In a significant legal move, Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, a prominent Rwandan political figure, filed a case against the Rwandan State at the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) on April 30, 2024. This legal action aims to challenge the denial of her civic rights by the Rwandan authorities, a crucial step towards her intention to participate in the upcoming Presidential elections in Rwanda this July. Ms. Ingabire, who returned to Rwanda in January 2010 from the Netherlands to contest in that year's presidential elections, faced immediate arrest and was subsequently sentenced to 15 years in prison. Her trial was widely criticized internationally as being politically motivated. She was partially vindicated when the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights found that Rwanda had violated her rights to freedom of expression and a defense. Following a Presidential pardon in September 2018, after eight years behind bars, Ms. Ingabire’s recent attempt to restore her civic rights was blocked by the Rwandan High Court in March 2024. This ruling prevented her from traveling outside Rwanda and from registering as a presidential candidate, further stymying her participation in political life—a violation of the East African Community Treaty’s stipulations on democracy, rule of law, and human rights. Ms. Ingabire’s legal team, comprising Rwandan lawyer Gatera Gashabana and Kenyan lawyers Emily Osiemo and Elisha Ongoya, along with international lawyers Kate Gibson, Sheila Paylan, Philippe Larochelle, and Iain Edwards, have filed for urgent interim measures. These measures are critical to prevent irreparable harm that would result from her inability to register for the upcoming elections. Furthermore, Ms. Ingabire has also been restricted from leaving the country, which has notably prevented her from attending significant family events, including her son's wedding, the birth of her grandchild, and visiting her critically ill husband in the Netherlands. The legal proceedings initiated by Ms. Ingabire Umuhoza at the EACJ represent not only her fight for personal justice but also underscore a broader struggle for democratic freedoms and human rights in Rwanda. Supporters and human rights advocates around the world watch closely, hoping this case will mark a turning point towards greater political openness and respect for human rights in Rwanda. Continue Reading Full Article By Author Name Author Name Home Comment May 1, 2024 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: FILE - Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza poses at her home, April 07, 2010, in Kigali, Rwanda In a significant legal move, Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, a prominent Rwandan political figure, filed a case against the Rwandan State at the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) on April 30, 2024. This legal action aims to challenge the denial of her civic rights by the Rwandan authorities, a crucial step towards her intention to participate in the upcoming Presidential elections in Rwanda this July. Ms. Ingabire, who returned to Rwanda in January 2010 from the Netherlands to contest in that year's presidential elections, faced immediate arrest and was subsequently sentenced to 15 years in prison. Her trial was widely criticized internationally as being politically motivated. She was partially vindicated when the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights found that Rwanda had violated her rights to freedom of expression and a defense. ADVERTISEMENT Following a Presidential pardon in September 2018, after eight years behind bars, Ms. Ingabire’s recent attempt to restore her civic rights was blocked by the Rwandan High Court in March 2024. This ruling prevented her from traveling outside Rwanda and from registering as a presidential candidate, further stymying her participation in political life—a violation of the East African Community Treaty’s stipulations on democracy, rule of law, and human rights. Ms. Ingabire’s legal team, comprising Rwandan lawyer Gatera Gashabana and Kenyan lawyers Emily Osiemo and Elisha Ongoya, along with international lawyers Kate Gibson, Sheila Paylan, Philippe Larochelle, and Iain Edwards, have filed for urgent interim measures. These measures are critical to prevent irreparable harm that would result from her inability to register for the upcoming elections. ADVERTISEMENT Furthermore, Ms. Ingabire has also been restricted from leaving the country, which has notably prevented her from attending significant family events, including her son's wedding, the birth of her grandchild, and visiting her critically ill husband in the Netherlands. The legal proceedings initiated by Ms. Ingabire Umuhoza at the EACJ represent not only her fight for personal justice but also underscore a broader struggle for democratic freedoms and human rights in Rwanda. Supporters and human rights advocates around the world watch closely, hoping this case will mark a turning point towards greater political openness and respect for human rights in Rwanda. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Tags

Nearly 55 million people in West and Central Africa are facing a severe food crisis, exacerbated by soaring prices, economic hardships, and ongoing regional conflicts. This crisis is expected to intensify during the June-August lean season, with the number of people affected quadrupling over the last five years. Economic challenges such as double-digit inflation and stagnating local production are major drivers of this crisis, in addition to the recurrent conflicts across the region. Countries like Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra Leone, and Mali are among the worst affected. In some northern areas of these countries, approximately 2,600 individuals are likely to experience catastrophic levels of hunger. Margot Vandervelden, the World Food Programme's acting regional director for West Africa, emphasizes the urgency of the situation, stating, "The time to act is now. We need all partners to step up... to prevent the situation from getting out of control." Alongside the WFP, the U.N. children's agency UNICEF and the Food and Agriculture Organization are actively calling for increased support. The crisis is particularly severe among children, with an estimated 16.7 million children under the age of five suffering from acute malnutrition across the regions. This alarming rate of malnutrition underscores the urgent need for targeted nutritional interventions. Additionally, the region's heavy dependence on food imports has tightened the squeeze, especially for countries battling high inflation such as Ghana, Nigeria, and Sierra Leone. Robert Guei, the FAO's Sub-regional Coordinator for West Africa, advocates for policies to boost and diversify local food production to respond to the unprecedented food and nutrition insecurity. The escalating food crisis in West and Central Africa requires a multifaceted approach involving local policy changes, international aid, and immediate action. With millions at risk, the global community's response in the coming months will be crucial in averting a major humanitarian disaster. Continue Reading Full Article By Author Name Author Name Home Comment Apr 14, 2024 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: women receiving food aid Nearly 55 million people in West and Central Africa are facing a severe food crisis, exacerbated by soaring prices, economic hardships, and ongoing regional conflicts. This crisis is expected to intensify during the June-August lean season, with the number of people affected quadrupling over the last five years. Economic challenges such as double-digit inflation and stagnating local production are major drivers of this crisis, in addition to the recurrent conflicts across the region. Countries like Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra Leone, and Mali are among the worst affected. In some northern areas of these countries, approximately 2,600 individuals are likely to experience catastrophic levels of hunger. ADVERTISEMENT Margot Vandervelden, the World Food Programme's acting regional director for West Africa, emphasizes the urgency of the situation, stating, "The time to act is now. We need all partners to step up... to prevent the situation from getting out of control." Alongside the WFP, the U.N. children's agency UNICEF and the Food and Agriculture Organization are actively calling for increased support. The crisis is particularly severe among children, with an estimated 16.7 million children under the age of five suffering from acute malnutrition across the regions. This alarming rate of malnutrition underscores the urgent need for targeted nutritional interventions. ADVERTISEMENT Additionally, the region's heavy dependence on food imports has tightened the squeeze, especially for countries battling high inflation such as Ghana, Nigeria, and Sierra Leone. Robert Guei, the FAO's Sub-regional Coordinator for West Africa, advocates for policies to boost and diversify local food production to respond to the unprecedented food and nutrition insecurity. The escalating food crisis in West and Central Africa requires a multifaceted approach involving local policy changes, international aid, and immediate action. With millions at risk, the global community's response in the coming months will be crucial in averting a major humanitarian disaster. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Tags

An open letter urges France and the EU to act on Victoire Ingabire’s detention, framing it as a credibility test for diplomacy. An open letter sent from France by a coalition of Rwandan opposition groups, civil society organisations and independent personalities is urging French Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot to push for concrete European action over the imprisonment of opposition figure Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza arguing the case has become a direct measure of Western credibility on human rights and democratic principles in Africa. A dispute over diplomatic language and what it implies At the centre of the signatories’ argument is not only Ingabire’s detention, but the way it is described by Western partners. The letter criticises diplomatic formulations that treat the matter primarily as routine judicial proceedings, warning that such framing can appear to mirror Kigali ’s own narrative and blur the line between peaceful political opposition and security threats. The authors specifically dispute references to alleged ties between Ingabire and the FDLR armed group , contending that the claim has not been established by an independent national or international court. They argue that presenting the case as standard law enforcement risks weakening the EU’s public stance on political pluralism and due process especially when European institutions have already taken positions on the matter. The European Parliament’s position raises the stakes The letter points to prior European Parliament action as evidence that Ingabire’s detention has already moved beyond a purely domestic lens in Brussels. In September 2025, the European Parliament adopted a resolution on Ingabire’s case, including calls related to her release and political freedoms in Rwanda adding institutional weight to the expectations placed on EU diplomacy. That earlier parliamentary step matters because it creates a benchmark: if EU member states continue to speak cautiously while the Parliament uses sharper language, the gap becomes visible internally and externally and invites questions about coherence in Europe’s Rwanda policy. The signatories also cite international human rights mechanisms to support their claim that the case should not be treated as ordinary justice. They reference the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, which they say classified Ingabire’s detention as arbitrary and called for her release, arguing that this raises obligations for partners who emphasise rule-of-law diplomacy. Beyond Ingabire herself, the letter describes restrictions and pressure affecting her political party, DALFA-Umurinzi, and broader civic space arguing that soft diplomatic language such as “restrictions” does not adequately reflect what the authors describe as systematic political criminalisation. Continue Reading Full Article JUSTICE & CRIME Ingabire Case Tests EU–Rwanda Diplomacy as Pressure Grows By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Feb 4, 2026 May 15, 2026 5 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: An open letter sent from France by a coalition of Rwandan opposition groups, civil society organisations and independent personalities is urging French Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot to push for concrete European action over the imprisonment of opposition figure Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza arguing the case has become a direct measure of Western credibility on human rights and democratic principles in Africa. A dispute over diplomatic language and what it implies At the centre of the signatories’ argument is not only Ingabire’s detention, but the way it is described by Western partners. The letter criticises diplomatic formulations that treat the matter primarily as routine judicial proceedings, warning that such framing can appear to mirror Kigali ’s own narrative and blur the line between peaceful political opposition and security threats. The authors specifically dispute references to alleged ties between Ingabire and the FDLR armed group , contending that the claim has not been established by an independent national or international court. They argue that presenting the case as standard law enforcement risks weakening the EU’s public stance on political pluralism and due process especially when European institutions have already taken positions on the matter. ADVERTISEMENT The European Parliament’s position raises the stakes The letter points to prior European Parliament action as evidence that Ingabire’s detention has already moved beyond a purely domestic lens in Brussels. In September 2025, the European Parliament adopted a resolution on Ingabire’s case, including calls related to her release and political freedoms in Rwanda adding institutional weight to the expectations placed on EU diplomacy. That earlier parliamentary step matters because it creates a benchmark: if EU member states continue to speak cautiously while the Parliament uses sharper language, the gap becomes visible internally and externally and invites questions about coherence in Europe’s Rwanda policy. The signatories also cite international human rights mechanisms to support their claim that the case should not be treated as ordinary justice. They reference the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, which they say classified Ingabire’s detention as arbitrary and called for her release, arguing that this raises obligations for partners who emphasise rule-of-law diplomacy. ADVERTISEMENT Beyond Ingabire herself, the letter describes restrictions and pressure affecting her political party, DALFA-Umurinzi, and broader civic space arguing that soft diplomatic language such as “restrictions” does not adequately reflect what the authors describe as systematic political criminalisation. Another reason the case is diplomatically sensitive is historical context. The letter reaffirms the central recognition of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi , but argues that genocide memory should not be used as a standing justification for limiting political freedoms decades later. For the signatories, Western partners who invest in memory and reconciliation initiatives with Rwanda face a parallel obligation: ensuring that commemorative engagement does not become a substitute for addressing present-day rights concerns. What the letter asks France and the EU to do next The authors urge France to raise the Ingabire case actively within the Council of the European Union and to support the use of targeted measures under the EU’s human rights sanctions framework steps they present as necessary for diplomatic dialogue to carry real credibility. They also say the French foreign ministry has been contacted formally on the issue more than once, but without what they consider a substantive public response . People also read: FDU-Inkingi Elects Pierre Célestin Rwalinda as President DRC Vows to Enforce UN Law, Challenges Rwanda’s Occupation Rwandan Opposition Launches Coalition to Challenge Kagame Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today War in Eastern DRC Kagame Uses Habyarimana’s Son to Broaden Rwanda’s Threat Case . Justice & Crime Ingabire Case Tests EU–Rwanda Diplomacy as Pressure Grows . DRC Peace Effort A Letter to Trump: FDLR Pushes Back on ‘Destruction Agenda’ . ADVERTISEMENT Why this is a “test” in practical terms Taken together, the argument is that the Ingabire case now functions as a stress test for EU–Rwanda diplomacy on three fronts: Consistency: whether European messaging aligns with prior parliamentary positions; Clarity: whether Western governments distinguish political dissent from security allegations in their public language; Credibility: whether dialogue is paired with tools the EU already says it has for serious rights cases. For the signatories, the outcome will signal whether Europe’s stated commitments on rights and pluralism are applied predictably even in partnerships shaped by security cooperation and sensitive historical memory. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles War in Eastern DRC Kagame Uses Habyarimana’s Son to Broaden Rwanda’s Threat Case In a defiant speech, Rwanda’s president cast old regime figures as part of today’s regional threat. . Justice & Crime Ingabire Case Tests EU–Rwanda Diplomacy as Pressure Grows Open letter urges France and EU to act, warning diplomatic language may blur politics and justice . DRC Peace Effort A Letter to Trump: FDLR Pushes Back on ‘Destruction Agenda’ FDLR says disbanding it won’t fix Congo’s conflict and urges Trump to pursue real dialogue . Tags Rwanda-Congo Peace Deal Rwanda-Congo Peace Deal Rwanda Rwanda Rwandan Opposition Rwandan Opposition African Union African Union Rwanda Opposition Rwanda Opposition Victoire Ingabire Victoire Ingabire

Tiwa Savage has crossed 800 million Spotify streams, joining a select group of Nigerian artists with sustained global reach. Nigerian singer Tiwa Savage has surpassed 800 million total streams on Spotify, placing her among a select group of Nigerian artists to reach the milestone across all credits on the platform. Savage’s catalogue blends Afrobeats, R&B and pop, a sound that has earned international recognition. Her 2020 album Celia was named among Time magazine’s top 10 albums of that year. She has also featured regularly on Spotify’s annual Wrapped lists for Nigeria’s most streamed female artists, ranking eighth in the 2025 data. Over more than a decade, the multi-award-winning artist has released songs that have performed strongly both locally and internationally, including collaborations such as “Ma Lo” with Wizkid, solo releases like “Koroba,” and her appearance on Asake’s “Loaded.” Her music continues to record significant listenership in Nigeria, the United States and the United Kingdom. The 800 million stream mark reflects sustained audience engagement rather than a single breakout hit. Savage is a Berklee College of Music graduate who began her career as a trombone player before working across the UK and Nigerian music scenes. She has collaborated with international artists including Beyoncé, Sam Smith, Coldplay’s Chris Martin, Brandy, Nas and Craig David. While Spotify does not publish official all-time stream rankings, available data indicate that a combination of lead releases and featured appearances has driven Savage’s cumulative totals. Nigeria’s 800 Million Spotify Streams Club Several Nigerian artists have surpassed 800 million total streams on Spotify, a level associated with long-term global and domestic performance. Based on figures compiled from Chart Masters and the Debut Hub page on X, the following artists had crossed the mark as of December 2025 (totals include lead and featured credits): Wizkid — 9.82B Burna Boy — 9.41B Continue Reading Full Article ENTERTAINMENT Tiwa Savage Joins Nigeria’s 800M Spotify Streams Club By Witty Pascal Entertainment Editor Witty Pascal Home Comment Dec 15, 2025 May 15, 2026 3 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Nigerian singer Tiwa Savage has surpassed 800 million total streams on Spotify, placing her among a select group of Nigerian artists to reach the milestone across all credits on the platform. Savage’s catalogue blends Afrobeats, R&B and pop, a sound that has earned international recognition. Her 2020 album Celia was named among Time magazine’s top 10 albums of that year. She has also featured regularly on Spotify’s annual Wrapped lists for Nigeria’s most streamed female artists, ranking eighth in the 2025 data. ADVERTISEMENT Over more than a decade, the multi-award-winning artist has released songs that have performed strongly both locally and internationally, including collaborations such as “Ma Lo” with Wizkid, solo releases like “Koroba,” and her appearance on Asake’s “Loaded.” Her music continues to record significant listenership in Nigeria, the United States and the United Kingdom. The 800 million stream mark reflects sustained audience engagement rather than a single breakout hit. Savage is a Berklee College of Music graduate who began her career as a trombone player before working across the UK and Nigerian music scenes. She has collaborated with international artists including Beyoncé, Sam Smith, Coldplay’s Chris Martin, Brandy, Nas and Craig David. ADVERTISEMENT While Spotify does not publish official all-time stream rankings, available data indicate that a combination of lead releases and featured appearances has driven Savage’s cumulative totals. Nigeria’s 800 Million Spotify Streams Club Several Nigerian artists have surpassed 800 million total streams on Spotify, a level associated with long-term global and domestic performance. Based on figures compiled from Chart Masters and the Debut Hub page on X, the following artists had crossed the mark as of December 2025 (totals include lead and featured credits): Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Biography Poco Lee Biography: Age, Real Name, Dance Career and Songs . Biography Eric Omondi Biography: Comedy, Activism and Public Life . Biography Who Is Snit Habteab, Eritrea’s Miss World Trailblazer? . Entertainment Poco Lee UK Case Sparks Consent Debate Among Nigerian Stars . Entertainment FOLA Leads 2026 Headies Nominations Ahead of Toronto . ADVERTISEMENT Wizkid — 9.82B Burna Boy — 9.41B Rema — 5.56B Tems — 4.33B Davido — 3.34B+ Ayra Starr — 3.16B+ Omah Lay — 2.77B+ Asake — 2.75B+ CKay — 2.72B+ Fireboy DML — 2.27B+ Mr Eazi — 1.86B+ BNXN — 1.66B+ Kizz Daniel — 1.51B+ Olamide — 1.39B+ Seyi Vibez — 1.3B+ Victony — 1.22B+ ODUMODUBLVCK — 1.06B+ Oxlade — 986M+ Ruger — 983M+ Adekunle Gold — 813M+ Joeboy — 813M+ Young Jonn — 802M+ Shallipopi — 800M+ Tiwa Savage — 800M+ The figures are estimates drawn from multiple tracking sources, as Spotify does not release precise cumulative stream totals publicly. The milestone comes amid continued global growth for Afrobeats, with Nigeria recording more than 1.3 billion listening hours on Spotify in 2025. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Biography Poco Lee Biography: Age, Real Name, Dance Career and Songs Inside the Nigerian dancer’s rise from Ojo street shows to Afrobeats stages, music and global fame. . Biography Eric Omondi Biography: Comedy, Activism and Public Life How Eric Omondi rose through Churchill Show and became a prominent Kenyan activist. . Biography Who Is Snit Habteab, Eritrea’s Miss World Trailblazer? The neuroscientist and educator became Eritrea’s first Miss World entrant and reached the Top 6 . Entertainment Poco Lee UK Case Sparks Consent Debate Among Nigerian Stars The dancer faces five sexual offence charges and returns to court on September 15. . Tags Entertainment Entertainment Nigerian Entertainment Nigerian Entertainment Nigeria Nigeria

The Rubaya mine now sits at the center of Congo’s strategy to raise costs for M23 and Rwanda-backed operations. In late April 2024, the M23 insurgency, supported by the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF), seized the mining town of Rubaya in North Kivu and its adjoining coltan pits. United Nations experts later described how the rebels set up a parallel administration, controlling “mining, trade, transport and taxation” and monopolizing exports to Rwanda. By levying a $ 7-per-kilogram tax on coltan and enforcing exclusive trading routes, M23 collected at least $800 000 per month. Rubaya produces an estimated 15% of the world’s coltan, a tantalum-rich ore essential for electronics, and now funds a conflict that has displaced hundreds of thousands in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Kinshasa’s response has been to transform Rubaya from a revenue source for armed actors into a diplomatic trap for their backers. In February 2026, Reuters reported that President Félix Tshisekedi’s government quietly included the rebel‑held Rubaya coltan mine on a shortlist of strategic assets offered to the United States under a minerals‑cooperation framework. A senior Congolese official and a U.S. diplomat confirmed that the list was presented to a DRC‑U.S. meeting in Washington on 5 February 2026. By incorporating a mine he does not control into a bilateral partnership, Tshisekedi is asserting sovereignty, inviting American involvement, and raising the cost for Rwanda and M23 to hold the territory. In chess terms, it is not checkmate, but it is a forced sequence. How control of Rubaya funds conflict The UN Group of Experts on the DRC documented how the M23/RDF alliance transformed Rubaya into a revenue machine. After capturing the area on 30 April 2024, the rebels set up permits for miners and traders, doubled miners’ wages to keep production flowing, and imposed taxes on each kilogram of coltan or cassiterite. Convoys carrying up to 5 tons of coltan left twice a week, and UN investigators estimated that at least 120 tons per month were exported to Rwanda . Once across the border, Congolese ore was mixed with Rwandan production, creating “ the largest contamination of 3T mineral supply chains ” in the region. Reuters reporters who visited Rubaya in March 2025 were told by M23 officials that the group imposed a 15 % tax on coltan purchases. The UN concluded that M23 “levied at least $800 000 per month” from coltan and manganese. The capture of Rubaya fits into a broader pattern. UN Security Council resolution 2773 (2025) condemned M23’s offensives, ordered the group to cease hostilities and withdraw, and called on the Rwanda Defence Force to cease support and immediately withdraw from the DRC. A U.S. statement to the Security Council reiterated that “ M23 must fully withdraw … Rwanda must cease support for M23 and withdraw all troops ”. The EU, in a January 2025 statement, similarly urged “Rwanda’s military presence in the DRC [to] cease” and warned that those sustaining the conflict would face “all tools at its disposal”. Despite these admonitions, M23’s parallel administration has endured, financed by Rubaya’s ore and sheltered by Kigali’s denials. The Washington Peace Agreement and renewed pressure on Kigali In December 2025, the DRC and Rwanda signed the Washington Peace Agreement, brokered by the United States, Qatar, and the African Union. The pact is built on six pillars: respect for territorial integrity; cessation of hostilities; disarmament and conditional reintegration of non‑state armed groups; regional economic cooperation; protection of civilians; and a joint security mechanism. It requires the withdrawal of Rwandan troops, prohibits state support for armed groups, and establishes a joint oversight committee. Despite the agreement, M23 launched a major offensive in December 2025, seizing the city of Uvira. U.S. officials condemned the attack as a “clear violation” of the Washington Accords and warned that Rwanda’s military actions were a “grave mistake”. Lucy Tamlyn , U.S. ambassador to the DRC, said Washington was weighing “all possible tools” to uphold the framework. French media later reported that the United States considered sanctions on Rwandan officials and that withholding economic components of the Washington Accords could cost Kigali billions of dollars. By including Rubaya in the strategic asset list, Tshisekedi is effectively tying the mine to the U.S.–DRC Strategic Partnership Agreement, signed in December 2025. The agreement’s objectives include facilitating increased investment by U.S. persons, ensuring durable supply chains for critical minerals, promoting responsible mining, and combating the use of minerals to finance conflict. It establishes a Strategic Asset Reserve (SAR) : within 30 days, the DRC must designate priority mineral assets, and the list can only be updated in consultation with the United States. By placing Rubaya on this list, Kinshasa signals that any party obstructing its return to state control may jeopardize U.S. investment and invite sanctions. Turning a contested mine into a diplomatic lever Reuters reported that Kinshasa’s document emphasised that Rubaya could deliver a “fully traceable, conflict‑free” tantalum supply compliant with U.S. procurement rules. The DRC estimates the mine needs $50 million–$150 million to restart and ramp up commercial output, with rapid cost recovery expected due to soaring global demand. Rubaya’s ore, containing tantalum concentrations of 20-40 %, is essential for semiconductors and aerospace components. By offering this prize in a U.S. partnership, Tshisekedi internationalizes the conflict zone and invites American scrutiny of supply chains. It forces Rwanda to choose between maintaining M23’s occupation, risking U.S. sanctions, and exclusion from lucrative projects. Continue Reading Full Article WAR IN DR CONGO Tshisekedi’s Rubaya Strategy: A Calculated Warning to Rwanda and M23 By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Feb 20, 2026 May 15, 2026 7 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: In late April 2024, the M23 insurgency, supported by the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF), seized the mining town of Rubaya in North Kivu and its adjoining coltan pits. United Nations experts later described how the rebels set up a parallel administration, controlling “mining, trade, transport and taxation” and monopolizing exports to Rwanda. By levying a $ 7-per-kilogram tax on coltan and enforcing exclusive trading routes, M23 collected at least $800 000 per month. Rubaya produces an estimated 15% of the world’s coltan, a tantalum-rich ore essential for electronics, and now funds a conflict that has displaced hundreds of thousands in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Kinshasa’s response has been to transform Rubaya from a revenue source for armed actors into a diplomatic trap for their backers. In February 2026, Reuters reported that President Félix Tshisekedi’s government quietly included the rebel‑held Rubaya coltan mine on a shortlist of strategic assets offered to the United States under a minerals‑cooperation framework. A senior Congolese official and a U.S. diplomat confirmed that the list was presented to a DRC‑U.S. meeting in Washington on 5 February 2026. By incorporating a mine he does not control into a bilateral partnership, Tshisekedi is asserting sovereignty, inviting American involvement, and raising the cost for Rwanda and M23 to hold the territory. In chess terms, it is not checkmate, but it is a forced sequence. How control of Rubaya funds conflict The UN Group of Experts on the DRC documented how the M23/RDF alliance transformed Rubaya into a revenue machine. After capturing the area on 30 April 2024, the rebels set up permits for miners and traders, doubled miners’ wages to keep production flowing, and imposed taxes on each kilogram of coltan or cassiterite. Convoys carrying up to 5 tons of coltan left twice a week, and UN investigators estimated that at least 120 tons per month were exported to Rwanda . Once across the border, Congolese ore was mixed with Rwandan production, creating “ the largest contamination of 3T mineral supply chains ” in the region. Reuters reporters who visited Rubaya in March 2025 were told by M23 officials that the group imposed a 15 % tax on coltan purchases. The UN concluded that M23 “levied at least $800 000 per month” from coltan and manganese. ADVERTISEMENT The capture of Rubaya fits into a broader pattern. UN Security Council resolution 2773 (2025) condemned M23’s offensives, ordered the group to cease hostilities and withdraw, and called on the Rwanda Defence Force to cease support and immediately withdraw from the DRC. A U.S. statement to the Security Council reiterated that “ M23 must fully withdraw … Rwanda must cease support for M23 and withdraw all troops ”. The EU, in a January 2025 statement, similarly urged “Rwanda’s military presence in the DRC [to] cease” and warned that those sustaining the conflict would face “all tools at its disposal”. Despite these admonitions, M23’s parallel administration has endured, financed by Rubaya’s ore and sheltered by Kigali’s denials. The Washington Peace Agreement and renewed pressure on Kigali In December 2025, the DRC and Rwanda signed the Washington Peace Agreement, brokered by the United States, Qatar, and the African Union. The pact is built on six pillars: respect for territorial integrity; cessation of hostilities; disarmament and conditional reintegration of non‑state armed groups; regional economic cooperation; protection of civilians; and a joint security mechanism. It requires the withdrawal of Rwandan troops, prohibits state support for armed groups, and establishes a joint oversight committee. Despite the agreement, M23 launched a major offensive in December 2025, seizing the city of Uvira. U.S. officials condemned the attack as a “clear violation” of the Washington Accords and warned that Rwanda’s military actions were a “grave mistake”. Lucy Tamlyn , U.S. ambassador to the DRC, said Washington was weighing “all possible tools” to uphold the framework. French media later reported that the United States considered sanctions on Rwandan officials and that withholding economic components of the Washington Accords could cost Kigali billions of dollars. ADVERTISEMENT By including Rubaya in the strategic asset list, Tshisekedi is effectively tying the mine to the U.S.–DRC Strategic Partnership Agreement, signed in December 2025. The agreement’s objectives include facilitating increased investment by U.S. persons, ensuring durable supply chains for critical minerals, promoting responsible mining, and combating the use of minerals to finance conflict. It establishes a Strategic Asset Reserve (SAR) : within 30 days, the DRC must designate priority mineral assets, and the list can only be updated in consultation with the United States. By placing Rubaya on this list, Kinshasa signals that any party obstructing its return to state control may jeopardize U.S. investment and invite sanctions. Turning a contested mine into a diplomatic lever Reuters reported that Kinshasa’s document emphasised that Rubaya could deliver a “fully traceable, conflict‑free” tantalum supply compliant with U.S. procurement rules. The DRC estimates the mine needs $50 million–$150 million to restart and ramp up commercial output, with rapid cost recovery expected due to soaring global demand. Rubaya’s ore, containing tantalum concentrations of 20-40 %, is essential for semiconductors and aerospace components. By offering this prize in a U.S. partnership, Tshisekedi internationalizes the conflict zone and invites American scrutiny of supply chains. It forces Rwanda to choose between maintaining M23’s occupation, risking U.S. sanctions, and exclusion from lucrative projects. This strategy draws on precedents. In July 2024, the U.S. Treasury sanctioned PARECO‑FF and associated companies for illegal mining operations and taxation schemes in Rubaya, noting that minerals smuggled through Rwanda fuelled conflict. Under Secretary John K. Hurley warned that the Treasury “will not hesitate to take action against groups that deny the United States and our allies access to the critical minerals vital for our national defense”. These sanctions show Washington’s readiness to punish entities operating in Rubaya’s illicit supply chains. A senior M23 official acknowledged to Reuters that Kinshasa’s decision to list Rubaya “aims to draw the U.S. into recovering the area militarily,” a telling admission that the rebels view the minerals partnership as a threat. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today War in Eastern DRC Fresh Masisi Fighting Forces More Congolese Families to Flee . War in Eastern DRC US Expects Rwandan Troop Withdrawal by Mid-Next Month, Says Rubio . Washington Peace Accord Trump Administration Blocked Kagame From Re-Entering the US . War in Eastern DRC Kagame Refuses to Withdraw Troops from Congo, Defying U.S. Pressure . War in DR Congo Tshisekedi’s Rubaya Strategy: A Calculated Warning to Rwanda and M23 . ADVERTISEMENT Endgame logic: narrowing Kigali’s room to manoeuvre The Rubaya illustrates the strategic contest between Presidents Félix Tshisekedi and Paul Kagame. Kigali’s advantage has long rested on plausible deniability: the ability to support M23 while claiming to protect Rwanda’s security and to profit from coltan without being held accountable. Tshisekedi’s Rubaya strategy seeks to raise the diplomatic and economic cost of this posture. By internationalizing a contested mine, tying its future to U.S. supply‑chain security and embedding it in a treaty that mandates responsible mining, Kinshasa is shaping the terms of engagement. The listing sends a message: if Rwanda continues to back M23, it risks losing access to U.S. investment and facing new sanctions, consequences that may weigh heavily as Kigali seeks to diversify its economy and maintain its global partnerships. Ultimately, the move is less about selling what Kinshasa does not control and more about asserting sovereignty over its mineral wealth and leveraging Washington’s commitment to secure critical supplies. The UN, EU, and United States have all publicly connected Rwanda to M23 and denounced the illegal exploitation of Congolese resources . By drawing Rubaya into the U.S. partnership, Tshisekedi limits Kigali’s options. Rubaya’s listing forces a sequence in which continued occupation becomes increasingly costly, diplomacy becomes conditional on compliance, and the international spotlight intensifies on those profiting from Congo’s minerals. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles War in Eastern DRC Fresh Masisi Fighting Forces More Congolese Families to Flee AFC/M23 advances and clashes with Wazalendo trigger new displacement as Doha monitoring begins. . War in Eastern DRC US Expects Rwandan Troop Withdrawal by Mid-Next Month, Says Rubio Washington says sanctions were needed after poor compliance with the DRC-Rwanda peace agreement . Washington Peace Accord Trump Administration Blocked Kagame From Re-Entering the US The reported visa issue comes amid rising US pressure over Rwanda’s role in eastern Congo. . War in Eastern DRC Kagame Refuses to Withdraw Troops from Congo, Defying U.S. Pressure Kagame refuses to withdraw Rwandan troops from DR Congo despite U.S. pressure. . Tags Washington Peace Accord Washington Peace Accord DR.Congo DR.Congo Rwanda Rwanda DRAFT DRAFT Paul Kagame Paul Kagame Felix Tshisekedi Felix Tshisekedi

The UAE has begun sourcing gold directly from DR Congo, bypassing Rwanda and disrupting smuggling networks long linked to conflict minerals. Why the UAE Changed Its Congo Gold Strategy The United Arab Emirates has decisively shifted its gold sourcing strategy in Central Africa, opting to buy gold directly from the Democratic Republic of Congo and bypass Rwanda — a move that strikes at the heart of what Congolese officials and international investigators describe as years of systematic smuggling of Congolese gold through Kigali. The turning point came on February 2 in Abu Dhabi , with the signing of the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) between Kinshasa and Abu Dhabi, in the presence of Presidents Félix-Antoine Tshisekedi and Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan. How Congolese Gold Was Routed Through Rwanda For years, eastern Congo’s gold has quietly flowed out through Rwanda. In 2024 alone, Rwanda exported $1.07 billion in gold to the UAE, despite limited domestic production. Multiple investigations, including by The Sentry, an NGO co-founded by George Clooney, have documented how much of this gold originated in North and South Kivu, areas destabilized by Rwanda-backed armed groups, including the M23. The figures are stark. According to The Sentry, Rwanda exported more than $800 million worth of gold between January and March 2025, coinciding with the occupation of several Congolese mining sites by M23 rebels . For Kinshasa, the conclusion has long been clear: Congo was being looted, while Rwanda acted as the laundering corridor. What the CEPA Agreement Really Changes The Kinshasa–Abu Dhabi agreement is designed to collapse that smuggling architecture. Under CEPA, the UAE commits to sourcing gold directly from Congolese channels, within a formalized, traceable framework covering trade in goods and services, rules of origin, e-commerce, and private investment promotion. “This agreement embodies a shared commitment to dismantling mafia networks through transparency,” said Foreign Trade Minister Julien Paluku, stressing that the deal aims to end opaque supply chains that have deprived Congo of revenues for decades. Continue Reading Full Article MINING AND MINERALS UAE Cuts Rwanda Out, Begins Buying Gold Directly From Congo By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Feb 4, 2026 May 15, 2026 5 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Why the UAE Changed Its Congo Gold Strategy The United Arab Emirates has decisively shifted its gold sourcing strategy in Central Africa, opting to buy gold directly from the Democratic Republic of Congo and bypass Rwanda — a move that strikes at the heart of what Congolese officials and international investigators describe as years of systematic smuggling of Congolese gold through Kigali. The turning point came on February 2 in Abu Dhabi , with the signing of the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) between Kinshasa and Abu Dhabi, in the presence of Presidents Félix-Antoine Tshisekedi and Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan. How Congolese Gold Was Routed Through Rwanda For years, eastern Congo’s gold has quietly flowed out through Rwanda. In 2024 alone, Rwanda exported $1.07 billion in gold to the UAE, despite limited domestic production. Multiple investigations, including by The Sentry, an NGO co-founded by George Clooney, have documented how much of this gold originated in North and South Kivu, areas destabilized by Rwanda-backed armed groups, including the M23. The figures are stark. According to The Sentry, Rwanda exported more than $800 million worth of gold between January and March 2025, coinciding with the occupation of several Congolese mining sites by M23 rebels . For Kinshasa, the conclusion has long been clear: Congo was being looted, while Rwanda acted as the laundering corridor. What the CEPA Agreement Really Changes The Kinshasa–Abu Dhabi agreement is designed to collapse that smuggling architecture. ADVERTISEMENT Under CEPA, the UAE commits to sourcing gold directly from Congolese channels, within a formalized, traceable framework covering trade in goods and services, rules of origin, e-commerce, and private investment promotion. “This agreement embodies a shared commitment to dismantling mafia networks through transparency,” said Foreign Trade Minister Julien Paluku, stressing that the deal aims to end opaque supply chains that have deprived Congo of revenues for decades. Crucially, the agreement does not emerge overnight. Kinshasa and Abu Dhabi began formalizing trade relations as early as 2021, laying the groundwork for a controlled, state-to-state economic relationship. Primera Gold: Proof That Direct Trade Works The most tangible symbol of this shift is Primera Gold, a gold refinery established in Bukavu in 2023. Its impact has been transformative. ADVERTISEMENT Before Primera, the DRC officially exported between 5 and 10 kilograms of artisanal gold per year, with a historical peak of just 34 kg in 2020 — a statistical absurdity for a country sitting atop some of Africa’s richest gold reserves. That changed overnight. 2023: 5,000 kg exported 2024: between 7,000 and 9,000 kg Average: ~800 kg per month In just 45 days, Primera exported more gold than the DRC had officially exported in the previous 15 years combined — a 12,000% increase in recorded exports in 2023 alone. “This is an unprecedented revolution,” Minister Paluku said. “It’s up to each individual to make their own economic choice.” Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Mining and Minerals Kamilombe Relocation: Compensation and ZEA 371 Explained . Mining and Minerals Zijin Reports About $6 Billion in Cumulative DRC Mining Investment . Mining and Minerals DRC Takes Mining Investment Campaign to China Conference . Mining and Minerals Eastern DRC copper project delivers promising new drilling results . Mining and Minerals DRC to Launch State-Controlled Geological Data Bank in 2026 . ADVERTISEMENT The Role of Conflict and Armed Groups in Gold Smuggling Ironically, despite holding a 55% Emirati stake, the UAE withdrew from the Primera Gold partnership in 2024 after export volumes temporarily collapsed — a disruption Congolese officials attribute to sabotage, pressure from illicit networks, and regional instability. But the strategic direction has not changed. The new CEPA framework signals that Abu Dhabi has chosen state legitimacy over shadow trade, dealing directly with Kinshasa rather than relying on Kigali as an intermediary. What This Means for Rwanda’s Export Model Beyond economics, the deal carries heavy political consequences. By formalizing direct gold trade with Congo, the UAE effectively undermines Rwanda’s role as a regional gold hub, weakening a system that critics say financed armed groups and prolonged conflict in eastern Congo. Congo is no longer willing to subsidize its own destabilization. But for Kigali, the loss of direct access to Emirati gold markets threatens a lucrative and controversial revenue stream. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Mining and Minerals Kamilombe Relocation: Compensation and ZEA 371 Explained Pit compensation, ore sales and access to a replacement mining zone are separate questions. . Mining and Minerals Zijin Reports About $6 Billion in Cumulative DRC Mining Investment Zijin says its cumulative DRC mining investments total about $6 billion across copper, cobalt and . Mining and Minerals DRC Takes Mining Investment Campaign to China Conference DRC Mines Minister Louis Watum leads a delegation to China Mining 2026 to promote projects . Mining and Minerals Eastern DRC copper project delivers promising new drilling results Copper Intelligence says all 13 main drill holes at its Butembo project in eastern DRC intersected . Tags DRC Mining DRC Mining Rwanda Rwanda DRC Economy DRC Economy DR.Congo DR.Congo Felix Tshisekedi Felix Tshisekedi Congo Mining News Congo Mining News

Book a SARS appointment on official eBooking, MobiApp, SMS 47277 or 0800 00 7277. You must be registered for tax. To book a SARS appointment online, use the official eBooking form . You must already be registered for tax. You can also book on the SARS MobiApp, by SMS to 47277 , or by calling 0800 00 7277 and selecting option 0. Do not pay a private “agent” to book a slot. Use only SARS pages that end in sars.gov.za . Need a tax number first? See how to get your SARS tax number online . If you cannot sign in, see SARS eFiling login . Official portals and contacts Make an Appointment — SARS page that opens eBooking eBooking form — capture details and pick a slot Branch Finder — addresses, hours and branch notices Supporting documents list — papers for each visit reason SARS Online Query System — extra documents after you have a case number Contact Centre: 0800 00 7277, then option 0 Continue Reading Full Article TAX AND REVENUE How to Book a SARS Appointment Online By The Editorial Staff Public Services The Editorial Staff Home Comment Aug 30, 2026 Aug 30, 2026 10 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: To book a SARS appointment online, use the official eBooking form . You must already be registered for tax. You can also book on the SARS MobiApp, by SMS to 47277 , or by calling 0800 00 7277 and selecting option 0. Do not pay a private “agent” to book a slot. Use only SARS pages that end in sars.gov.za . Need a tax number first? See how to get your SARS tax number online . If you cannot sign in, see SARS eFiling login . Official portals and contacts Make an Appointment — SARS page that opens eBooking eBooking form — capture details and pick a slot Branch Finder — addresses, hours and branch notices Supporting documents list — papers for each visit reason SARS Online Query System — extra documents after you have a case number Contact Centre: 0800 00 7277, then option 0 SMS: 47277 with Booking, a space, then your ID, passport or asylum number Branch hours: weekdays 08:00–16:00; Wednesdays 09:00–16:00 What you need You must be a SARS-registered taxpayer, registered representative or tax practitioner A South African ID number (citizens) or a foreign passport or permit number (non-South Africans) A valid cellphone number and/or email address Your names and ID captured exactly as SARS already has them A tax reference number — personal income tax, company income tax, PAYE or VAT. Customs and excise client numbers cannot be used on eBooking Supporting documents that identify the person attending, plus papers for your visit reason Unregistered users are sent to eFiling to register. If SARS cannot verify you, you cannot book. How to book on eBooking Open the Make an Appointment page or go straight to the eBooking form . Use Chrome, Edge, Firefox or Safari — not Internet Explorer. Tick the hearing-impaired box if the person attending needs that support. Choose your requestor type: Individual, Representative, Tax Practitioner, or SMME Sole Proprietor. Enter ID type and contact details. For a South African ID or passport, SARS usually retrieves your tax number. Asylum seekers must type the tax number. Complete the CAPTCHA and continue. Choose a booking type: Telephonic Engagement, Video, Walk-in, Mobile Tax Unit, Pop-Up Branch, or VAT Registration Accreditation. For a walk-in, mobile unit or pop-up, choose a province and branch. Video and phone bookings do not need a branch. Choose a reason category and reason from the lists. If your reason is not listed, SARS says you should use eFiling, the MobiApp or e@syFile instead. Pick one available date and time. You cannot book more than 60 days ahead, or earlier than 48 hours from now. Public holidays do not count toward the 48 hours. Bookings made after 16:00 on a Thursday, or from Friday to Sunday, only show slots from the following Tuesday. Upload supporting documents (pdf, doc, docx, xls, xlsx, gif, jpg, jpeg, bmp, png or tiff; not password-protected; not larger than 5MB). If you choose Upload Later, you have 24 hours or SARS cancels the slot. Submit and keep the case or reference number. SARS sends email and SMS confirmation, then a reminder 48 hours before the appointment. Other official ways to book SARS MobiApp Tap Branch Booking on the pre-login screen, or Branch eBooking from the menu after you log in. SMS 47277 Send: Booking, a space, then your ID, passport or asylum number. Example: Booking 1234567890123 . A SARS official calls you back. This SMS service is only for taxpayers or representatives registered for Personal Income Tax. It is not available to tax practitioners. ADVERTISEMENT Contact Centre Call 0800 00 7277 and select option 0. A SARS official books the appointment for you. eFiling On your eFiling dashboard, use the Online Booking icon. It opens the same SARS appointment page. On the day Walk-in: Go to the branch on your confirmation. Bring the documents you uploaded. Late arrivals may lose the slot. Phone: Be available on the number you gave. Do not walk into a branch. Video: Join the Microsoft Teams link SARS emails. You need internet and a camera. Do not walk into a branch. You are assisted by the next available consultant. You cannot pick a specific agent unless you make a new booking. Cancel or change a booking Open the eBooking form again, complete requestor details and the CAPTCHA. Your active booking appears. Use the delete icon to cancel, then book a new slot. You cannot schedule recurring or block bookings. Tax practitioners may make multiple bookings, but only one active booking is allowed per taxpayer. Extra documents after you book If you need to add files after confirmation, use the SARS Online Query System . Put your eBooking case number in the case number field. See the official supporting-documents list for your visit reason. SARS may still ask for more. If the only reason for a branch visit is a bank-account change, first try how to update your banking details with SARS . ADVERTISEMENT Common problems Details do not validate. Retype your ID or passport exactly as SARS has it. A mismatch means no booking. No timeslots. Choose another day, another branch, or a video or phone engagement. Fully booked slots do not display. Reason not in the list. Complete the task on eFiling, the MobiApp or e@syFile. eBooking is for processes that are not fully automated. Slot cancelled. Upload documents within 24 hours. If SARS cancelled the booking, start again. You are unregistered. Register on eFiling first. SARS can then allocate a personal income tax number so you can book. Specialised units. eBooking is not offered for Large Business, High Net Worth Individual or Restricted Taxpayer Unit registrations. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today SASSA Payment Dates SASSA Change Banking Details Link: Official Guide . Tax and Revenue How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online . Social Service How to Check UIF Claim Status Online . Local Government How to Replace a Lost South African ID . ADVERTISEMENT Scam warning Book only on sars.gov.za or tools.sars.gov.za Never pay anyone to “fast-track” a SARS appointment SARS will not ask you to pay a booking fee on WhatsApp, e-wallet or a personal account Keep the official SMS or email that includes your reference or case number Frequently asked questions Do I need an appointment to visit a SARS branch? SARS tells taxpayers to book online or on the MobiApp to avoid a long queue. You are contacted after the booking is requested. Can I walk in without booking? Pop-up branches and Mobile Tax Units may take unscheduled walk-ins as well as booked visits. For a normal branch, book first. Is there a booking fee? The SARS appointment pages do not list a charge to use eBooking, the MobiApp, SMS or the Contact Centre. How far ahead can I book? No more than 60 days. The earliest slot is after 48 hours, with the Thursday-after-16:00 and weekend rule above. Official sources Make an Appointment Book an Appointment at SARS — External Guide (PDF) Branch Finder Branch appointment supporting documents SARS website Checked against SARS public pages on 30 August 2026 (ET). Screens, slot rules and branch hours can change — follow what the official form shows that day. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles SASSA Payment Dates SASSA Change Banking Details Link: Official Guide Use the official SASSA link to change your SRD banking details safely. Follow the steps and avoid . Tax and Revenue How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return Use the official SARS checker and 2026 rules to see if you must file an ITR12. . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online Book a SARS branch, video or phone slot on eBooking, MobiApp, SMS or 0800 00 7277. . Social Service How to Check UIF Claim Status Online Use UIF Online, free USSD *134*843#, or call 0800 030 007 to track your claim. . Tags South Africa Gov Services South Africa Gov Services

The United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) has marked a significant milestone in the governance of Artificial Intelligence (AI) with the unanimous adoption of a groundbreaking resolution, spearheaded by the United States and co-sponsored by Kenya, among other nations. This resolution, titled: "Seizing the opportunities of safe, secure, and trustworthy artificial intelligence systems for sustainable development," This sets a precedent for AI governance on a global scale, particularly highlighting a brighter future for Africa in the AI domain. Under this resolution, developed nations are urged to extend both technical and financial support to their developing counterparts to foster AI development, thereby narrowing the digital divide and propelling sustainable growth in line with the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. This initiative not only promises to elevate Africa from its current status as a primary AI consumer but also aims to fortify the continent's role in the global AI innovation landscape. Key aspects of the resolution include promoting rigorous testing of AI systems prior to their deployment, alongside the development of sophisticated tools capable of detecting and tracing AI-generated content. This move is particularly critical in the face of growing concerns over the dissemination of disinformation and misinformation through unregulated AI-generated content. While UNGA resolutions are not legally binding, the overwhelming consensus on this particular directive underscores a global commitment to a unified approach towards AI governance. It embodies a vision for an inclusive AI ecosystem that safeguards against the use of technology in undermining peace or human rights while emphasizing the eradication of bias and discrimination within AI systems. Kenya's ambassador to the UN, Martin Kimani, highlighted, Continue Reading Full Article By Author Name Author Name Home Comment Apr 6, 2024 May 15, 2026 3 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: UN's groundbreaking AI resolution co-sponsored by Kenya, paves the way for transformative AI development and governance, promising a brighter AI future for Africa and beyond. The United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) has marked a significant milestone in the governance of Artificial Intelligence (AI) with the unanimous adoption of a groundbreaking resolution, spearheaded by the United States and co-sponsored by Kenya, among other nations. This resolution, titled: "Seizing the opportunities of safe, secure, and trustworthy artificial intelligence systems for sustainable development," This sets a precedent for AI governance on a global scale, particularly highlighting a brighter future for Africa in the AI domain. ADVERTISEMENT Under this resolution, developed nations are urged to extend both technical and financial support to their developing counterparts to foster AI development, thereby narrowing the digital divide and propelling sustainable growth in line with the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. This initiative not only promises to elevate Africa from its current status as a primary AI consumer but also aims to fortify the continent's role in the global AI innovation landscape. Key aspects of the resolution include promoting rigorous testing of AI systems prior to their deployment, alongside the development of sophisticated tools capable of detecting and tracing AI-generated content. This move is particularly critical in the face of growing concerns over the dissemination of disinformation and misinformation through unregulated AI-generated content. ADVERTISEMENT While UNGA resolutions are not legally binding, the overwhelming consensus on this particular directive underscores a global commitment to a unified approach towards AI governance. It embodies a vision for an inclusive AI ecosystem that safeguards against the use of technology in undermining peace or human rights while emphasizing the eradication of bias and discrimination within AI systems. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today ADVERTISEMENT Kenya's ambassador to the UN, Martin Kimani, highlighted, Nairobi's instrumental role in ensuring the resolution's focus on development, technological transfer, and the preservation of linguistic, cultural, gender, and racial diversity. This resolution arrives on the heels of the European Union's enactment of the Artificial Intelligence Act, further solidifying a global movement towards the ethical and responsible development and deployment of AI technologies. The adoption of this resolution by the UNGA represents a pivotal step forward in harnessing AI for global good, with Africa poised to emerge as a significant beneficiary in this technological renaissance. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Tags

Sabrina Carpenter surprised fans on Christmas Eve by releasing a previously vinyl-exclusive bonus track on streaming platforms. Sabrina Carpenter has surprised fans with a holiday music release, making a previously exclusive song available on streaming platforms just ahead of Christmas. On December 24, the 26-year-old singer announced the digital release of Such a Funny Way , a bonus track from Man’s Best Friend that had previously been limited to vinyl editions. The announcement was shared via her official Instagram account, where Carpenter thanked fans for their support throughout the year. The release follows the conclusion of Carpenter’s Short n’ Sweet tour, which ended on November 23. Despite wrapping up the extensive tour schedule, the artist appears to have moved quickly into new creative work. Alongside the song’s streaming debut, Carpenter also released a lyric video with a festive theme, featuring vintage-inspired visuals consistent with the holiday season. In her message to fans, she hinted at more music to come, suggesting that additional projects may already be in development. Carpenter, best known for hits such as Espresso , has had a strong year commercially and critically, with continued momentum following her recent tour and music releases. Source: Geo News Continue Reading Full Article ENTERTAINMENT Sabrina Carpenter Releases Surprise Bonus Track on Christmas Eve By Witty Pascal Entertainment Editor Witty Pascal Home Comment Dec 25, 2025 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Sabrina Carpenter has surprised fans with a holiday music release, making a previously exclusive song available on streaming platforms just ahead of Christmas. On December 24, the 26-year-old singer announced the digital release of Such a Funny Way , a bonus track from Man’s Best Friend that had previously been limited to vinyl editions. The announcement was shared via her official Instagram account, where Carpenter thanked fans for their support throughout the year. The release follows the conclusion of Carpenter’s Short n’ Sweet tour, which ended on November 23. Despite wrapping up the extensive tour schedule, the artist appears to have moved quickly into new creative work. ADVERTISEMENT Alongside the song’s streaming debut, Carpenter also released a lyric video with a festive theme, featuring vintage-inspired visuals consistent with the holiday season. In her message to fans, she hinted at more music to come, suggesting that additional projects may already be in development. Carpenter, best known for hits such as Espresso , has had a strong year commercially and critically, with continued momentum following her recent tour and music releases. ADVERTISEMENT Source: Geo News Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Hollywood Updates Vin Diesel Honors Michael Caine With New Festival Tribute . Hollywood Updates Kim Kardashian Shares Surprise Wedding Photos From TV Drama . Justice & Crime Opera Singer Jubilant Sykes Fatally Stabbed in Santa Monica . Hollywood Updates Angela Bassett Reflects on Aging, Says She Still Feels Young at 67 . Hollywood Updates Pamela Anderson Confirms Brief Romance With Liam Neeson . ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Hollywood Updates Zooey Deschanel Talks New Christmas Film and Holiday Legacy Deschanel discusses her new Christmas movie Merv and her long-standing festive music career . Hollywood Updates Diddy’s Mother Refutes Claims Raised in New Netflix Documentary Janice Combs disputes allegations about family history in Sean Combs: The Reckoning . Hollywood Updates Millie Bobby Brown Meets Burna Boy Ahead of TV Appearance Actress greets Nigerian star backstage before co-hosting the ‘Tonight Show’ . Musics Kendrick Lamar’s Scrapped ‘The Recipe’ Video Revealed on Podcast Producers explain why Kendrick Lamar and Dr. Dre’s planned lead video never made the final rollout. . Tags Entertainment Entertainment United States United States

Cassi Ezenwoke Nwosu has been evicted from BBNaija Season 11 during the Week 4 live show, ending his journey in the Show Ya Sef house. Cassi Ezenwoke Nwosu has been evicted from Big Brother Naija Season 11 during the Week 4 Sunday live show, ending his run in the Show Ya Sef house. LAGOS, Nigeria — August 23, 2026 — Big Brother Naija Season 11 housemate Cassi Ezenwoke Nwosu has been evicted from the reality TV competition during the Week 4 live eviction show. The result was announced during Sunday night's broadcast, bringing Cassi's journey in the Show Ya Sef house to an end. According to BellaNaija , host Ebuka Obi-Uchendu announced Cassi's eviction after the public vote, making him the latest contestant to leave the Season 11 house. Cassi leaves after Week 4 nomination battle Cassi had gone into the Sunday live show facing possible eviction alongside several other housemates. Earlier on August 23, Africa Magic's official Day 28 BBNaija coverage confirmed that the housemates were preparing for the live eviction show after a tense week in the house. BellaNaija reported that Cassi had been nominated alongside Araga, Gerard, Goddessa, Nomy, Temi Nkem, Tram and Yusuf before the public vote determined who would leave. His eviction comes as the competition enters another stage, with the number of housemates continuing to fall and alliances inside the house becoming increasingly important. Cassi becomes latest contestant to leave BBNaija Season 11 Continue Reading Full Article ENTERTAINMENT BBNaija Season 11: Cassi Evicted From Show Ya Sef House By Neema Asha Mwakalinga Travel & Culture Expert Neema Asha Mwakalinga Home Comment Aug 23, 2026 Aug 23, 2026 3 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Cassi Ezenwoke Nwosu has been evicted from Big Brother Naija Season 11 during the Week 4 Sunday live show, ending his run in the Show Ya Sef house. LAGOS, Nigeria — August 23, 2026 — Big Brother Naija Season 11 housemate Cassi Ezenwoke Nwosu has been evicted from the reality TV competition during the Week 4 live eviction show. The result was announced during Sunday night's broadcast, bringing Cassi's journey in the Show Ya Sef house to an end. According to BellaNaija , host Ebuka Obi-Uchendu announced Cassi's eviction after the public vote, making him the latest contestant to leave the Season 11 house. Cassi leaves after Week 4 nomination battle Cassi had gone into the Sunday live show facing possible eviction alongside several other housemates. ADVERTISEMENT Earlier on August 23, Africa Magic's official Day 28 BBNaija coverage confirmed that the housemates were preparing for the live eviction show after a tense week in the house. BellaNaija reported that Cassi had been nominated alongside Araga, Gerard, Goddessa, Nomy, Temi Nkem, Tram and Yusuf before the public vote determined who would leave. His eviction comes as the competition enters another stage, with the number of housemates continuing to fall and alliances inside the house becoming increasingly important. Cassi becomes latest contestant to leave BBNaija Season 11 Cassi's departure follows earlier exits involving Martins, Mercedes and Kamsy, who were previously evicted from the competition. Neche also left the BBNaija house voluntarily during Week 4 after stepping away to attend to personal matters. ADVERTISEMENT BellaNaija described Cassi as the fifth housemate to depart Season 11 when the voluntary exit is included. The 26-year-old entrepreneur from Abia State entered the competition as one of the housemates hoping to build a strong run in the Show Ya Sef season. His exit now leaves the remaining contestants to continue competing for survival, public support and the season's ultimate prize. BBNaija competition tightens after Cassi's eviction The Sunday eviction also came during a week filled with relationship developments, strategic conversations and shifting dynamics among the housemates. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Entertainment BBNaija 11: Chimsom Chuka Wins Head of House for Second Time . Entertainment BBNaija Season 11: Cassi Evicted From Show Ya Sef House . Entertainment BBNaija: Ricky Tells Sheba He Is Married in Surprise House Reveal . Biography Mercedes BBNaija: Real Name, Age and Biography . Biography Who Is Aikou? Real Name, Age and BBNaija Profile . ADVERTISEMENT Africa Magic's Day 28 coverage showed contestants discussing who they believed could leave the competition hours before the live show. With Cassi now out of the house, attention will turn to the next Head of House contest, nominations and the alliances that could shape the coming week. Big Brother Naija Season 11 continues on Africa Magic and through DStv and GOtv platforms, with the house remaining under 24-hour coverage as the competition moves forward. 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Patrick Muyaya challenges international partners after Tito Rutaremara urged Banyamulenge youth to take up arms and support M23 against the DRC. DRC government spokesperson Patrick Muyaya has challenged the international community to consider how it would react if a senior Congolese figure openly encouraged Rwandan citizens to take up arms against their own government, following controversial remarks by veteran Rwandan politician Tito Rutaremara concerning the Banyamulenge and M23. KINSHASA — Democratic Republic of Congo government spokesperson Patrick Muyaya has turned the controversy surrounding remarks by veteran Rwandan politician Tito Rutaremara into a direct challenge to the international community: what would happen if the roles were reversed? Speaking after Rutaremara’s controversial intervention at a commemoration of the Gatumba massacre, Muyaya asked international partners to imagine a senior Congolese official addressing a Rwandan community and openly encouraging its young people to take up arms against Rwanda’s government. “Imagine if a Congolese minister or a Congolese notable took the floor to ask a Rwandan community to take up arms and fight the Rwandan government or Rwandan institutions.” Muyaya said he would be “very interested” to see how Congo’s international partners would react. The question has particular significance because international officials have previously reacted swiftly when inflammatory rhetoric came from the Congolese side. What Tito Rutaremara said The controversy began after remarks delivered by Rutaremara , a longtime RPF figure who has held several senior positions in Rwanda, during commemorations marking 22 years since the 2004 Gatumba massacre, in which more than 160 Congolese refugees, predominantly Banyamulenge, were killed in Burundi. In circulating footage of his remarks, Rutaremara addresses Banyamulenge youth and encourages them to take up arms and help M23 “liberate Congo.” Continue Reading Full Article WAR IN EASTERN DRC Muyaya Challenges World Over Rutaremara’s Call to Banyamulenge By Neema Asha Mwakalinga Travel & Culture Expert Neema Asha Mwakalinga Home Comment Aug 18, 2026 Aug 20, 2026 11 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: DRC government spokesperson Patrick Muyaya has challenged the international community to consider how it would react if a senior Congolese figure openly encouraged Rwandan citizens to take up arms against their own government, following controversial remarks by veteran Rwandan politician Tito Rutaremara concerning the Banyamulenge and M23. KINSHASA — Democratic Republic of Congo government spokesperson Patrick Muyaya has turned the controversy surrounding remarks by veteran Rwandan politician Tito Rutaremara into a direct challenge to the international community: what would happen if the roles were reversed? Speaking after Rutaremara’s controversial intervention at a commemoration of the Gatumba massacre, Muyaya asked international partners to imagine a senior Congolese official addressing a Rwandan community and openly encouraging its young people to take up arms against Rwanda’s government. “Imagine if a Congolese minister or a Congolese notable took the floor to ask a Rwandan community to take up arms and fight the Rwandan government or Rwandan institutions.” Muyaya said he would be “very interested” to see how Congo’s international partners would react. The question has particular significance because international officials have previously reacted swiftly when inflammatory rhetoric came from the Congolese side. What Tito Rutaremara said Rwandan Senator Tito Rutaremara The controversy began after remarks delivered by Rutaremara , a longtime RPF figure who has held several senior positions in Rwanda, during commemorations marking 22 years since the 2004 Gatumba massacre, in which more than 160 Congolese refugees, predominantly Banyamulenge, were killed in Burundi. In circulating footage of his remarks, Rutaremara addresses Banyamulenge youth and encourages them to take up arms and help M23 “liberate Congo.” His intervention also focused heavily on identity. Rutaremara portrayed Banyamulenge as Rwandans living in Congo and challenged the community’s use of the Banyamulenge identity. At one point, according to the Kinyarwanda remarks reviewed for this article, he says: “It makes me laugh when I hear Banyamulenge calling themselves Congolese. They are Rwandans, just like me.” The remarks triggered anger among Banyamulenge organizations and community voices who insist that they are Congolese citizens and reject attempts to redefine them from Kigali. “Imagine the gravity” Muyaya argued that Rutaremara’s remarks should not be treated merely as provocative political commentary. He described them as spreading what he called the “poison of division” and accused the Rwandan figure of effectively encouraging an insurrection against Congolese institutions. For Muyaya, reversing the scenario demonstrates the seriousness of what was said. What, he asked, would happen if Kinshasa publicly told young Rwandans to acquire weapons and fight their government? “Imagine the gravity of such remarks.” Muyaya also challenged international partners over what he sees as an inconsistency in responses to inflammatory rhetoric involving Rwanda and the DRC. That argument has a recent precedent. ADVERTISEMENT When a Congolese general crossed the line, Belgium reacted On December 28, 2025, Belgian Foreign Minister Maxime Prévot publicly condemned remarks made by FARDC spokesperson Major General Sylvain Ekenge targeting the Tutsi community. Prévot said he was “extremely shocked” and described the comments as “absolutely unworthy” of an official representative. His message was unequivocal: hate speech must be rejected regardless of circumstances, and national cohesion requires the inclusion of every community. The reaction did not stop with international condemnation. The Congolese military publicly distanced itself from Ekenge's comments, saying they did not represent the position of the FARDC, the Congolese government or President Félix Tshisekedi. Ekenge was subsequently suspended from his duties. That response now forms an important backdrop to Muyaya's challenge. If a Congolese military spokesperson could be publicly condemned internationally and sanctioned domestically for inflammatory rhetoric involving the Tutsi community, Kinshasa is asking what standard should apply when an influential Rwandan political figure encourages Congolese Banyamulenge youth to take up arms against their own state. Muyaya's argument is therefore not that international condemnation of Ekenge was wrong. It is that the principle invoked then should be applied consistently now. “Banyamulenge are Congolese” At the center of the controversy is a much deeper question: who has the authority to define the Banyamulenge? Kinshasa's answer is categorical. “No, the Banyamulenge are not the ‘Rwandans of Congo.’ They are Congolese, just like all the other communities in our country,” Muyaya said in an earlier response to the controversy. Muyaya pointed to the backlash from Banyamulenge themselves as evidence that Rutaremara's characterization does not speak for the entire community. Several Banyamulenge organizations and community figures have rejected attempts to portray them simply as Rwandans and opposed calls for their youth to participate in armed conflict against the Congolese state. Muyaya stressed that Banyamulenge have “never given a mandate” to anyone to speak in their place, redefine their identity or call them to war against their own country. For Kinshasa, that distinction matters enormously. Banyamulenge grievances concerning security, discrimination and historical violence are real political questions. But the Congolese government argues that those grievances cannot be appropriated by another state or used as justification for armed intervention. ADVERTISEMENT Muyaya praises Banyamulenge who rejected Rutaremara Muyaya welcomed what he described as the firm reaction from members of the Banyamulenge community following Rutaremara's speech. He praised those who publicly distanced themselves from the remarks and said Banyamulenge are already participating within Congolese institutions in efforts to restore peace in the High Plateaus. That pushback complicates a narrative that automatically associates Banyamulenge political interests with Kigali or M23. For Muyaya, the community must instead be recognized as part of Congo's national fabric. His message was that Banyamulenge are not foreigners whom Rwanda can politically reclaim when convenient. They are Congolese citizens. Kinshasa says the rhetoric is “not by chance” Muyaya went further by arguing that Rutaremara's remarks should be viewed within the wider history of Rwanda's justification for involvement in eastern DRC. “These declarations are not the fruit of chance,” he said. He described them as part of a “persistent rhetoric” that, according to Kinshasa, uses the Banyamulenge and wider Tutsi security question to justify Rwanda's actions across the border. Muyaya accused Kigali of instrumentalizing the community in two ways: first by reinforcing divisions between Congolese communities, and second by using those tensions as justification for continued intervention. Rwanda has consistently presented its security concerns in eastern DRC differently, particularly emphasizing the threat posed by the FDLR, a militia founded by elements linked to forces responsible for the Rwandan Genocide in 1994. Kinshasa acknowledges that the FDLR issue must be addressed but rejects the argument that it provides justification for Rwanda's military presence or support for armed groups inside Congolese territory. Muyaya repeats allegations over M23 and other armed groups During his intervention, Muyaya also repeated broader Congolese government allegations concerning Rwanda's support for armed organizations operating in eastern DRC. He accused Rwanda of arming M23 as well as other groups and said Kinshasa holds Rwanda responsible for instability in affected areas. Those allegations are serious and should remain clearly attributed to the Congolese government where independent evidence has not established individual claims. The wider allegation of substantial Rwandan military support for M23, however, has been documented repeatedly by UN experts and has become central to international diplomacy surrounding the conflict. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Justice & Crime M23 → AFC → FRN: Has Anything Really Changed? . Justice & Crime Tshisekedi's FDLR Diplomacy Challenges Rwanda's Security Case . Justice & Crime Patrick Muyaya Calls for Stronger Sanctions Against Rwanda . Justice & Crime EU Aligns AFC and Four Armed-Group Figures With UN Sanctions . Justice & Crime M23 Spokesman Says Eastern DRC Gold and Coltan Pass Through Rwanda . ADVERTISEMENT For Muyaya, Rutaremara's appeal for young Banyamulenge to support M23 adds another political dimension to that existing dispute. Washington peace commitments now enter the controversy The timing is particularly sensitive because the DRC and Rwanda are supposed to be implementing commitments reached through internationally mediated peace processes. Muyaya argued that rhetoric encouraging Congolese citizens to take up arms risks undermining the spirit of the Washington process and efforts to de-escalate the conflict. He confirmed that mediators would be informed about Rutaremara's declarations. Kinshasa wants the statements considered not simply as an isolated controversy on social media but within the diplomatic framework governing Rwanda's commitments toward the DRC. Muyaya emphasized that the dispute must not distract from what Kinshasa considers a central requirement of the peace process: the withdrawal of Rwandan forces from Congolese territory. The international community now faces Muyaya's question The controversy ultimately leaves international partners with the hypothetical Muyaya deliberately placed before them. When General Ekenge made inflammatory remarks involving the Tutsi community, Belgium condemned them publicly and Congo suspended him. Now an influential veteran RPF figure has been recorded urging members of a Congolese community to take up arms and help M23 “liberate Congo.” What happens next? For Muyaya, consistency means that dangerous rhetoric should be condemned regardless of whether it originates in Kinshasa or Kigali. That is what makes his challenge more consequential than a simple diplomatic counterattack. The Congolese government is effectively asking international partners to apply a standard they have already established: ethnic identity should not be weaponized, communities should not be pushed toward violence, and political figures should not encourage citizens of another country to take up arms against their own state. And behind that diplomatic argument lies an equally important message from Kinshasa to the Banyamulenge themselves: You are Congolese. Your citizenship and future belong in Congo, and no foreign political figure has the authority to redefine your identity or call you to war against your own country. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Justice & Crime M23 → AFC → FRN: Has Anything Really Changed? XTRAfrica examines Joseph Kabila's leadership of the FRN, its continuity with AFC/M23 and ... . Justice & Crime Tshisekedi's FDLR Diplomacy Challenges Rwanda's Security Case DRC takes its FDLR disarmament initiative to regional leaders and the UN, pressing for RDF withdrawal . Justice & Crime Patrick Muyaya Calls for Stronger Sanctions Against Rwanda DRC spokesperson says diplomatic agreements need enforcement as Kinshasa presses for implementation . Justice & Crime EU Aligns AFC and Four Armed-Group Figures With UN Sanctions EU moves AFC and four armed-group figures from autonomous listings into its UN-linked DRC sanctions . 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Yaya Touré biography covering his age, wife, children, trophies, Manchester City legacy, Ivory Coast career and rise as Slovan Bratislava coach. Yaya Touré is an Ivorian football legend, four-time African Player of the Year and former Manchester City and Barcelona midfielder. Born in Bouaké in 1983, he won league titles in England and Spain, captained Côte d’Ivoire to AFCON glory, and later became Slovan Bratislava’s head coach. Yaya Touré’s career was built on range. He could protect a defence, dictate possession, carry the ball through midfield and arrive in the penalty area as a scorer. He became one of the defining African footballers of his generation not because he fitted one simple position, but because he kept expanding what a central midfielder could do. That range also defines his wider story. Touré left Côte d’Ivoire as a teenager, adapted to several leagues and emerged from a Barcelona squad full of international stars before becoming central to Manchester City’s rise. With his national team, he lived through years of near misses before captaining the Elephants to the Africa Cup of Nations title in 2015. His latest chapter is being written from the technical area. In 2026, Slovan Bratislava handed him his first senior head-coaching role. Months later, he was widely reported as the first African head coach to lead a club in the UEFA Champions League main phase. The landmark arrived in a difficult 6–1 defeat by Paris Saint-Germain, but the result did not erase its significance: one of Africa’s most decorated players had reached another level of European football, this time as a coach. Early life in Bouaké and the ASEC academy Gnégnéri Yaya Touré was born on 13 May 1983 in Bouaké, a major city in central Côte d’Ivoire. He was 43 years old on 10 September 2026. Football ran through his family: his older brother, Kolo Touré, also became an Ivorian international and a Premier League title winner, while their younger brother Ibrahim played professionally before his death in 2014. Touré’s formal development began at ASEC Mimosas, one of West Africa’s most influential football institutions. Manchester City’s official profile records that he entered the academy in 1996 at 13. The club’s academy in Abidjan was renowned for combining technical education with structure and discipline, and it produced a generation of players who would form the core of Côte d’Ivoire’s national team. The young Touré was tall, technically comfortable and capable of playing in different areas. Those traits eventually made him famous, but they also complicated how teams first evaluated him. He was not merely a defensive midfielder, an attacking midfielder or a centre-back. His best football came when a coach understood that his power and intelligence could connect all three zones. In 2001, Touré moved to Belgian club Beveren, beginning a European journey that was far less direct than his later fame might suggest. He had a trial with Arsenal but did not join the London club. Instead, he continued through Metalurh Donetsk in Ukraine, Olympiacos in Greece and Monaco in France. An official AS Monaco profile credits him with 27 league appearances, five goals and six assists during the 2006–07 season. Each stop added something different. Belgium brought him into the European game. Ukraine demanded resilience. Olympiacos offered pressure and trophies. Monaco allowed him to demonstrate that he could influence matches in one of Europe’s major leagues. By the summer of 2007, Barcelona were convinced he could operate at the highest level. Continue Reading Full Article BIOGRAPHY Yaya Touré Biography: Age, Wife, Trophies, Career and Coaching By Truce Elikia Art & Culture Journalist Truce Elikia Home Comment Sep 10, 2026 Sep 10, 2026 19 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Yaya Touré is an Ivorian football legend, four-time African Player of the Year and former Manchester City and Barcelona midfielder. Born in Bouaké in 1983, he won league titles in England and Spain, captained Côte d’Ivoire to AFCON glory, and later became Slovan Bratislava’s head coach. Yaya Touré’s career was built on range. He could protect a defence, dictate possession, carry the ball through midfield and arrive in the penalty area as a scorer. He became one of the defining African footballers of his generation not because he fitted one simple position, but because he kept expanding what a central midfielder could do. That range also defines his wider story. Touré left Côte d’Ivoire as a teenager, adapted to several leagues and emerged from a Barcelona squad full of international stars before becoming central to Manchester City’s rise. With his national team, he lived through years of near misses before captaining the Elephants to the Africa Cup of Nations title in 2015. His latest chapter is being written from the technical area. In 2026, Slovan Bratislava handed him his first senior head-coaching role. Months later, he was widely reported as the first African head coach to lead a club in the UEFA Champions League main phase. The landmark arrived in a difficult 6–1 defeat by Paris Saint-Germain, but the result did not erase its significance: one of Africa’s most decorated players had reached another level of European football, this time as a coach. Early life in Bouaké and the ASEC academy Gnégnéri Yaya Touré was born on 13 May 1983 in Bouaké, a major city in central Côte d’Ivoire. He was 43 years old on 10 September 2026. Football ran through his family: his older brother, Kolo Touré, also became an Ivorian international and a Premier League title winner, while their younger brother Ibrahim played professionally before his death in 2014. Touré’s formal development began at ASEC Mimosas, one of West Africa’s most influential football institutions. Manchester City’s official profile records that he entered the academy in 1996 at 13. The club’s academy in Abidjan was renowned for combining technical education with structure and discipline, and it produced a generation of players who would form the core of Côte d’Ivoire’s national team. The young Touré was tall, technically comfortable and capable of playing in different areas. Those traits eventually made him famous, but they also complicated how teams first evaluated him. He was not merely a defensive midfielder, an attacking midfielder or a centre-back. His best football came when a coach understood that his power and intelligence could connect all three zones. In 2001, Touré moved to Belgian club Beveren, beginning a European journey that was far less direct than his later fame might suggest. He had a trial with Arsenal but did not join the London club. Instead, he continued through Metalurh Donetsk in Ukraine, Olympiacos in Greece and Monaco in France. An official AS Monaco profile credits him with 27 league appearances, five goals and six assists during the 2006–07 season. Each stop added something different. Belgium brought him into the European game. Ukraine demanded resilience. Olympiacos offered pressure and trophies. Monaco allowed him to demonstrate that he could influence matches in one of Europe’s major leagues. By the summer of 2007, Barcelona were convinced he could operate at the highest level. Barcelona, versatility and the historic 2009 season Touré joined Barcelona in 2007 and became the first Ivorian to play for the club, according to UEFA’s profile of his early career . He arrived as a powerful midfielder, but his usefulness soon extended beyond one role. Under Pep Guardiola, Barcelona’s midfield was built around precise positioning and rapid circulation of the ball. Touré had to compete in a squad containing Xavi, Andrés Iniesta and Sergio Busquets. He was sometimes used as the deepest midfielder and, when injuries required it, in central defence. That flexibility mattered during Barcelona’s 2008–09 Champions League run, including the final against Manchester United. The season became one of the greatest in club history. Barcelona won La Liga, the Copa del Rey and the Champions League, then added the Spanish Super Cup, UEFA Super Cup and FIFA Club World Cup to complete a six-trophy year. Barcelona’s official account of the sextuple also recalls Touré scoring in the Copa del Rey final against Athletic Club. Touré spent three seasons at Barcelona. He left with major honours and an enhanced reputation, yet the move that followed gave him a larger individual platform. At Manchester City, he would no longer be one outstanding player among a historic collection of midfielders. He would become a central figure in a club trying to change the hierarchy of English football. Manchester City and the goal that ended a 35-year wait Manchester City signed Touré in 2010, reuniting him with Kolo, who had joined the club the previous year. The transfer brought a Champions League-winning midfielder into a team with rising ambition, substantial investment and a pressing need to convert potential into trophies. Touré’s first season supplied the decisive breakthrough. He scored the only goal against Manchester United in the 2011 FA Cup semi-final, driving City into the final. At Wembley, he then struck the winner in a 1–0 victory over Stoke City. Manchester City’s official retrospective describes the triumph as the end of the club’s 35-year wait for a major trophy. Those two goals established one of the themes of Touré’s City career: he was a midfielder for the largest moments. When matches tightened and space disappeared, he could create an opening through acceleration, strength or a clean strike from distance. In a 2023 interview with The Guardian , he reflected that the FA Cup run gave City the belief that the balance of power in Manchester could change. ADVERTISEMENT City won the Premier League in 2011–12, their first English top-flight title in 44 years. Touré scored twice away to Newcastle United in the penultimate league match, a tense victory that kept the title in City’s control before Sergio Agüero’s famous final-day goal against Queens Park Rangers. The pattern continued. Touré was not the team’s striker, but he repeatedly scored goals with consequences far beyond their place on a statistics sheet. His curling effort against Sunderland in the 2014 League Cup final helped reverse a deficit and set up another trophy. His ability to turn pressure into forward momentum made him both a tactical solution and an emotional force. The 2013–14 peak and Touré’s complete midfield game The 2013–14 season was Touré at his most productive. He scored 20 Premier League goals and supplied nine assists as City won the title. Those numbers remain extraordinary for a central midfielder. The Premier League’s Hall of Fame profile records 230 league appearances, 62 goals, 32 assists and three titles across his eight seasons in England. His performances were about much more than goals. Touré could receive the ball under pressure, hold off an opponent and advance through midfield without losing control. He had the passing range to switch play, the technique to combine in tight spaces and the physical capacity to cover ground in long strides. From free-kicks, he developed a controlled, side-footed technique that produced several memorable goals. What made him unusual was the way those qualities could appear in the same move. Touré might begin beside a holding midfielder, escape a challenge near the centre circle, exchange passes around the penalty area and finish like a forward. Opponents had to decide whether to close him early and leave space elsewhere, or retreat and allow him to build speed. The 2013–14 campaign also showed his stamina. An official Manchester City season review credits him with 24 goals in 49 appearances across all competitions. City won the league and League Cup, while Touré became only the second midfielder in Premier League history at the time to reach 20 league goals in a season. He remained with City until 2018. At his farewell, the club credited him with 316 appearances, 82 goals and seven major trophies. Those overall figures sit alongside clearly defined Premier League totals and capture the scale of his contribution across competitions. His honours included three Premier League titles, the FA Cup and two League Cups. Touré’s City legacy is therefore both statistical and symbolic. He was present before the club had established a habit of winning, scored the goal that ended the trophy drought, powered the side through its first two modern Premier League titles and helped create the standards inherited by later teams. Côte d’Ivoire, the golden generation and AFCON glory Touré’s international career unfolded alongside one of the strongest generations in African football. Côte d’Ivoire could call on Didier Drogba, Kolo Touré, Didier Zokora, Gervinho, Salomon Kalou and several other players based at major European clubs. The talent brought expectation, but for years the continental title remained out of reach. Touré appeared at three World Cups and six Africa Cup of Nations tournaments. He was a complete international midfielder: strong enough for physical contests, calm enough to slow a match and creative enough to support the forwards. He also won the CAF African Player of the Year award four consecutive times from 2011 through 2014, a run that placed him among the continent’s most celebrated footballers. The long-awaited national triumph came in 2015. With Drogba having retired from international football, Touré captained a reshaped Côte d’Ivoire side at the Africa Cup of Nations in Equatorial Guinea. The Elephants defeated Ghana on penalties in the final, winning their first continental title since 1992. CAF’s coverage of Touré’s captaincy presented him as the senior figure guiding a new generation. The title changed the emotional meaning of his national-team career. Previous Ivorian squads had often been described through what they had failed to win. In 2015, Touré and his teammates converted years of disappointment into a defining success. His role as captain added leadership to a résumé already filled with individual awards. Touré announced his international retirement in September 2016. FIFA’s account noted his participation in three World Cups, six AFCON tournaments and the 2015 victory. Published records differ on his precise cap total, but official sources agree that he made more than 100 appearances for Côte d’Ivoire. The final playing years After leaving Manchester City in 2018, Touré returned to Olympiacos. The reunion was brief, and his contract ended later that year. He subsequently joined Qingdao Huanghai in China, helping the club secure promotion to the Chinese Super League in 2019. The closing stage of his playing career did not carry the same visibility as his City years, but it gave him time to consider what came next. Some celebrated players move directly into a prominent managerial post. Touré chose a longer apprenticeship, working in different countries and age groups before taking charge of a senior side. ADVERTISEMENT That approach matched his journey as a player. He had not moved straight from ASEC to Barcelona. His career had been a sequence of adjustments, with lessons collected in Belgium, Ukraine, Greece and Monaco before the biggest stages arrived. Coaching would follow a similarly international path. Learning the coaching profession Touré began building experience through roles at Olimpik Donetsk in Ukraine and Akhmat Grozny in Russia. He then joined Tottenham Hotspur’s academy, initially working with the club while completing his coaching qualifications. In August 2022, Tottenham officially appointed him as an under-16 coach . Academy football offered a different education from the elite senior game. A youth coach has to develop players rather than simply select a winning team. Technical instruction, communication and patience become as important as match-day decisions. For Touré, it was also a chance to turn instincts formed over two decades into ideas he could explain and repeat. In June 2023, Touré joined the first-team staff at Standard Liège. The Belgian club’s announcement described the appointment as an addition to Carl Hoefkens’ professional staff. He left in November to join Roberto Mancini’s staff with the Saudi Arabia national team, a move Standard also confirmed . The Saudi role exposed him to international coaching, tournament preparation and the management of players who spend most of their time with clubs. It also continued his education under a coach he knew from Manchester City. Touré later worked with the Saudi national setup before the opportunity to lead a team arrived in Slovakia. His pathway places him alongside a growing group of African coaches seeking opportunities across domestic and international football. Côte d’Ivoire’s Emerse Faé won AFCON after stepping up from an assistant role, while Patrick Vieira built a coaching career across clubs and national-team football. Burundi’s Cédric Kaze represents another route shaped by coaching education and regional experience. Slovan Bratislava and a Champions League first Slovan Bratislava appointed Touré as head coach in June 2026. The club announced a three-year contract and identified the role as his first position leading a senior team. He inherited Slovakia’s most successful club, with the expectation of winning domestically and competing in Europe. The appointment immediately tested whether Touré could translate his playing authority into a clear coaching identity. He spoke about dominant football, challenges and improvement, but the larger measure would come through selection, training and results. Slovan’s European campaign quickly gave him an international stage. On 9 September 2026, Slovan faced Paris Saint-Germain in the Champions League main phase. UEFA’s match record confirms PSG’s 6–1 victory. The score exposed the gap between the squads, yet the occasion carried a separate historical meaning: TheCable and Goal reported Touré as the first African head coach to lead a team in the competition’s main phase. Touré did not hide from the defeat. In Slovan’s official post-match account , he acknowledged PSG’s superior quality while arguing that his players had committed fully to the match. That response matters because his coaching reputation will depend less on one ceremonial first than on what he builds after it. The milestone remains important. African players have shaped the Champions League for decades, but African head coaches have received far fewer chances to lead clubs at that level. Touré’s appearance did not solve that structural imbalance. It did, however, create a visible precedent and extend his influence from the pitch to the technical area. Public work beyond football Touré has also used his profile outside the game. In 2013, the United Nations Environment Programme appointed him a goodwill ambassador in a campaign against illegal wildlife trafficking. UNEP’s announcement linked the role to the killing of elephants for ivory and to Touré’s concern about the decline of wildlife in Côte d’Ivoire. The appointment gave him a platform on an issue with direct African consequences. It also showed how his public identity had expanded: he was no longer only a successful player from Côte d’Ivoire, but a recognisable continental figure whose voice could carry into conservation and civic campaigns. Yaya Touré’s wife, children and family status Touré has generally kept his household away from routine publicity. The most authoritative recent public record comes from Côte d’Ivoire’s First Lady’s office. In July 2024, Dominique Ouattara’s official website reported that Touré attended a meeting with his wife, Gineba Touré, and their daughter. AbidjanShow’s report independently described the same visit. An older UEFA profile described Touré as a father of three. The children’s names and personal lives are not necessary to understand his public career, so they are withheld here. The family record supports a restrained answer: Touré was publicly documented as married to Gineba in 2024 and has at least three children reported in credible sources. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Sports Trends Malick Yalcouyé Scores on Debut as Ivory Coast Beat Ghana . Biography Yaya Touré Biography: Age, Wife, Trophies, Career and Coaching . Biography Who Is Malick Yalcouyé? Brighton Midfielder Profile . Biography Who Is Yan Diomande? Real Madrid Transfer Explained . ADVERTISEMENT Why Yaya Touré’s legacy endures Touré’s reputation rests on a combination few midfielders have matched. He won at Barcelona, became indispensable to Manchester City’s transformation and captained Côte d’Ivoire to the trophy that had eluded its golden generation. His four consecutive African Player of the Year awards reflected not one exceptional season but sustained dominance. He also changed expectations around the African central midfielder in European football. Touré could be a tactical specialist, a creator and a match-winner without being reduced to physical power. His technique was visible in his first touch and passing; his intelligence appeared in when he accelerated, when he held his position and when he entered the penalty area. At Manchester City, supporters remember the goals because they arrived at turning points. The 2011 FA Cup semi-final and final helped end a trophy drought. The Newcastle goals protected a title challenge. His 2013–14 scoring run powered another championship. These were not isolated highlights pasted onto a long career; they were moments that changed the direction of a club. His coaching career is still much younger than his playing résumé. The Slovan appointment and Champions League milestone make it notable, not complete. Whether he becomes an elite senior coach will depend on the teams he improves, the ideas they express and the results they sustain. For now, Touré’s second career has already carried him from youth development to a European league champion and the Champions League. Career timeline Year Event Significance 1983 Born in Bouaké, Côte d’Ivoire Beginning of the life of one of Côte d’Ivoire’s most decorated players 1996 Entered ASEC Mimosas’ academy Joined a development system that produced many Ivorian internationals 2001 Moved to Beveren Began his European club career 2007 Signed for Barcelona Became the first Ivorian to play for the club 2009 Won Barcelona’s historic sextuple Collected La Liga, Copa del Rey, Champions League and three further trophies 2010 Joined Manchester City Started the most individually influential period of his club career 2011 Scored the FA Cup final winner Helped City end a 35-year wait for a major trophy 2012 Won his first Premier League title Helped City become English champions for the first time in 44 years 2011–2014 Won four straight African Player of the Year awards Established a record of sustained continental recognition 2014 Scored 20 Premier League goals Produced one of the competition’s finest midfield seasons 2015 Captained Côte d’Ivoire to AFCON victory Ended the national team’s 23-year wait for the title 2018 Left Manchester City Closed an eight-year spell with seven major trophies 2022 Became Tottenham’s under-16 coach Took a formal role in academy development 2023 Joined Standard Liège, then Saudi Arabia’s staff Added senior club and international coaching experience 2026 Became Slovan Bratislava head coach Took charge of a senior team for the first time 2026 Led Slovan in the Champions League main phase Reported as the first African head coach to reach that stage Frequently asked questions What is Yaya Touré’s full name? His full name is Gnégnéri Yaya Touré. He is universally known in football as Yaya Touré, with the accent often omitted in English-language searches. How old is Yaya Touré? Yaya Touré was born on 13 May 1983. He was 43 years old on 10 September 2026. Where is Yaya Touré from? He is from Bouaké, Côte d’Ivoire. He developed at ASEC Mimosas before beginning his European career with Beveren in Belgium. Who is Yaya Touré’s wife? An official July 2024 report from Côte d’Ivoire’s First Lady’s office identified his wife as Gineba Touré. The couple attended the meeting with their daughter. How many children does Yaya Touré have? UEFA described Touré as a father of three in a 2009 profile. A 2024 official Ivorian presidency report publicly documented one daughter with Yaya and Gineba Touré. Their children’s names are kept private here. How many African Player of the Year awards did he win? Touré won the CAF African Player of the Year award four consecutive times, in 2011, 2012, 2013 and 2014. How many Premier League titles did Yaya Touré win? He won three Premier League titles with Manchester City: 2011–12, 2013–14 and 2017–18. Which clubs did Yaya Touré play for? His senior European path included Beveren, Metalurh Donetsk, Olympiacos, Monaco, Barcelona and Manchester City. He later returned to Olympiacos and played for Qingdao Huanghai in China. What team does Yaya Touré coach? Touré is the head coach of ŠK Slovan Bratislava. The Slovak club appointed him on a three-year contract in June 2026. Why was his Champions League match historic? Touré was reported as the first African head coach to lead a club in the UEFA Champions League main phase. The milestone came when Slovan Bratislava played Paris Saint-Germain on 9 September 2026. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Sports Trends Malick Yalcouyé Scores on Debut as Ivory Coast Beat Ghana The Brighton midfielder scored and won a penalty as Côte d’Ivoire beat Ghana 2-0. . Biography Yaya Touré Biography: Age, Wife, Trophies, Career and Coaching From Bouaké to Barcelona, Manchester City and Slovan, the story of an Ivorian football great. . Biography Who Is Malick Yalcouyé? Brighton Midfielder Profile Meet the dual-national midfielder after his first Brighton goal and first Premier League start . Biography Who Is Yan Diomande? Real Madrid Transfer Explained The Ivorian winger rose from a Florida academy to the World Cup and a possible €100m-plus move. . Tags Côte d’Ivoire Côte d’Ivoire Gnégnéri Yaya Touré Gnégnéri Yaya Touré