunderstood. The Hadza, who live around Lake Eyasi in northern Tanzania, are widely known as hunter-gatherers. They hunt, gather tubers, collect berries and baobab, and search for honey. In many descriptions, their food sharing sounds simple: someone gets food, then gives some to others. The research shows something more complex. Hadza food sharing is about survival, but it is also about morality, equality, reputation, and social life. It helps people eat in an uncertain environment. It also prevents one person from turning food into power over others. Quick Facts The Hadza live in northern Tanzania, especially around the Lake Eyasi region. Food sharing is central to Hadza camp life. Large game meat is widely shared, but not simply as direct repayment. Hunters often do not fully control who receives meat from a large carcass. Sharing helps limit hoarding, inequality, and dependency. Continue Reading Full Article AFRICAN CULTURE Why the Hadza Share Food: Morality, Survival, and Social Life By Neema Asha Mwakalinga Travel & Culture Expert Neema Asha Mwakalinga Home Comment Jun 23, 2026 Jun 23, 2026 10 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Food sharing is one of the most important parts of Hadza life . But it is often misunderstood. The Hadza, who live around Lake Eyasi in northern Tanzania, are widely known as hunter-gatherers. They hunt, gather tubers, collect berries and baobab, and search for honey. In many descriptions, their food sharing sounds simple: someone gets food, then gives some to others. The research shows something more complex. Hadza food sharing is about survival, but it is also about morality, equality, reputation, and social life. It helps people eat in an uncertain environment. It also prevents one person from turning food into power over others. Quick Facts The Hadza live in northern Tanzania, especially around the Lake Eyasi region. Food sharing is central to Hadza camp life. Large game meat is widely shared, but not simply as direct repayment. Hunters often do not fully control who receives meat from a large carcass. Sharing helps limit hoarding, inequality, and dependency. Hadza men may gain reputation from hunting, even when most meat goes to others. Men also eat while away from camp, especially honey, so returning empty-handed does not always mean they failed to find food. The Hadza live in northern Tanzania, especially around the Lake Eyasi region Lake Eyasi, northern Tanzania — the ancestral homeland of the Hadza people Who Are the Hadza? The Hadza are a hunter-gatherer people of northern Tanzania. In a major study of Hadza meat sharing, Kristen Hawkes, James O’Connell, and Nicholas Blurton Jones describe them as “about 750 hunter-gatherers” living in the arid savanna woodlands southeast of Lake Eyasi (Hawkes, O’Connell & Blurton Jones, 2001, p. 116). A traditional Hadza shelter built from branches, grass, and leaves Their camps are mobile and flexible. Hawkes and colleagues observed that camps could vary by season, often becoming larger in the dry season and smaller in the wet season. This matters because food sharing happens inside real camp life, where people move, visit, claim food, help carry meat, and eat together. For language context, Hadza is listed by Glottolog as a distinct language, often discussed for its click consonants. Sharing Is Not Just Kindness It is tempting to describe Hadza food sharing as pure generosity. That is too simple.Sharing is generous, but it is also expected. It is part of how Hadza social life works. In James Woodburn’s classic study of egalitarian societies, he argues that immediate-return hunter-gatherer societies use practices that “impose sharing” and prevent accumulation (Woodburn, 1982, p. 431).That phrase is important. It means sharing is not only a private moral choice. It is also a social rule. Among the Hadza, food should not become a tool for making other people dependent. A person who hoards food while others are hungry risks violating a deep expectation of camp life. Sharing helps keep people socially close without allowing one household or hunter to dominate others. Survival in an Uncertain Environment Food sharing also helps people survive. Hunting large animals is unpredictable. A hunter may succeed one day and fail many other days. Gathered foods, honey, and meat also vary by season and place. In that kind of environment, sharing can reduce the danger of one person or household going without. Hadza gatherers collect wild tubers, an important year-round source of food in northern Tanzania. But the Hadza evidence does not support the simple idea that meat sharing is only direct repayment. Hawkes, O’Connell, and Blurton Jones tested whether Hadza meat sharing worked like risk-reduction reciprocity. In that model, a hunter shares today so others will repay him with meat later. Their conclusion was clear: Hadza meat sharing “does not fit” that simple model ( Hawkes et al. , 2001, p. 113). The reason is that better hunters did not simply receive more meat back from others. Poorer hunters were not excluded in the way a strict repayment system would predict. So survival matters, but Hadza sharing is not just a food insurance contract. ADVERTISEMENT Who Owns the Meat? One of the most important findings is that a successful hunter does not fully own the meat in the way outsiders might expect. A Hadza hunter with a traditional bow and arrow, a skill passed down through generations Hawkes and colleagues write that the “hunter does not control” the distribution of his kill (Hawkes et al., 2001, p. 113). Once a large animal is killed, news spreads quickly. People may come to the kill site. Others help butcher and carry the meat. Large carcasses attract claims. This changes the meaning of sharing. The question is not simply, “Why does a hunter give away his meat?” The better question is, “Why is a large carcass treated as something many people can claim?” Woodburn gives a strong moral explanation. Large game is exactly the kind of food that could create inequality if one person controlled it. So sharing works as a levelling force. Food, Equality, and Morality Hadza food sharing is closely tied to equality. Woodburn describes Hadza society as strongly egalitarian. In his analysis, people have direct access to food and resources, and this weakens formal authority. He even writes that, among the Hadza, “there are no household heads” in the usual authoritarian sense (Woodburn, 1982, p. 439). This does not mean everyone is identical. Some people are better hunters. Some are older, stronger, more skilled, or more knowledgeable. But food sharing helps stop these differences from becoming permanent power. Woodburn also notes that certain valued meat portions cannot be privately eaten by the hunter. He describes such an act as a “heinous offence” in Hadza terms ( Woodburn , 1982, p. 441). That detail shows that sharing is not just practical. It has moral weight. Food belongs inside a social world. A person who tries to remove it from that world can be judged harshly. Reputation and the Successful Hunter If hunters do not keep most of the meat, why hunt large animals? One answer is reputation . Hadza hunters scan the landscape from a rocky vantage point, using generations of environmental knowledge to track game and navigate the wilderness. Hawkes and colleagues suggest that a successful hunter may gain status as a desirable neighbor. People know who brought in the animal. Even if the hunter does not control all the meat, his success matters socially. This means hunting can be both economic and social. A hunter creates a food event that benefits many people. In return, he may gain respect, attention, and a stronger place in camp life. ADVERTISEMENT But this is not the same as becoming a chief or owner. The hunter’s reputation grows, while the meat still circulates. Eating Before Sharing Another misconception is that all food found by Hadza men is carried back to camp. A study by J. Colette Berbesque and colleagues is useful here. Its title says the point clearly: “Eat first, share later” (Berbesque et al., 2016, p. 281). The researchers followed Hadza men during foraging trips and found that men often ate substantial food while away from camp, especially honey. This matters because a man who comes back empty-handed may not have failed to find food. He may have eaten while out.Berbesque and colleagues warn that studies based only on what returns to camp can miss part of the picture. Sharing is real, but so is on-the-spot eating. Both need to be understood together. Food Sharing and Camp Life Hadza sharing happens in a living social setting. O’Connell, Hawkes, and Blurton Jones describe Hadza foraging as a “central-based foraging strategy” in which people move out from camp and return with food when possible (O’Connell, Hawkes & Blurton Jones, 1988, p. 116). Large animal carcasses may be butchered away from camp. Meat is transported back. Some is eaten at the kill site. Some is assigned to household areas. Some may be dried or traded. The process is not a neat private transaction between one hunter and one recipient. It is social, visible, and often public. Common Misconceptions The Hadza Share Because They Are Naturally Generous This is too simple. Sharing includes generosity, but it is also shaped by social expectation, moral pressure, and the need to prevent hoarding. Hadza Sharing Is Just Direct Reciprocity The strongest meat-sharing evidence does not support this. Hawkes and colleagues found that Hadza meat sharing did not match a simple meat-for-meat repayment model. The Hunter Owns the Carcass Completely The evidence suggests otherwise. Once a large carcass is known, the hunter does not fully control distribution. Empty-Handed Means Unsuccessful Not always. Berbesque and colleagues show that Hadza men may eat a large amount while foraging away from camp. Why Hadza Food Sharing Matters Hadza food sharing matters because it shows how food can hold a society together. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Travel and Immigration Barrick Confirms Tanzania’s 15-Year North Mara Mining Licence Renewal . Travel Guide Stone Town Travel Guide: History, Food and a Walking Route . Travel Guide Mafia Island Travel Guide: Diving, Whale Sharks and When to Go . African Culture Nyerere vs Ruaha: Choosing a Southern Tanzania Safari . African Culture Tanzania Visa and Entry Requirements: What Travellers Need . ADVERTISEMENT It is about calories, but not only calories. It is about who can claim food, who can refuse, who gains respect, and who is prevented from becoming too powerful. It helps people survive uncertainty while also protecting equality. For the Hadza, sharing is not a soft extra added after survival. It is part of survival itself. The Hadza share food because sharing helps people live together in a difficult and uncertain environment. But survival is only part of the answer. Sharing also expresses a moral system. It limits hoarding. It protects equality. It makes reputation visible without allowing one person to turn food into lasting authority. That is why Hadza food sharing is so powerful. It is not only about who eats today. It is about what kind of society people are able to keep alive. Sources and Further Reading Hawkes, Kristen; O’Connell, James F.; Blurton Jones, Nicholas G. (2001). “ Hadza Meat Sharing .” Evolution and Human Behavior, 22(2), 113–142. Woodburn, James (1982). “ Egalitarian Societie s.” Man, New Series, 17(3), 431–451 Berbesque, J. Colette; Wood, Brian M.; Crittenden, Alyssa N.; Mabulla, Audax; Marlowe, Frank W. (2016). “Eat First, Share Later: Hadza Hunter-Gatherer Men Consume More While Foraging Than in Central Places.” Evolution and Human Behavior , 37(4), 281–286. O’Connell, James F.; Hawkes, Kristen; Blurton Jones, Nicholas G. (1988). “ Hadza Hunting , Butchering, and Bone Transport and Their Archaeological Implications.” Journal of Anthropological Research, 44(2), 113–161. UNESCO. “Empowering Indigenous Knowledge: UNESCO Launches Intersectoral Project with Hadzabe Community in Tanzania .” ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Travel and Immigration Barrick Confirms Tanzania’s 15-Year North Mara Mining Licence Renewal The renewal supports long-term planning, but no new investment or hiring target has been announced. . Travel Guide Stone Town Travel Guide: History, Food and a Walking Route Stone Town occupies the western side of Unguja, the main island in the Zanzibar archipelago . Travel Guide Mafia Island Travel Guide: Diving, Whale Sharks and When to Go Plan Mafia Island by coast and season, with diving, whale sharks, transport, fees and places to stay. . African Culture Nyerere vs Ruaha: Choosing a Southern Tanzania Safari Compare wildlife, activities, access and costs before choosing Tanzania’s southern safari park. . Tags Visit Tanzania Visit Tanzania Tanzania Tanzania The Hadza Tribe The Hadza Tribe African Culture African Culture

Naeto C says marriage, fatherhood and life priorities influenced his decision to put his music career on hold. Nigerian rapper and entrepreneur Naetochukwu Chikwe, popularly known as Naeto C, has explained why he chose to pause his music career at the height of its popularity, citing family responsibilities and personal life choices. Speaking on the matter, Naeto C said his decision was influenced largely by major milestones in his personal life. He noted that getting married in 2012 and welcoming his first child the following year led him to reassess his long-term priorities and the lifestyle he envisioned for himself and his family. According to the rapper, he did not believe that continuing to focus fully on music at that stage would provide the stability or future he wanted. He added that music was never a carefully structured career plan but rather a path he followed out of passion and natural talent. Naeto C explained that his entry into music was driven by his love for the art and his ability to create songs that resonated with audiences, rather than a long-term ambition to remain a full-time musician. He also shared that attempts to return to recording over the years have often been disrupted by unexpected personal events, which further deepened his uncertainty about whether music was meant to remain his primary focus. Despite stepping away from the industry, Naeto C said he continues to encounter fans who remind him of the impact his music had on their lives. These interactions, he noted, leave him conflicted between nostalgia for his musical past and the realities of his present responsibilities. The rapper’s comments offer insight into the personal considerations behind his absence from the music scene, underscoring how family life and evolving priorities shaped his career decisions. Source: Tribune Online Continue Reading Full Article ENTERTAINMENT Naeto C Explains Why He Stepped Back From Music Career By Witty Pascal Entertainment Editor Witty Pascal Home Comment Dec 22, 2025 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Nigerian rapper and entrepreneur Naetochukwu Chikwe, popularly known as Naeto C, has explained why he chose to pause his music career at the height of its popularity, citing family responsibilities and personal life choices. Speaking on the matter, Naeto C said his decision was influenced largely by major milestones in his personal life. He noted that getting married in 2012 and welcoming his first child the following year led him to reassess his long-term priorities and the lifestyle he envisioned for himself and his family. According to the rapper, he did not believe that continuing to focus fully on music at that stage would provide the stability or future he wanted. He added that music was never a carefully structured career plan but rather a path he followed out of passion and natural talent. ADVERTISEMENT Naeto C explained that his entry into music was driven by his love for the art and his ability to create songs that resonated with audiences, rather than a long-term ambition to remain a full-time musician. He also shared that attempts to return to recording over the years have often been disrupted by unexpected personal events, which further deepened his uncertainty about whether music was meant to remain his primary focus. ADVERTISEMENT Despite stepping away from the industry, Naeto C said he continues to encounter fans who remind him of the impact his music had on their lives. These interactions, he noted, leave him conflicted between nostalgia for his musical past and the realities of his present responsibilities. The rapper’s comments offer insight into the personal considerations behind his absence from the music scene, underscoring how family life and evolving priorities shaped his career decisions. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Biography Poco Lee Biography: Age, Real Name, Dance Career and Songs . Biography Eric Omondi Biography: Comedy, Activism and Public Life . Biography Who Is Snit Habteab, Eritrea’s Miss World Trailblazer? . Entertainment Poco Lee UK Case Sparks Consent Debate Among Nigerian Stars . Entertainment FOLA Leads 2026 Headies Nominations Ahead of Toronto . ADVERTISEMENT Source: Tribune Online ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Biography Poco Lee Biography: Age, Real Name, Dance Career and Songs Inside the Nigerian dancer’s rise from Ojo street shows to Afrobeats stages, music and global fame. . Biography Eric Omondi Biography: Comedy, Activism and Public Life How Eric Omondi rose through Churchill Show and became a prominent Kenyan activist. . Biography Who Is Snit Habteab, Eritrea’s Miss World Trailblazer? The neuroscientist and educator became Eritrea’s first Miss World entrant and reached the Top 6 . Entertainment Poco Lee UK Case Sparks Consent Debate Among Nigerian Stars The dancer faces five sexual offence charges and returns to court on September 15. . Tags Entertainment Entertainment Nigerian Entertainment Nigerian Entertainment Nigeria Nigeria

Rwandan opposition urges US Congress to list M23 as a terrorist group, citing UN-documented atrocities in eastern DRC and alleged Rwandan support. The Rwandan opposition has called on the United States Congress to formally list the M23 rebel movement as a terrorist organisation, citing UN-documented atrocities in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. On 14 August 2025, following new US sanctions against armed groups in the DRC and certain Chinese companies, a coalition of Rwandan opposition parties submitted a letter to the US Senate. The correspondence expressed solidarity with the Congolese people and urged that the M23 — officially known as the AFC-M23 — be added to Washington’s list of foreign terrorist organisations. The move aligns with the DRC government’s 2021 decision to classify the M23 as a terrorist group after its capture of the strategic border town of Bunagana. The joint letter, reviewed by XTRAfrica, was signed by opposition leaders and several Rwandan civil society organisations. It urges US lawmakers to: Officially designate the AFC-M23 as a terrorist organisation under US law. End all security and military cooperation with the government of Rwanda, including Kigali’s role in UN peacekeeping operations. Strengthen international judicial cooperation to prosecute perpetrators and accomplices of crimes in the DRC. Support a comprehensive peace plan for the Great Lakes region based on democracy, human rights, justice, and reconciliation. The correspondence cites evidence from the United Nations, international NGOs, and media investigations linking the M23 to serious violations of international humanitarian and human rights law. Reported abuses include: Mass killings and executions — UN sources say more than 3,000 civilians were killed after the M23’s capture of Goma in 2012, with at least 319 deaths reported in July 2025 in areas including Kishishe, Rutshuru, Masisi, and Goma. Continue Reading Full Article DRC PEACE EFFORT Rwandan Opposition Urges US to Designate M23 as Terrorist Group By Guerson Nabushi Nyonkourou Political Analyst Guerson Nabushi Nyonkourou Home Comment Aug 14, 2025 May 15, 2026 4 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: The Rwandan opposition has called on the United States Congress to formally list the M23 rebel movement as a terrorist organisation, citing UN-documented atrocities in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. On 14 August 2025, following new US sanctions against armed groups in the DRC and certain Chinese companies, a coalition of Rwandan opposition parties submitted a letter to the US Senate. The correspondence expressed solidarity with the Congolese people and urged that the M23 — officially known as the AFC-M23 — be added to Washington’s list of foreign terrorist organisations. The move aligns with the DRC government’s 2021 decision to classify the M23 as a terrorist group after its capture of the strategic border town of Bunagana. ADVERTISEMENT The joint letter, reviewed by XTRAfrica, was signed by opposition leaders and several Rwandan civil society organisations. It urges US lawmakers to: Officially designate the AFC-M23 as a terrorist organisation under US law. End all security and military cooperation with the government of Rwanda, including Kigali’s role in UN peacekeeping operations. Strengthen international judicial cooperation to prosecute perpetrators and accomplices of crimes in the DRC. Support a comprehensive peace plan for the Great Lakes region based on democracy, human rights, justice, and reconciliation. The correspondence cites evidence from the United Nations, international NGOs, and media investigations linking the M23 to serious violations of international humanitarian and human rights law. Reported abuses include: Mass killings and executions — UN sources say more than 3,000 civilians were killed after the M23’s capture of Goma in 2012, with at least 319 deaths reported in July 2025 in areas including Kishishe, Rutshuru, Masisi, and Goma. Attacks on UN peacekeepers — resulting in the deaths of several MONUSCO personnel. Enforced disappearances and hostage-taking — including arbitrary arrests and secret detentions documented in Goma and Bukavu (Amnesty International). Torture and public beatings — allegedly aimed at intimidating local populations. Recruitment of child soldiers — confirmed by UN reports. Assaults on hospitals — including abductions of patients and medical staff. Sexual violence — systematic targeting of women and underage girls. Looting and forced displacement of entire communities. Bombing of civilian areas and IDP camps — killing over 100 people in seven months (HRW, OCHA) The opposition groups argue that such crimes could not have been carried out at this scale without what they describe as the “direct logistical, military, and political support” of Rwanda’s government, allegations that Kigali has consistently denied. ADVERTISEMENT Regional and Diplomatic Context The M23 rebellion has been a central driver of instability in eastern DRC for over a decade. Kinshasa has repeatedly accused Rwanda of backing the group, a claim supported by multiple UN Group of Experts reports. Kigali maintains it has no operational control over M23 and frames its involvement in the region as defensive. The DRC government continues to call for regional and international partners to prioritise transparency in resource trade and to uphold international law in conflict resolution. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Policy and Reforms US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . War in Eastern DRC Muyaya: Congo's War Has Nothing to Do With the Constitution . Infrastructure DRC Signs Contracts to Modernise 13 Airports, First Deliveries in 2028 . Economic Reports DRC and IMF Reach Staff-Level Deal on Programme Reviews . | Economy DRC Opens London Forum Seeking Partnerships, Not Aid . ADVERTISEMENT The US has yet to respond publicly to the Rwandan opposition’s request. If adopted, the designation could trigger asset freezes, travel bans, and restrictions on any entity found to be providing material support to the group. Observers say the move could also add new diplomatic pressure on Kigali ahead of regional peace talks aimed at ending the fighting in North Kivu and Ituri provinces. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Policy and Reforms US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty Will Democrats support Kagame after the 2026 midterms? Blinken's statements, Biden's Rwanda policy . War in Eastern DRC Muyaya: Congo's War Has Nothing to Do With the Constitution In London, the DRC government spokesperson rejects constitutional politics as a cause of the eastern . Infrastructure DRC Signs Contracts to Modernise 13 Airports, First Deliveries in 2028 Four firms will rebuild runways and terminals from Kalemie to Muanda under a Treasury-funded plan . Economic Reports DRC and IMF Reach Staff-Level Deal on Programme Reviews Board vote set for December; minister says up to $771 million could follow if approved . Tags DR.Congo DR.Congo Rwanda Rwanda M23 Rebels News M23 Rebels News

Kalybos and wife Antwiwaa welcome their first child, sharing joyful news with fans on the actor’s birthday. Ghanaian actor and comedian Richard Kweku Asante, popularly known as Kalybos , has announced the birth of his first child with his wife, Antwiwaa. The “Boy Abrɛ” star shared the news on Monday, April 27, 2026, a date that also coincided with his birthday, making the occasion even more significant. According to details from the report, Kalybos revealed the development through a social media post, where he expressed gratitude and joy over the new addition to his family. In the message, he described the child as a blessing and acknowledged his faith. “+1 Today with another blessing from above already added to my LIFE. Indeed, God did,” he wrote. An image shared alongside the announcement, seen on page 2 of the report , shows the actor holding a baby carrier next to a balloon with the inscription “Welcome Baby,” highlighting the celebratory mood surrounding the news. While the actor did not disclose the gender of the child, the announcement quickly gained attention online, drawing congratulatory messages from fans and fellow entertainers. The milestone comes nearly three years after Kalybos and Antwiwaa held their wedding in November 2023, a ceremony attended by several celebrities. Source: Kofi Agyeman Continue Reading Full Article ENTERTAINMENT Kalybos Welcomes First Child With Wife Antwiwaa By Witty Pascal Entertainment Editor Witty Pascal Home Comment Apr 29, 2026 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Ghanaian actor and comedian Richard Kweku Asante, popularly known as Kalybos , has announced the birth of his first child with his wife, Antwiwaa. The “Boy Abrɛ” star shared the news on Monday, April 27, 2026, a date that also coincided with his birthday, making the occasion even more significant. According to details from the report, Kalybos revealed the development through a social media post, where he expressed gratitude and joy over the new addition to his family. In the message, he described the child as a blessing and acknowledged his faith. ADVERTISEMENT “+1 Today with another blessing from above already added to my LIFE. Indeed, God did,” he wrote. An image shared alongside the announcement, seen on page 2 of the report , shows the actor holding a baby carrier next to a balloon with the inscription “Welcome Baby,” highlighting the celebratory mood surrounding the news. ADVERTISEMENT While the actor did not disclose the gender of the child, the announcement quickly gained attention online, drawing congratulatory messages from fans and fellow entertainers. The milestone comes nearly three years after Kalybos and Antwiwaa held their wedding in November 2023, a ceremony attended by several celebrities. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Biography Poco Lee Biography: Age, Real Name, Dance Career and Songs . Biography Eric Omondi Biography: Comedy, Activism and Public Life . Biography Who Is Snit Habteab, Eritrea’s Miss World Trailblazer? . Entertainment Poco Lee UK Case Sparks Consent Debate Among Nigerian Stars . Entertainment FOLA Leads 2026 Headies Nominations Ahead of Toronto . ADVERTISEMENT Source: Kofi Agyeman ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Biography Poco Lee Biography: Age, Real Name, Dance Career and Songs Inside the Nigerian dancer’s rise from Ojo street shows to Afrobeats stages, music and global fame. . Biography Eric Omondi Biography: Comedy, Activism and Public Life How Eric Omondi rose through Churchill Show and became a prominent Kenyan activist. . Biography Who Is Snit Habteab, Eritrea’s Miss World Trailblazer? The neuroscientist and educator became Eritrea’s first Miss World entrant and reached the Top 6 . Entertainment Poco Lee UK Case Sparks Consent Debate Among Nigerian Stars The dancer faces five sexual offence charges and returns to court on September 15. . Tags Entertainment Entertainment Ghana Ghana

Police say Jabulile Ntimba's killing appears separately motivated as three suspects face court in the ninth Ekurhuleni case. EKURHULENI, South Africa — Police say the killing of Jabulile Ntimba, the ninth woman added to the wider Ekurhuleni investigation, appears to have a separate motive involving a personal relationship. One man and two women arrested in connection with her death appeared in the Boksburg Magistrate's Court on Monday. The update is important because it weakens the assumption that every death under review has the same offender or motive. Police are still investigating all nine cases through a strengthened multidisciplinary team, but they have repeatedly said the evidence has not established a single serial killer. Police have not confirmed that they are. Deputy National Police Commissioner Tebello Mosikili said the ninth case, involving Jabulile Ntimba, appears connected to a personal relationship dispute. Three people were arrested in that case, while investigations into the other deaths continue separately. What police said about the ninth case Deputy National Police Commissioner Tebello Mosikili said the death of Ntimba appears linked to what police described as a love triangle, according to SABC News . That is an investigative assessment, not a court finding. Ntimba's body was found in Villa Liza near Dawn Park on 17 September. Members of the Gauteng Murder and Robbery Unit arrested one man and two women over the weekend. SABC's earlier report attributed the arrests to national police spokesperson Brigadier Athlenda Mathe. The three suspects appeared in the Boksburg Magistrate's Court on Monday, according to The South African . Accessible reporting at XTRAfrica's cutoff did not provide a charge sheet, plea, bail ruling or next court date. Their identities and precise charges should not be inferred before the court record is available. An arrest is not proof of guilt. The state's allegations must still be tested in court. Why this changes the wider Ekurhuleni story Public discussion has often grouped the nine deaths together because bodies were found across Ekurhuleni over roughly two months. Similarities in some scenes prompted a coordinated investigation, but police have also reported different methods and possible motives. Continue Reading Full Article JUSTICE & CRIME Ninth Ekurhuleni Case Appears Separately Motivated By Kamau Bahati Entertainment Editor Kamau Bahati Home Comment Sep 21, 2026 Sep 21, 2026 4 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: EKURHULENI, South Africa — Police say the killing of Jabulile Ntimba, the ninth woman added to the wider Ekurhuleni investigation, appears to have a separate motive involving a personal relationship. One man and two women arrested in connection with her death appeared in the Boksburg Magistrate's Court on Monday. The update is important because it weakens the assumption that every death under review has the same offender or motive. Police are still investigating all nine cases through a strengthened multidisciplinary team, but they have repeatedly said the evidence has not established a single serial killer. Police have not confirmed that they are. Deputy National Police Commissioner Tebello Mosikili said the ninth case, involving Jabulile Ntimba, appears connected to a personal relationship dispute. Three people were arrested in that case, while investigations into the other deaths continue separately. What police said about the ninth case Deputy National Police Commissioner Tebello Mosikili said the death of Ntimba appears linked to what police described as a love triangle, according to SABC News . That is an investigative assessment, not a court finding. Ntimba's body was found in Villa Liza near Dawn Park on 17 September. Members of the Gauteng Murder and Robbery Unit arrested one man and two women over the weekend. SABC's earlier report attributed the arrests to national police spokesperson Brigadier Athlenda Mathe. ADVERTISEMENT The three suspects appeared in the Boksburg Magistrate's Court on Monday, according to The South African . Accessible reporting at XTRAfrica's cutoff did not provide a charge sheet, plea, bail ruling or next court date. Their identities and precise charges should not be inferred before the court record is available. An arrest is not proof of guilt. The state's allegations must still be tested in court. Why this changes the wider Ekurhuleni story Public discussion has often grouped the nine deaths together because bodies were found across Ekurhuleni over roughly two months. Similarities in some scenes prompted a coordinated investigation, but police have also reported different methods and possible motives. The new disclosure about Ntimba's case is the clearest public indication that at least one investigation may follow a distinct path. It does not rule out links among any of the other cases, and it does not solve the broader pattern. XTRAfrica's earlier Kempton Park investigation explainer documented why police were comparing the cases while warning against declaring a serial offender without evidence. A later report explained the forensic evidence police disclosed in several Kempton Park cases. The government's latest emergency response update raised the confirmed investigation count to nine and set out national coordination, expanded deployments and support for families. ADVERTISEMENT The investigative team has been strengthened Acting Police Minister Firoz Cachalia said the multidisciplinary team is now headed by Lieutenant-General Hilda Senthumule. KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi and Crime Intelligence head Lieutenant-General Dumisani Khumalo are assisting, The South African reported. The South African government's emergency strategy also calls for national detective coordination, intensified Operation Shanela deployments, environmental safety measures and support for affected families. SABC reported that police have forensic, data and fingerprint specialists working on the cases. Those tools can help establish whether locations, communications, vehicles, DNA or other evidence connect particular investigations. The presence of a national team should not be read as proof that the deaths share a perpetrator. It allows authorities to compare evidence while still investigating different motives. What remains unconfirmed Police have not publicly established that one person or group is responsible for all nine deaths. One victim remained unidentified in the government's latest briefing, while another name was withheld until relatives could be informed. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Government Announcements Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Political Appointments Muhoozi Clarifies Uganda CDF Exit Plan: Has He Resigned? . Agriculture Morocco Tomato Export Restrictions: Africa and Europe Explained . Investment Kenya Plans $500M Startup Fund: How It Could Work . Business Trends Killarney Mall Transfer Completed in R397.5 Million Deal . ADVERTISEMENT The tenth body found in Soweto over the weekend is being handled as an inquest. Mosikili confirmed its discovery, but police had not linked it to the Ekurhuleni cases by the cutoff. Social-media posts naming supposed suspects or circulating graphic images should not be treated as evidence. The government has warned against sharing unverified material, which can harm families and compromise investigations. The next reliable milestones are the Boksburg court record, formal charges, any bail decision and a police statement explaining how evidence supports the alleged motive. Investigators must also continue identifying victims and testing possible connections among the remaining cases. For readers, the safest summary is precise: three people have been arrested in Ntimba's death, police say that case appears separately motivated, and the wider Ekurhuleni investigation remains open. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Government Announcements Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next Signed environmental grants put local delivery, community ownership and accountability in focus. . Political Appointments Muhoozi Clarifies Uganda CDF Exit Plan: Has He Resigned? Muhoozi says he may hand over Uganda's military command but has not announced a resignation date. . Agriculture Morocco Tomato Export Restrictions: Africa and Europe Explained New permits reportedly frozen, European shipments exempt; West African markets face uncertainty. . Investment Kenya Plans $500M Startup Fund: How It Could Work Kenya's NIFC wants to raise $500m for startups, with half targeted at technology and AI businesses. . Tags Breaking News Breaking News South Africa South Africa

Check Kenya Power's 5 November maintenance areas, scheduled hours and official outage-reporting options for five counties. Kenya Power has scheduled electricity interruptions in selected parts of five counties for Thursday, 5 November 2026. The maintenance notice covers Nairobi, Kisii and Kiambu from 09:00 to 17:00 , and parts of Mombasa and Kilifi from 09:00 to 16:00 , all in East Africa Time. The notice identifies particular roads, shopping centres and surrounding customers. It does not announce a shutdown across all five counties. K24's report of the Kenya Power notice , published on Wednesday evening, sets out the planned interruptions. Which areas face Kenya Power maintenance on 5 November? Selected localities in Nairobi, Kisii and Kiambu are scheduled for interruptions from 09:00 to 17:00 EAT. Listed areas in Mombasa and Kilifi have a 09:00–16:00 window. These are planned hours for named locations and adjacent customers, not countywide outage declarations. Scheduled hours by county The following locality lists follow the published maintenance notice . Each section also includes adjacent customers, a term that does not give a street-by-street boundary for every property. Nairobi: Westlands and Ngong Road areas The Westlands section names parts of Muthithi Road and Westlands Road, Chiromo Road, Mpaka Road and ABC Place. The Ngong Road and Dagoretti Corner section names BM Security, part of Ngando, Nairobi Chapel, part of Jamhuri Estate, Racecourse, Dagoretti Corner, Talanta Stadium, Agricultural Society of Kenya, Ayany Estate and Rubis Petrol Station. Both Nairobi sections carry the same eight-hour maintenance window. A business or resident elsewhere in Westlands should check the named roads rather than assume that the whole neighbourhood is included. Continue Reading Full Article ENERGY AND POWER Kenya Power Maintenance: Areas Affected on 5 November By Kamau Bahati Entertainment Editor Kamau Bahati Home Comment Nov 5, 2026 Nov 5, 2026 5 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Kenya Power has scheduled electricity interruptions in selected parts of five counties for Thursday, 5 November 2026. The maintenance notice covers Nairobi, Kisii and Kiambu from 09:00 to 17:00 , and parts of Mombasa and Kilifi from 09:00 to 16:00 , all in East Africa Time. The notice identifies particular roads, shopping centres and surrounding customers. It does not announce a shutdown across all five counties. K24's report of the Kenya Power notice , published on Wednesday evening, sets out the planned interruptions. Which areas face Kenya Power maintenance on 5 November? Selected localities in Nairobi, Kisii and Kiambu are scheduled for interruptions from 09:00 to 17:00 EAT. Listed areas in Mombasa and Kilifi have a 09:00–16:00 window. These are planned hours for named locations and adjacent customers, not countywide outage declarations. Scheduled hours by county County Listed area Scheduled hours, EAT Nairobi Westlands; Ngong Road and Dagoretti Corner localities 09:00–17:00 Kisii Gesusu and Masimba localities 09:00–17:00 Kiambu Gitaru Shopping Centre 09:00–17:00 Mombasa Marimani and Bwagamoyo localities 09:00–16:00 Kilifi Majengo and Barani localities in Malindi 09:00–16:00 The following locality lists follow the published maintenance notice . Each section also includes adjacent customers, a term that does not give a street-by-street boundary for every property. Nairobi: Westlands and Ngong Road areas The Westlands section names parts of Muthithi Road and Westlands Road, Chiromo Road, Mpaka Road and ABC Place. ADVERTISEMENT The Ngong Road and Dagoretti Corner section names BM Security, part of Ngando, Nairobi Chapel, part of Jamhuri Estate, Racecourse, Dagoretti Corner, Talanta Stadium, Agricultural Society of Kenya, Ayany Estate and Rubis Petrol Station. Both Nairobi sections carry the same eight-hour maintenance window. A business or resident elsewhere in Westlands should check the named roads rather than assume that the whole neighbourhood is included. Kisii: Gesusu and Masimba The Kisii list includes Gesusu Market, Nyayo Ward Hospital, Gesusu High School, Nyamesocho Secondary, Geteri Secondary, Olemilili Secondary, Ebiosi Secondary, Masimba Market, Kiomiti Booster, Riochungo Market, Metembe Secondary, Ramasha and Ekona. These names identify the affected supply areas. Their appearance in an electricity notice does not, by itself, establish that a hospital, school or other institution is closing or cancelling its services. Kiambu: Gitaru Gitaru Shopping Centre and adjacent customers are listed for the 09:00–17:00 interruption. The notice does not describe this as an interruption throughout Kiambu County. Mombasa: Marimani and Bwagamoyo Listed locations are Kibunga, Hussein Dairy, Marimani, Colorado Dumping Site, Mbilikani Primary, Kinunguna Primary, Pangani, Bwagamoyo, Voroni, Mitsanjeni and Rea. The scheduled end time here is 16:00, one hour earlier than the Nairobi, Kisii and Kiambu sections. ADVERTISEMENT Kilifi: Majengo and Barani The Malindi-area list names Malindi Complex, Malindi Police, Naivas Supermarket, Malindi Casino, Co-op Bank, Stars & Cutters, Maimuno Hospital, Majengo, Barani and Sea View Hotel. Tuko's report also reproduces the five-county schedule. The interruption concerns these named localities and nearby customers, rather than all of Kilifi. What the maintenance times mean for customers The timetable is a planning notice. It does not provide live confirmation that electricity has gone off at every listed premises, nor does it establish that supply has returned when the scheduled end time arrives. Customers arranging work, shopping or appointments should therefore distinguish the published maintenance window from the position at a particular address. For example, a Nairobi entry ending at 17:00 describes the planned duration; it should not be treated as a verified restoration update. The notice also does not state an investment value, new generating capacity or new household connections. This is a maintenance interruption, not evidence that a new electricity project has opened. Its immediate importance is practical: helping people in the listed areas organise activities that depend on power. Where an address falls near a listed location but is not named, ask Kenya Power to clarify coverage using the account or meter details. The phrase “adjacent customers” alone cannot settle whether a particular building is included. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Government Announcements Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Political Appointments Muhoozi Clarifies Uganda CDF Exit Plan: Has He Resigned? . Agriculture Morocco Tomato Export Restrictions: Africa and Europe Explained . Investment Kenya Plans $500M Startup Fund: How It Could Work . Business Trends Killarney Mall Transfer Completed in R397.5 Million Deal . ADVERTISEMENT How to check or report a power interruption Kenya Power's customer-support guidance says its MyPower application includes planned interruption information and a power-failure reporting function. This provides a utility channel to consult alongside the dated notice. Customers can also dial *977# , choose Report incidences , select the power-outage option and follow the prompts. The utility's self-service guidance explains that incident reporting generates a complaint reference for follow-up. Keep that reference if a further enquiry is needed. The same official guidance lists 97771 as a contact number. When reporting a problem, give the relevant account or meter information and explain whether the issue concerns the listed maintenance period or an interruption continuing afterwards. Before relying on the timetable for a critical appointment or business activity, check Kenya Power's latest communication. A dated maintenance list is useful advance information, but only a subsequent update or confirmation for the premises can establish the current supply position. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Government Announcements Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next Signed environmental grants put local delivery, community ownership and accountability in focus. . Political Appointments Muhoozi Clarifies Uganda CDF Exit Plan: Has He Resigned? Muhoozi says he may hand over Uganda's military command but has not announced a resignation date. . Agriculture Morocco Tomato Export Restrictions: Africa and Europe Explained New permits reportedly frozen, European shipments exempt; West African markets face uncertainty. . Investment Kenya Plans $500M Startup Fund: How It Could Work Kenya's NIFC wants to raise $500m for startups, with half targeted at technology and AI businesses. . Tags Breaking News Breaking News Uganda Uganda

South Kivu authorities raise alarm over an alleged Rwandan camp in Mumosho near Bukavu, with no response yet from Kigali. South Kivu authorities have raised alarm over reports of an alleged Rwandan military camp in Mumosho , near Bukavu, in an area said to be under AFC-M23 control . In a statement dated April 20, provincial officials said the claim was based on testimonies gathered from local residents and described the reported presence as a possible new security concern in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. According to the provincial spokesperson, Luganywa-Bashizi Didier Kabé, the alleged site is located in Mumosho, in Kabare chiefdom, only a few kilometers from Bukavu. Authorities said the area holds strategic importance and warned that, if confirmed, the development could mark a further deterioration in the security situation in South Kivu. At this stage, however, the allegation remains unverified by major independent international outlets. The next step will likely depend on whether Kinshasa, Kigali, AFC-M23 , or international monitors provide evidence or an official response. The wider context remains highly sensitive: Human Rights Watch has recently documented M23 control and abuses in parts of South Kivu, while the U.S. State Department said in March it was sanctioning the Rwanda Defense Force for direct operational support to M23. Those broader findings do not independently confirm the specific Mumosho camp claim, but they help explain why the allegation is drawing close attention. No official reaction from Kigali had been recorded in the source report, and AFC-M23 had not publicly commented at the time of publication. Until further confirmation emerges, the claim remains an allegation reported by provincial authorities and attributed to local testimonies. Continue Reading Full Article JUSTICE & CRIME South Kivu warns of alleged RDF Mumosho camp near Bukavu By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Apr 21, 2026 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: South Kivu authorities have raised alarm over reports of an alleged Rwandan military camp in Mumosho , near Bukavu, in an area said to be under AFC-M23 control . In a statement dated April 20, provincial officials said the claim was based on testimonies gathered from local residents and described the reported presence as a possible new security concern in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. According to the provincial spokesperson, Luganywa-Bashizi Didier Kabé, the alleged site is located in Mumosho, in Kabare chiefdom, only a few kilometers from Bukavu. Authorities said the area holds strategic importance and warned that, if confirmed, the development could mark a further deterioration in the security situation in South Kivu. At this stage, however, the allegation remains unverified by major independent international outlets. ADVERTISEMENT The next step will likely depend on whether Kinshasa, Kigali, AFC-M23 , or international monitors provide evidence or an official response. The wider context remains highly sensitive: Human Rights Watch has recently documented M23 control and abuses in parts of South Kivu, while the U.S. State Department said in March it was sanctioning the Rwanda Defense Force for direct operational support to M23. Those broader findings do not independently confirm the specific Mumosho camp claim, but they help explain why the allegation is drawing close attention. ADVERTISEMENT No official reaction from Kigali had been recorded in the source report, and AFC-M23 had not publicly commented at the time of publication. Until further confirmation emerges, the claim remains an allegation reported by provincial authorities and attributed to local testimonies. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Policy and Reforms US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . War in Eastern DRC Muyaya: Congo's War Has Nothing to Do With the Constitution . Infrastructure DRC Signs Contracts to Modernise 13 Airports, First Deliveries in 2028 . Economic Reports DRC and IMF Reach Staff-Level Deal on Programme Reviews . | Economy DRC Opens London Forum Seeking Partnerships, Not Aid . ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Policy and Reforms US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty Will Democrats support Kagame after the 2026 midterms? Blinken's statements, Biden's Rwanda policy . War in Eastern DRC Muyaya: Congo's War Has Nothing to Do With the Constitution In London, the DRC government spokesperson rejects constitutional politics as a cause of the eastern . Infrastructure DRC Signs Contracts to Modernise 13 Airports, First Deliveries in 2028 Four firms will rebuild runways and terminals from Kalemie to Muanda under a Treasury-funded plan . Economic Reports DRC and IMF Reach Staff-Level Deal on Programme Reviews Board vote set for December; minister says up to $771 million could follow if approved . Tags DR.Congo DR.Congo Rwanda Rwanda Wazalendo DRC Wazalendo DRC African Union African Union DRC Peace Efforts DRC Peace Efforts

Jean-Pierre Bemba biography: his age, family, MLC rebellion, 2006 election, ICC acquittal, separate conviction and DRC political career in 2026. Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo is one of the Democratic Republic of the Congo's most consequential and controversial political figures. He moved from business into armed rebellion during the Second Congo War, became one of four vice-presidents during the country's postwar transition, contested a presidential election against Joseph Kabila, and spent almost a decade in detention connected to proceedings at the International Criminal Court (ICC). Today, he is back at the centre of government. As of 13 October 2026, the DRC lists him as deputy prime minister and minister responsible for transport and communication routes. His renewed confrontation with former president Kabila in October 2026 has brought their decades-long rivalry back into national debate. Who is Jean-Pierre Bemba? Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo is a Congolese politician and founder of the Movement for the Liberation of the Congo. Born on 4 November 1962, he was a rebel commander, transitional vice-president and 2006 presidential runner-up. The ICC acquitted him of war-crimes and crimes-against-humanity charges in 2018, while a separate witness-interference conviction remained in force. Why Jean-Pierre Bemba is back in the political conversation The latest chapter in Bemba's public life is a sharp disagreement with Joseph Kabila, the president he challenged in 2006. Following Kabila's address of 9 October 2026, Bemba issued a statement challenging the former president's account of his years in power and accusing him of acting against Congolese interests. XTRAfrica's 12 October report on Bemba's response records the criticism and notes that its accusations are Bemba's political claims, not independently established judicial findings. Ouragan's contemporaneous reporting likewise identifies the public dispute and Bemba's defence of the current government's record. The disagreement is important because it joins two histories: their earlier rivalry as opposing political and military leaders, and Bemba's present position inside the government of President Félix Tshisekedi. It does not, by itself, prove any of Bemba's allegations about Kabila, Rwanda or the M23 rebellion. The DRC prime minister's official government roster confirms that Bemba is a deputy prime minister overseeing transport. That makes his intervention more than an exchange between two retired rivals: he is speaking as a party leader who also holds current executive office. This biography follows how he reached that position, including the court rulings that continue to shape discussion of his past. Birth, age and family connections in the Mobutu-era Congo Bemba was born on 4 November 1962 in Bokada , in the area now known as Nord-Ubangi, in the northwest of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. He was 63 years old on 13 October 2026 , shortly before his 64th birthday. His full public name is Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo. The DRC transport ministry's biographical account supplies both the birth details and his later career chronology. Continue Reading Full Article BIOGRAPHY Jean-Pierre Bemba Biography: Age, ICC Case, Family and Career By Kamau Bahati Entertainment Editor Kamau Bahati Home Comment Oct 14, 2026 Oct 14, 2026 26 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo is one of the Democratic Republic of the Congo's most consequential and controversial political figures. He moved from business into armed rebellion during the Second Congo War, became one of four vice-presidents during the country's postwar transition, contested a presidential election against Joseph Kabila, and spent almost a decade in detention connected to proceedings at the International Criminal Court (ICC). Today, he is back at the centre of government. As of 13 October 2026, the DRC lists him as deputy prime minister and minister responsible for transport and communication routes. His renewed confrontation with former president Kabila in October 2026 has brought their decades-long rivalry back into national debate. Who is Jean-Pierre Bemba? Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo is a Congolese politician and founder of the Movement for the Liberation of the Congo. Born on 4 November 1962, he was a rebel commander, transitional vice-president and 2006 presidential runner-up. The ICC acquitted him of war-crimes and crimes-against-humanity charges in 2018, while a separate witness-interference conviction remained in force. Why Jean-Pierre Bemba is back in the political conversation The latest chapter in Bemba's public life is a sharp disagreement with Joseph Kabila, the president he challenged in 2006. Following Kabila's address of 9 October 2026, Bemba issued a statement challenging the former president's account of his years in power and accusing him of acting against Congolese interests. XTRAfrica's 12 October report on Bemba's response records the criticism and notes that its accusations are Bemba's political claims, not independently established judicial findings. Ouragan's contemporaneous reporting likewise identifies the public dispute and Bemba's defence of the current government's record. The disagreement is important because it joins two histories: their earlier rivalry as opposing political and military leaders, and Bemba's present position inside the government of President Félix Tshisekedi. It does not, by itself, prove any of Bemba's allegations about Kabila, Rwanda or the M23 rebellion. The DRC prime minister's official government roster confirms that Bemba is a deputy prime minister overseeing transport. That makes his intervention more than an exchange between two retired rivals: he is speaking as a party leader who also holds current executive office. This biography follows how he reached that position, including the court rulings that continue to shape discussion of his past. Birth, age and family connections in the Mobutu-era Congo Bemba was born on 4 November 1962 in Bokada , in the area now known as Nord-Ubangi, in the northwest of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. He was 63 years old on 13 October 2026 , shortly before his 64th birthday. His full public name is Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo. The DRC transport ministry's biographical account supplies both the birth details and his later career chronology. His father, Jeannot Bemba Saolona, was a prominent businessman with extensive connections to the political and commercial establishment surrounding former president Mobutu Sese Seko. A childhood within those elite networks made Bemba's early trajectory different from that of many politicians who entered national life through opposition activism. His sister's marriage into Mobutu's family also connected the two households. These relationships help explain why Bemba's business career began with substantial commercial contacts, although family connections alone do not establish the origin or value of any personal fortune. The setting matters. During Mobutu's rule, then-Zaire's corporate sector and state power were closely intertwined. A successful businessman could develop significant political access, while changes in the regime could radically alter a company's position. When Laurent-Désiré Kabila overthrew Mobutu in 1997, that network was disrupted. Bemba's move into rebellion the following year occurred in this wider upheaval, not in a stable party-political environment. Contemporary accounts, including Le Monde's portrait of Bemba during the 2006 campaign , portray a politician shaped by both the old Zairian establishment and a new generation of wartime political entrepreneurs. Those histories should be understood as influences, not as a substitute for examining his own decisions. Education and his work before the MLC Bemba studied in Belgium, including at the Institut catholique des hautes études commerciales (ICHEC) in Brussels. The transport ministry identifies his qualification in economic and financial sciences. Historical biographical reporting also describes his involvement in the family-linked businesses that operated in air transport, telecommunications and media. Those sectors were commercially and politically important. Air transport connected cities across a country where overland transport was difficult; telecommunications became a valuable growth industry; and radio and television companies provided influence over public information. Business experience therefore gave Bemba practical networks in logistics, financing and communication long before he held national office. It did not mean that he possessed an uncontested record as a corporate manager, and claims about exact personal wealth require documentary proof rather than celebrity-style estimates. A Justice Info historical profile describes his leadership role in Scibe Airlift and his involvement with Comcell. It also traces his shift toward armed politics after the fall of Mobutu. This combination of elite background, commercial management and wartime mobilisation is central to understanding Bemba's later leadership style. The 1998 MLC rebellion and the Second Congo War The Movement for the Liberation of the Congo, usually called the MLC , emerged in 1998 as a rebel movement opposed to Laurent-Désiré Kabila's government. Bemba became its leader. The MLC operated principally in northern and northwestern Congo and received important support from Uganda. It developed a political apparatus alongside its armed forces, the Armée de libération du Congo (ALC). The MLC was one of several forces active during the Second Congo War, a conflict that involved Congolese armed groups and neighbouring states. Control of territory, access to trade routes, regional security interests and competing political projects all shaped the war. Bemba's forces came to administer areas of northern Congo, while other armed movements and the Kinshasa government controlled different parts of the country. Human Rights Watch's historical account of the Bemba case explains his command of the MLC and the movement's regional alliances. A key distinction is that leading an armed group, even one responsible for abuses, is not identical to an individual criminal conviction. The particular evidence, alleged crimes, legal theory and rulings in each proceeding determine an individual's criminal responsibility. The war caused extraordinary suffering in Congo, and armed formations across the conflict were accused of serious violations against civilians. Bemba's record cannot be assessed solely through his subsequent electoral popularity or ministerial titles. The conduct of the MLC and the way its wartime command operated remain essential parts of his public history. Why the movement's Ugandan connection mattered Ugandan backing helped the MLC develop a military position and challenge the government in Kinshasa. That relationship placed Bemba inside a conflict that crossed borders and whose political consequences continued after the war. It also made the MLC different from an ordinary opposition party: the organisation possessed military capability, administered territory and negotiated with the government from that position of force. As peace negotiations advanced, Bemba participated in the shift from armed contestation to political bargaining. This transition opened the door to national office but did not resolve all questions about command structures or responsibility for actions committed during the war. ADVERTISEMENT The Central African Republic intervention, 2002–2003 One of the most consequential decisions of Bemba's rebel period was the deployment of MLC forces into neighbouring Central African Republic. The intervention occurred after then-president Ange-Félix Patassé sought support against an armed challenge. MLC fighters operated in the country between late 2002 and early 2003, and their conduct subsequently became the subject of the ICC case against Bemba. Civilians reported killings, rape and pillaging by forces involved in the conflict. The prosecution argued that Bemba, as a commander exercising effective control, had failed to take necessary and reasonable measures to prevent or punish crimes by subordinates. His defence contested the scope of his authority, the evidence and the legal findings. These questions became central to the court's eventual appeals judgment. It is important to distinguish the suffering of victims from the legal outcome for one commander. The ICC's 2018 acquittal did not establish that the violence against civilians never happened; it addressed whether Bemba's personal criminal responsibility had been proved on the charges and within the court's legal standards. The competing findings, including a dissent by two appeals judges, remain part of the record. Vice-president in the postwar transition, 2003–2006 A series of negotiations and peace agreements led to a transitional government built around President Joseph Kabila and four vice-presidents from the country's main political and former armed factions. Bemba became one of those vice-presidents, with responsibilities associated with the economic and financial portfolio. This was a striking transformation. A man who had led a rebellion against the Kinshasa state became one of its senior officeholders as the country attempted to reunify institutions, prepare elections and integrate rival power centres. The arrangement reflected the reality that war could not be ended by simply excluding all armed faction leaders from a national settlement. Yet the transition was fragile. Armed formations did not disappear immediately, control over soldiers remained contested, and leaders who were technically colleagues in the interim administration continued to see one another as political rivals. The government's 2003–2006 design therefore contained some of the tensions that later erupted in Kinshasa. A Freedom House account hosted by UNHCR's Refworld records the transition's origins, the 2006 presidential contest and the risks left unresolved by the peace process. Bemba's presence in the transition should be understood both as an important step away from war and as a reminder that a signed agreement does not instantly create a unified security system. The 2006 election: Bemba against Joseph Kabila The 2006 presidential election was the defining civilian political contest of Bemba's early career. After the first round, President Joseph Kabila and Bemba advanced to a runoff held on 29 October 2006. Kabila was declared the winner with about 58 percent , against Bemba's 42 percent . Bemba challenged the outcome but the Supreme Court confirmed Kabila's victory; Bemba subsequently accepted the constitutional result while positioning himself as a leader of the opposition. The vote revealed an important political geography. Bemba enjoyed considerable strength in Kinshasa and western parts of the country, while Kabila's support was stronger in the east. That division was never a neat ethnic or regional separation, and it should not be reduced to a simple map of two communities. The results did, however, show that Bemba could mobilise millions of voters and that a significant share of the electorate preferred him to the incumbent. The campaign also brought violence. Forces associated with the two camps clashed in Kinshasa, raising fears that electoral competition would collapse back into armed confrontation. Bemba was therefore both a major contender in a competitive presidential race and a political figure whose personal protection arrangements continued to involve armed men outside a fully unified state command structure. After the election, Bemba was elected to the Senate in January 2007. His role changed from presidential challenger to parliamentary opposition figure, but the question of what would happen to his guards remained unresolved. This was not an incidental administrative dispute: it soon became the immediate setting for a much more serious crisis. March 2007: armed clashes, refuge and exile In March 2007, a dispute over the status of Bemba's personal guard escalated into major fighting in central Kinshasa between forces loyal to Kabila's government and Bemba's guards. Civilians were caught in a dense urban battlefield as heavy weapons were used. Bemba and members of his family sought refuge in the South African embassy before he was eventually permitted to leave for Portugal. Human Rights Watch's investigation into restrictions on political space documented abuses committed during and after the confrontations, including indiscriminate fighting, killings and the mistreatment of perceived opposition supporters. It also noted abuses by Bemba's guards and the failure of the authorities to undertake effective accountability measures. That reporting challenges explanations that blame only one side for the consequences suffered by civilians. For Bemba, the result was the destruction of his immediate capacity to operate as a leading opposition politician inside Congo. Exile separated him from his supporters at home and further polarised his relationship with Kabila. For the DRC, the episode raised a broader question: could an opposition leader who had previously commanded armed forces safely take part in constitutional politics when state security institutions and political allegiance remained entangled? Bemba's departure for Portugal was presented as travel for medical treatment, but the security circumstances made return politically fraught. His next dramatic move onto the world stage would come through international criminal proceedings rather than the Congolese parliament. Arrest in Belgium and transfer to the ICC in 2008 On 24 May 2008 , Belgian authorities arrested Bemba on a warrant issued by the International Criminal Court. He was subsequently transferred into ICC custody in The Hague. The case concerned alleged crimes committed by MLC forces in Central African Republic, not the fighting between political factions in Kinshasa in March 2007. His detention lasted almost a decade. During that period, the MLC continued to operate as a political organisation, but its founder was unable to lead a normal election campaign or take part in ordinary parliamentary life. The legal proceedings also raised major questions for international justice: how could a court assess a commander who sent troops across a border, and what evidence was required to show that he had authority and failed to act against abuses? These were not merely theoretical questions. The ICC case became one of the most prominent examinations of command responsibility , the legal doctrine under which a military commander may be held responsible in certain circumstances for crimes by subordinates. Bemba's eventual acquittal turned on appellate scrutiny of precisely those legal and factual questions. The 2016 conviction and 18-year sentence On 21 March 2016, an ICC trial chamber convicted Bemba on counts of crimes against humanity and war crimes linked to MLC operations in Central African Republic. On 21 June 2016, it imposed an 18-year prison sentence . At that stage, the court found him responsible as a military commander for specified acts including murder, rape and pillaging committed by MLC troops. ADVERTISEMENT Those findings were serious, and the trial chamber's judgment was significant for survivors who had described suffering during the Central African Republic conflict. However, the 2016 judgment was not the final legal outcome. Bemba appealed, and the appeals chamber later disagreed with the trial chamber's treatment of key issues. The trial chamber's verdict and sentence must therefore always be presented alongside what happened in 2018. Reporting only the 2016 result would wrongly suggest that a war-crimes conviction remains in force. Reporting only the acquittal without discussing the allegations, the victims and the separate administration-of-justice case would produce a different but equally incomplete picture. June 2018: acquitted of war crimes and crimes against humanity On 8 June 2018 , the ICC Appeals Chamber, by a majority, acquitted Bemba of the war-crimes and crimes-against-humanity charges in the main case. Its judgment reversed the trial chamber's 2016 conviction. The majority identified errors involving the scope of criminal acts for which he had been convicted and the assessment of measures that a remote commander could reasonably have taken to prevent or repress the crimes. The ICC's official summary of the acquittal is the controlling source for this legal distinction. Two appeals judges dissented and would have upheld the conviction. The majority's conclusion governs Bemba's legal status in that main case, even though the disagreement among judges remains historically relevant. There is an equally important qualification: the acquittal was not a general certificate of innocence for every action of the MLC or an erasure of victims' experiences. It was a judicial determination of Bemba's liability under the charges and evidence before the chamber. The ICC prosecutor subsequently expressed concern for the victims and the consequences of the decision. A separate case survived the acquittal Bemba was also convicted in a distinct ICC proceeding concerning offences against the administration of justice , including corruptly influencing witnesses and soliciting false testimony. This was not a conviction for war crimes or crimes against humanity. The proceedings concerned interference with the court process itself. On 17 September 2018 , judges imposed a one-year sentence and a €300,000 fine in that separate case. The imprisonment was treated as already served because of time spent in detention. Reuters' account of the re-sentencing sets out the penalty, while the Coalition for the ICC's case record traces the final convictions and appellate proceedings. The two outcomes must not be merged into a single verdict. The 2018 homecoming and blocked presidential candidacy Bemba returned to Kinshasa on 1 August 2018 , greeted by supporters who had not seen him campaign freely in Congo for years. His arrival revived discussion of whether he could again compete for the presidency after Kabila's extended final term. Reuters documented the return , including the gathering of MLC supporters at the airport. He did not ultimately appear on the presidential ballot. Electoral authorities excluded his candidacy, citing the separate witness-interference conviction. This was politically consequential: the acquittal had removed the main war-crimes conviction, but the surviving administration-of-justice case still had domestic electoral effects. It is a particularly clear illustration of why the two ICC cases must be explained separately. The exclusion shifted Bemba's immediate political options. He remained a party leader and national figure, but no longer had a route into that presidential contest. Congo's opposition alliances and later relationship with President Tshisekedi evolved over subsequent years as power changed hands. From long-time opponent to minister under Félix Tshisekedi Bemba's appointment to government under President Félix Tshisekedi marked another major turn in his career. He had spent years outside the state executive after his rivalry with Kabila, but in March 2023 he became deputy prime minister and minister of national defence and veterans' affairs. In that position, his political background was unusually complex. He knew the history of armed mobilisation personally, yet now held responsibility within the national government's security apparatus. His time in defence overlapped with serious insecurity in eastern Congo. It would be misleading to judge the ministry's outcomes solely from broad announcements of military reform or to attribute every battlefield development to one officeholder. In 2024 , Bemba moved to the transport portfolio while retaining deputy-prime-minister rank. The official Suminwa II government roster identifies him in that role alongside a different defence minister. As of October 2026, he is not the serving defence minister ; his current national executive responsibilities concern transport and communication routes. The move should not be treated as retirement from major politics. Transport is a strategically important ministry in a country whose enormous territory, limited road connectivity and cross-border freight corridors make infrastructure decisions consequential for trade, access and national integration. Transport ministry: airports, freight systems and regional corridors Bemba's transport ministry has been associated with airport inspections, freight administration, rail planning and projects designed to connect inland regions with neighbouring transport systems. The announcements offer a record of what his ministry has promoted, but projects at the planning or inspection stage should not be described as finished works. In July 2026, Bemba inspected airport works in Bunia, Lubumbashi and Kananga and pressed for respect of construction timetables. XTRAfrica's report on the three-airport tour explains that officials did not provide complete independently verified handover dates for every site. An inspection visit shows ministerial oversight; it does not prove that safety certification, financing or construction is complete. In September 2026, the ministry announced the launch of a digital freight-management platform called SYGREM . XTRAfrica's SYGREM coverage identifies the initiative's intended role in documenting cargo and related processes. The test of such a system is how consistently operators use it and whether institutions actually improve accuracy and accountability over time. The government has also discussed investment in the Lobito-linked railway system and other routes connecting the DRC's mining areas to markets. XTRAfrica's Lobito Corridor tender report records a proposed rehabilitation programme rather than a completed railway transformation. More broadly, regional rail cooperation involving the DRC, Tanzania and Burundi illustrates how transport policy has become part of Congo's foreign economic relationships. This phase of Bemba's career differs sharply from the rebel years. Instead of contesting control of northern territory by force, he is involved in debates over state capacity, infrastructure financing and service delivery. Both phases nevertheless reflect the long-standing significance of logistics and access in Congolese politics. His rivalry with Kabila: from 2006 to October 2026 Bemba's arguments with Kabila are not new. The two men confronted each other during the 2006 presidential campaign, the 2007 security crisis and later debates over the legitimacy of state power. In October 2026, Bemba again challenged Kabila after the former president delivered a political address, reviving allegations about security policy, foreign influence and the record of Kabila's administration. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Policy and Reforms US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . War in Eastern DRC Muyaya: Congo's War Has Nothing to Do With the Constitution . Infrastructure DRC Signs Contracts to Modernise 13 Airports, First Deliveries in 2028 . Economic Reports DRC and IMF Reach Staff-Level Deal on Programme Reviews . | Economy DRC Opens London Forum Seeking Partnerships, Not Aid . ADVERTISEMENT Bemba's 10 October 2026 statement was reported by several Congolese outlets. In coverage published on 11 October, Congo Inter identified the remarks as a public response . The allegations belong to Bemba and should be attributed to him. They cannot substitute for court findings, verified election records or independent evidence of the specific conduct alleged. The political setting changed again with the announcement of a new Kabila-led coalition involving actors linked to the AFC/M23 rebellion in October 2026. Whatever the evolving positions of these organisations, Bemba's political intervention needs to be understood alongside his present membership in Tshisekedi's government. His decades-old contest with Kabila now intersects with one of the country's central security and sovereignty debates. An enduring biography should also preserve the chronological distinction: his remarks on 10 October followed Kabila's 9 October address, while the FRN announcement was reported on 12 October . One cannot assume Bemba was responding specifically to every detail of an announcement made two days later. Jean-Pierre Bemba's wife, children and family privacy Historically, Bemba's wife was publicly identified as Liliane Teixeira Bemba , who had Portuguese family connections. Two independent reports from 2007 and 2010 described the couple as parents of five children . These are public historical biographical facts, but the reports do not establish every detail of the family's current private circumstances. Diário de Notícias' 2007 account documented the family's links with Portugal during Bemba's departure from Congo, and Justice Info's later reporting described Liliane's role while he was detained. The children's identities are not necessary to understand his public career and are not listed here. The available documents support a record of marriage and parenthood during those years. They do not justify claims about recent private events, a change in marital status or the individual lives of his children. Public prominence does not turn every family detail into a matter of public interest. Timeline: Jean-Pierre Bemba's life and career Year Event Significance 1962 Born on 4 November in Bokada Origins in the northwest of what is now the DRC Before 1998 Studies at ICHEC in Brussels and works in business Develops commercial and managerial experience 1998 Emergence of the MLC rebellion Becomes an armed and political leader during the Second Congo War 2002–2003 MLC forces operate in Central African Republic Intervention later becomes the subject of ICC proceedings 2003 Joins Congo's transitional government as vice-president Enters national executive office after peace negotiations 2006 Contests presidential runoff against Joseph Kabila Receives about 42 percent of the vote 2007 Elected senator; clashes erupt in Kinshasa; leaves for Portugal Moves from opposition leadership into exile 2008 Arrested in Belgium on an ICC warrant Begins extended detention linked to the CAR case 2016 Trial chamber conviction and 18-year sentence Ruling later overturned on appeal 2018 Appeals Chamber acquits him in main war-crimes case Clears the main criminal charges against him 2018 Separate administration-of-justice sentence finalised Receives one-year time-served term and €300,000 fine 2018 Returns to Kinshasa; candidacy excluded Re-enters political debate but cannot contest the election 2023 Appointed deputy prime minister and defence minister Returns to the national executive under Tshisekedi 2024 Moves to deputy prime minister and transport minister Leads a civilian infrastructure portfolio 2026 Publicly confronts Kabila after his October address Renewed prominence in Congo's political-security debate How to assess Bemba's political record Bemba's career resists any simple label. He was a rebel leader who entered a peace process, a presidential candidate whose guards later fought government forces, an ICC defendant whose most serious conviction was overturned, and a politician who ultimately returned to senior public office. Supporters may emphasise his electoral appeal, long opposition history and executive experience. Critics may examine the conduct of his armed movement, the allegations involving civilians, the surviving witness-interference conviction and the accountability expected of senior officials. An evidence-based assessment distinguishes these perspectives from established findings. The 2006 vote demonstrated substantial public support but did not make him president. The 2018 acquittal resolved the main ICC criminal case in his favour but did not nullify his separate conviction. Transport initiatives demonstrate the agenda of a government ministry but do not on their own establish that promised projects have been completed. His story also reflects a wider Congolese challenge: bringing former armed leaders into national institutions without confusing political participation with legal impunity, while maintaining a meaningful space for electoral rivalry. His future public record will be judged in part through concrete administrative results and verifiable decisions, rather than slogans exchanged during political crises. Frequently Asked Questions About Jean-Pierre Bemba Who is Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo? Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo is a Congolese politician who founded the MLC, led a rebel movement, served as a vice-president during the 2003–2006 transition and finished second in the 2006 presidential election. He later served as defence minister and, as of October 2026, is deputy prime minister and transport minister. How old is Jean-Pierre Bemba in 2026? He was born on 4 November 1962 , making him 63 on 13 October 2026 . He will turn 64 on 4 November 2026. Where was Jean-Pierre Bemba born? The DRC transport ministry identifies his birthplace as Bokada , in the present-day Nord-Ubangi area of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Who is Jean-Pierre Bemba's wife? Historical reporting identifies Liliane Teixeira Bemba as his wife. Those reports are dated 2007 and 2010; they do not independently establish his current relationship status in October 2026. How many children does Jean-Pierre Bemba have? Two historical journalistic accounts report five children . Their private identities are omitted because they are not needed to explain his political career. Was Jean-Pierre Bemba convicted of war crimes? An ICC trial chamber convicted him in 2016, but the Appeals Chamber overturned that conviction and acquitted him in June 2018 . Describing him in 2026 as currently convicted of war crimes would be inaccurate. Was Jean-Pierre Bemba convicted in another ICC case? Yes. In a separate case involving offences against the administration of justice and witness interference, he received a one-year time-served sentence and a €300,000 fine in September 2018. That conviction is different from the war-crimes charges on which he was acquitted. Did Jean-Pierre Bemba win the 2006 DRC election? No. Bemba was the runner-up to Joseph Kabila in the presidential runoff. Kabila's victory was confirmed after a legal challenge, although the campaign and aftermath were marked by political tensions and violence. Is Jean-Pierre Bemba the DRC defence minister in 2026? No. He held the defence portfolio starting in 2023, but moved to transport in 2024. The current government roster lists him as deputy prime minister and minister of transport and communication routes . Why is Jean-Pierre Bemba criticising Joseph Kabila in 2026? Bemba responded to Kabila's address of 9 October 2026 by challenging the former president's political record and making allegations about sovereignty, governance and foreign influence. Those allegations are his public political assertions, not findings established by the biography itself. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Policy and Reforms US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty Will Democrats support Kagame after the 2026 midterms? Blinken's statements, Biden's Rwanda policy . War in Eastern DRC Muyaya: Congo's War Has Nothing to Do With the Constitution In London, the DRC government spokesperson rejects constitutional politics as a cause of the eastern . Infrastructure DRC Signs Contracts to Modernise 13 Airports, First Deliveries in 2028 Four firms will rebuild runways and terminals from Kalemie to Muanda under a Treasury-funded plan . 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Banyamulenge groups condemn Tito Rutaremara’s remarks in Kigali, rejecting a Rwandan identity and calls for youth to take up arms against the DRC Banyamulenge voices and advocacy groups have strongly condemned Tito Rutaremara’s remarks at the Gatumba massacre commemoration in Kigali (around 13–14 August 2026), rejecting his framing of the community as “Rwandans” (or “Banyarwanda of Congo”), his dismissal of the name “Banyamulenge,” and his calls for them to take up arms, attack/help liberate Congo (including references linked to supporting M23). These reactions emphasize Congolese identity, oppose instrumentalization for external agendas or armed conflict against the DRC, and stress that justice for Gatumba and community security must occur within the DRC rather than through war or foreign mobilization. Key points from community statements and individuals include: Core criticisms of the speech Denial of distinct Congolese identity: Speakers and groups rejected the claim that Banyamulenge are essentially Rwandans (or should identify primarily as such). They argue this language mirrors long-standing narratives used in the DRC to portray them as foreigners, which has historically fueled discrimination, displacement, and violence. The name “Banyamulenge” is defended as affirming roots and presence in South Kivu (linked to the Mulenge area/high plateaus), not as a rejection of Tutsi heritage or more distant origins. Incitement and lack of respect during mourning: Using a solemn memorial for victims of the 2004 Gatumba attack (where ~166 Banyamulenge refugees were killed) to urge youth to take up arms, “liberate Congo,” or join broader conflict was called provocative, humiliating, and inappropriate. Critics said it treats the community as a tool rather than honoring the dead. Instrumentalization and danger: Remarks are seen as exposing the community further—by reinforcing “foreigner” accusations from some Congolese extremists while pushing recruitment or alignment with groups like M23/proxies—amid ongoing eastern DRC conflict, Rwandan involvement allegations, and civilian risks in areas like Minembwe. Some explicitly note Rwanda’s role in aggression/occupation and reject being used as human shields or proxies. Specific community and individual responses Banyamulenge Global Advocacy (BGA): Issued a clear condemnation. It said Rutaremara denigrated the community by mocking the name “Banyamulenge” (as referring only to a mountain/village) and directing people to call themselves Banyarwanda of Congo. BGA accused him of mobilizing Congolese Banyamulenge youth against their own government under the pretext of “freeing Congo.” It affirmed the Banyamulenge as a Congolese community that stands with the DRC government in condemning what it describes as Rwandan aggression, rejected instrumentalization for Kigali’s interests, and highlighted risks to civilians. GAKONDO (Coordination of Banyamulenge mutualities): Condemned the explicit call for young Banyamulenge to take up arms against the DRC as a violation of the spirit of the Washington peace process (aimed at ending hostilities and respecting sovereignty). It stated firmly: “The Banyamulenge are Congolese. Their future, their security and their legitimate quest for justice must be built within the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and not in a war against their own country.” It called for measures consistent with peace commitments, including addressing foreign forces and support to armed groups. Fidele Sebahizi and others labeling it hate speech: Described the “Rwandans of Congo” framing as pure hate speech that threatens social peace—identical in effect to rhetoric from certain Congolese politicians and armed actors that denies Congolese belonging. He stressed the community has already fought (and shed blood) against forced re-identification as Rwandans and that the Banyamulenge name “is written where it cannot be erased.” He called for a public apology. Continue Reading Full Article JUSTICE & CRIME Banyamulenge Reject Rwanda’s Call to Attack Congo By Neema Asha Mwakalinga Travel & Culture Expert Neema Asha Mwakalinga Home Comment Aug 15, 2026 Aug 18, 2026 5 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Banyamulenge voices and advocacy groups have strongly condemned Tito Rutaremara’s remarks at the Gatumba massacre commemoration in Kigali (around 13–14 August 2026), rejecting his framing of the community as “Rwandans” (or “Banyarwanda of Congo”), his dismissal of the name “Banyamulenge,” and his calls for them to take up arms, attack/help liberate Congo (including references linked to supporting M23). These reactions emphasize Congolese identity, oppose instrumentalization for external agendas or armed conflict against the DRC, and stress that justice for Gatumba and community security must occur within the DRC rather than through war or foreign mobilization. Key points from community statements and individuals include: ADVERTISEMENT Core criticisms of the speech Denial of distinct Congolese identity: Speakers and groups rejected the claim that Banyamulenge are essentially Rwandans (or should identify primarily as such). They argue this language mirrors long-standing narratives used in the DRC to portray them as foreigners, which has historically fueled discrimination, displacement, and violence. The name “Banyamulenge” is defended as affirming roots and presence in South Kivu (linked to the Mulenge area/high plateaus), not as a rejection of Tutsi heritage or more distant origins. Incitement and lack of respect during mourning: Using a solemn memorial for victims of the 2004 Gatumba attack (where ~166 Banyamulenge refugees were killed) to urge youth to take up arms, “liberate Congo,” or join broader conflict was called provocative, humiliating, and inappropriate. Critics said it treats the community as a tool rather than honoring the dead. Instrumentalization and danger: Remarks are seen as exposing the community further—by reinforcing “foreigner” accusations from some Congolese extremists while pushing recruitment or alignment with groups like M23/proxies—amid ongoing eastern DRC conflict, Rwandan involvement allegations, and civilian risks in areas like Minembwe. Some explicitly note Rwanda’s role in aggression/occupation and reject being used as human shields or proxies. Specific community and individual responses Banyamulenge Global Advocacy (BGA): Issued a clear condemnation. It said Rutaremara denigrated the community by mocking the name “Banyamulenge” (as referring only to a mountain/village) and directing people to call themselves Banyarwanda of Congo. BGA accused him of mobilizing Congolese Banyamulenge youth against their own government under the pretext of “freeing Congo.” It affirmed the Banyamulenge as a Congolese community that stands with the DRC government in condemning what it describes as Rwandan aggression, rejected instrumentalization for Kigali’s interests, and highlighted risks to civilians. GAKONDO (Coordination of Banyamulenge mutualities): Condemned the explicit call for young Banyamulenge to take up arms against the DRC as a violation of the spirit of the Washington peace process (aimed at ending hostilities and respecting sovereignty). It stated firmly: “The Banyamulenge are Congolese. Their future, their security and their legitimate quest for justice must be built within the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and not in a war against their own country.” It called for measures consistent with peace commitments, including addressing foreign forces and support to armed groups. Fidele Sebahizi and others labeling it hate speech: Described the “Rwandans of Congo” framing as pure hate speech that threatens social peace—identical in effect to rhetoric from certain Congolese politicians and armed actors that denies Congolese belonging. He stressed the community has already fought (and shed blood) against forced re-identification as Rwandans and that the Banyamulenge name “is written where it cannot be erased.” He called for a public apology. Beatrice Gisaro and similar community voices: Detailed rejections of imposed transborder “Banyarwanda” identity and of any call to “recover/liberate” or conquer the Congo by force. They affirm: “We are Banyamulenge. We are Congolese.” They argue such rhetoric places the community outside its own country (turning citizens into would-be invaders), fuels the very hate used against them, endangers youth, and does not protect the community. The focus should be building the DRC with all Congolese and seeking justice for Gatumba without preparing more deaths. Other notable statements: Researcher/activist Delphin R. Ntanyoma linked the “Rwandans” framing to a long pattern that has justified killings and said it is calculated rather than accidental. Accounts associated with figures like Gen. Pacifique Masunzu and others reiterated that Banyamulenge form a distinct community that should not be misidentified as Banyarwanda. Patrick Bagabo’s statement condemned the rhetoric for denying Congolese identity, echoing extremist claims, and called for withdrawal of the remarks plus recognition of full belonging and rejection of using the community as a geopolitical tool. ADVERTISEMENT Broader context in these reactions Critics consistently distinguish origin/heritage discussions from nationality and political belonging. They argue that justice, security, and recognition of past atrocities (including Gatumba) belong inside Congolese institutions and peaceful processes, not through external mobilization or further war. Many stress resilience of the Banyamulenge identity and refusal to be either rejected as non-Congolese or “reclaimed” for foreign agendas. Rwandan official or media coverage of the same event has often highlighted themes of community self-reliance for justice, historical origins, and the need for active defense of rights, while the more confrontational excerpts (identity denial + arms call) have driven the strongest pushback from the voices above. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Justice & Crime M23 → AFC → FRN: Has Anything Really Changed? . Justice & Crime Tshisekedi's FDLR Diplomacy Challenges Rwanda's Security Case . Justice & Crime Patrick Muyaya Calls for Stronger Sanctions Against Rwanda . Justice & Crime EU Aligns AFC and Four Armed-Group Figures With UN Sanctions . Justice & Crime M23 Spokesman Says Eastern DRC Gold and Coltan Pass Through Rwanda . ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Justice & Crime M23 → AFC → FRN: Has Anything Really Changed? XTRAfrica examines Joseph Kabila's leadership of the FRN, its continuity with AFC/M23 and ... . Justice & Crime Tshisekedi's FDLR Diplomacy Challenges Rwanda's Security Case DRC takes its FDLR disarmament initiative to regional leaders and the UN, pressing for RDF withdrawal . Justice & Crime Patrick Muyaya Calls for Stronger Sanctions Against Rwanda DRC spokesperson says diplomatic agreements need enforcement as Kinshasa presses for implementation . 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U.S. visa processing in Africa may be reduced to 20 hubs, raising cost and access concerns. The U.S. State Department is reportedly preparing to centralize visa processing in Africa, reducing the number of embassies and consulates authorized to handle applications from nearly 50 to 20 regional hubs, according to The PIE News . The reported move, also detailed by a different report , could force applicants in non-hub countries to travel across borders for interviews and processing, adding cost and logistical pressure for students, families and business travelers. Education stakeholders warned that the shift could deepen existing concerns over visa delays and policy uncertainty, especially as African demand for international education remains strong. Nigeria alone recorded 21,847 students in U.S. colleges in 2024/25, according to Open Doors data reported by TheCable . The 20 reported hubs include major cities such as Lagos, Accra, Nairobi, Johannesburg, Kampala and Kinshasa. While Washington says it regularly reviews overseas operations, critics argue the policy could weaken U.S. engagement with Africa at a time when rival education destinations are expanding scholarships, partnerships and recruitment across the continent. Continue Reading Full Article INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS U.S. Plans Visa Processing Shift to 20 Africa Hubs By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Jun 7, 2026 Jun 7, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: The U.S. State Department is reportedly preparing to centralize visa processing in Africa, reducing the number of embassies and consulates authorized to handle applications from nearly 50 to 20 regional hubs, according to The PIE News . The reported move, also detailed by a different report , could force applicants in non-hub countries to travel across borders for interviews and processing, adding cost and logistical pressure for students, families and business travelers. ADVERTISEMENT Education stakeholders warned that the shift could deepen existing concerns over visa delays and policy uncertainty, especially as African demand for international education remains strong. Nigeria alone recorded 21,847 students in U.S. colleges in 2024/25, according to Open Doors data reported by TheCable . ADVERTISEMENT The 20 reported hubs include major cities such as Lagos, Accra, Nairobi, Johannesburg, Kampala and Kinshasa. While Washington says it regularly reviews overseas operations, critics argue the policy could weaken U.S. engagement with Africa at a time when rival education destinations are expanding scholarships, partnerships and recruitment across the continent. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Policy and Reforms US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . War in Eastern DRC Muyaya: Congo's War Has Nothing to Do With the Constitution . Infrastructure DRC Signs Contracts to Modernise 13 Airports, First Deliveries in 2028 . Economic Reports DRC and IMF Reach Staff-Level Deal on Programme Reviews . | Economy DRC Opens London Forum Seeking Partnerships, Not Aid . ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Policy and Reforms US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty Will Democrats support Kagame after the 2026 midterms? Blinken's statements, Biden's Rwanda policy . War in Eastern DRC Muyaya: Congo's War Has Nothing to Do With the Constitution In London, the DRC government spokesperson rejects constitutional politics as a cause of the eastern . Infrastructure DRC Signs Contracts to Modernise 13 Airports, First Deliveries in 2028 Four firms will rebuild runways and terminals from Kalemie to Muanda under a Treasury-funded plan . Economic Reports DRC and IMF Reach Staff-Level Deal on Programme Reviews Board vote set for December; minister says up to $771 million could follow if approved . Tags DR.Congo DR.Congo DR Congo News DR Congo News DRC Peace Efforts DRC Peace Efforts

The DRC government condemns forced civilian marches by M23 and Rwandan forces in eastern Congo, calling them grave violations of human rights. The Government condemns the forced marches imposed on civilians in areas under Rwandan occupation Kinshasa, 23 December 2025 – The Government of the Democratic Republic of Congo expresses its deep concern over the forced marches organized in several localities of the eastern part of the country currently under Rwandan occupation, carried out by M23 elements operating alongside the Rwandan Defence Forces (RDF), notably in Uvira on 16 December, in Kamanyola on 19 December, in Goma on 22 December, and in Bukavu and Sake on 23 December 2025. The Government firmly condemns these unacceptable practices consisting of coercing civilians – including women and youth – into participating in demonstrations staged as expressions of support for the illegitimate presence of occupying Rwandan forces and their proxies. Such actions constitute a political and psychological manipulation of local communities, amounting to a collective hostage-taking. The Government emphatically reiterates that any attempt to use Congolese civilians as human shields or as instruments of propaganda to legitimize an occupation imposed by an aggressor State constitutes a grave violation of national sovereignty and a blatant crime against human dignity. These repeated and intolerable violations of fundamental rights will be met with severe consequences and will not go unpunished. In light of these criminal acts, the Government reaffirms its determination to protect civilian populations, to fully restore State authority across the national territory, and to bring the perpetrators and sponsors of these violations of human rights and republican values to justice. The Government commends the courage of the population who continue to resist enemy manipulation and calls on all Congolese citizens to remain vigilant, united, and confident in national institutions and in the Armed Forces of the Republic, which are tirelessly working to defend the nation, ensure the security of its people, and preserve peace. Finally, the Government reaffirms its unwavering commitment to the ongoing peace processes, aimed at securing a lasting return of peace, stability, and development in the eastern part of the country and throughout the Great Lakes region. END PRESS RELEASE DRC Condemns Forced Civilian Marches Under Rwandan Occupation By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Dec 23, 2025 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: The Government condemns the forced marches imposed on civilians in areas under Rwandan occupation Kinshasa, 23 December 2025 – The Government of the Democratic Republic of Congo expresses its deep concern over the forced marches organized in several localities of the eastern part of the country currently under Rwandan occupation, carried out by M23 elements operating alongside the Rwandan Defence Forces (RDF), notably in Uvira on 16 December, in Kamanyola on 19 December, in Goma on 22 December, and in Bukavu and Sake on 23 December 2025. The Government firmly condemns these unacceptable practices consisting of coercing civilians – including women and youth – into participating in demonstrations staged as expressions of support for the illegitimate presence of occupying Rwandan forces and their proxies. Such actions constitute a political and psychological manipulation of local communities, amounting to a collective hostage-taking. ADVERTISEMENT The Government emphatically reiterates that any attempt to use Congolese civilians as human shields or as instruments of propaganda to legitimize an occupation imposed by an aggressor State constitutes a grave violation of national sovereignty and a blatant crime against human dignity. These repeated and intolerable violations of fundamental rights will be met with severe consequences and will not go unpunished. In light of these criminal acts, the Government reaffirms its determination to protect civilian populations, to fully restore State authority across the national territory, and to bring the perpetrators and sponsors of these violations of human rights and republican values to justice. The Government commends the courage of the population who continue to resist enemy manipulation and calls on all Congolese citizens to remain vigilant, united, and confident in national institutions and in the Armed Forces of the Republic, which are tirelessly working to defend the nation, ensure the security of its people, and preserve peace. ADVERTISEMENT Finally, the Government reaffirms its unwavering commitment to the ongoing peace processes, aimed at securing a lasting return of peace, stability, and development in the eastern part of the country and throughout the Great Lakes region. END Trending Now DRC Justice Ministry Confirms Denise Dusauchoy Arrest in Tanzania . 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