Spain Issues Arrest Warrant for Rwanda General Nyamwasa

Spain’s Audiencia Nacional has ordered the international search and arrest of former Rwandan army chief Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa on charges of genocide, crimes against humanity, and terrorism. An order signed by magistrate José Luis Calama describes him as a mastermind behind massacres committed by the Rwandan Patriotic Army (APR) and its political wing, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (FPR), during the 1990s. Calama’s decision calls for provisional imprisonment without bail and activates European and international arrest warrants

According to the court filing, Nyamwasa – formerly head of Rwanda’s military intelligence – ordered his forces to kidnap and murder the Spanish missionary Joaquim Vallmajó in late April 1994. He also supervised the assassination of three Doctors of the World aid workers, María Flors Sirera Fortuny, Manuel Madrazo Osuna, and Luis Valtueña Gallego, who were shot dead at point‑blank range in the Mugunga refugee camp in January 1997. The ruling asserts that he personally oversaw the murders of 800,000 people – mainly Tutsi civilians and moderate Hutus – during the APR’s seizure of power, and that these killings continued after the genocide through “attacks of a terroristic character” and planned massacres.

Calama lists several subordinates who allegedly carried out Nyamwasa’s orders, including Lt. Col. Jackson Rwahama Mutabazi, Lt. Col. Jack Nziza, Col. Dan Munyuza, Capt. Charles Karamba, Capt. Joseph Nzabamwita, Maj. Steven Balinda and Lt. Alphonse Mbayire. He accuses Nyamwasa of planning selective attacks against civilians and of organising the massacre of approximately 2,500 Hutu refugees in April 1994 at Byumba stadium, where grenades and automatic rifles were used to kill people who had been gathered deliberately. The judge also emphasises that Nyamwasa commanded military operations in Ruhengeri, Gisenyi, and Cyangugu in 1996‑1997 that involved systematic executions, disappearances, and attacks against assembled civilians.

The decision notes that Spain attempted to interrogate Nyamwasa by videoconference through a rogatory commission to South Africa in May 2024, but South African authorities did not respond. The case stems from a 2005 complaint by families of nine Spanish victims; it was initially shelved after Spain restricted universal jurisdiction, but a 2017 ruling by the Audiencia Nacional reopened the investigation and instructed the judge to renew the extradition request. Nyamwasa has lived in South Africa since February 2010, when he fled Rwanda after falling out with President Paul Kagame. Spain requested his extradition in 2010, but South Africa granted him refugee status and ignored earlier warrants.

Who is Nyamwasa? From RPF hero to exiled dissident

Nyamwasa was part of the group of Tutsi exiles who formed the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) in Uganda in the late 1980s. During the civil war, he became the Chief of Staff of the Rwandan Patriotic Army and later headed military intelligence, playing a central role in the APR’s victory over the Hutu-led government. In 2004, he was appointed Rwanda’s ambassador to India.

However, relations with Kagame deteriorated. In early 2010, Nyamwasa fled to South Africa and accused Kagame of corruption and authoritarianism. The Rwandan government counter‑accused him of terrorism and plotting grenade attacks in Kigali. On 19 June 2010, he survived a shooting in Johannesburg. The Guardian reported that his wife and opposition leader Victoire Ingabire blamed Kagame for the assassination attempt, noting that Nyamwasa had “fought alongside Kagame to end the 1994 genocide, but the pair have recently fallen out”. South African police arrested several suspects but declined to say who was behind the attack; Kigali denied involvement.

Nyamwasa helped found the Rwanda National Congress (RNC), an opposition movement composed of former members of the RPF. In 2011, he was convicted in absentia by a Rwandan military court for terrorism and defamation. Despite facing multiple assassination attempts, he remains a vocal critic of Kagame’s government.

Network of generals: Nyamwasa’s peers and the UN mapping report

Subordinates named in the Spanish warrant

The Audiencia Nacional’s order names several senior officers who allegedly executed Nyamwasa’s commands: Jackson Rwahama Mutabazi, Jack Nziza, Dan Munyuza, Charles Karamba, Joseph Nzabamwita, Steven Balinda, and Alphonse Mbayire. Many of these men later rose to high office under Kagame – for example, Jack Nziza became inspector‑general of Rwanda’s Defence Forces; Dan Munyuza served as police chief; and Joseph Nzabamwita headed the National Intelligence and Security Service.

Kagame’s other generals

Spain’s warrant focuses on Nyamwasa, but other RPF commanders have been accused of atrocities.

• James Kabarebe – One of Kagame’s closest allies, Kabarebe served as defence minister and later security adviser. A U.S. Treasury sanctions order issued in February 2025 calls him the “liaison” between the Rwandan government and the M23 rebellion in eastern Congo and says he “designed and coordinated” M23 operations and managed revenues from Congolese minerals. Reuters notes that Kabarebe has been Kagame’s “co‑conspirator, key enabler and hatchet man” for decades and that forces under his command during the 1996‑1997 Congo war left “tens of thousands of massacred Rwandan Hutu refugees in its wake,” according to the 2010 UN Mapping Report. The mapping report documented systematic attacks by Rwandan and allied forces against Hutu refugees, including killings with hammers and machetes; Human Rights Watch said these attacks deliberately targeted Hutu civilians and could amount to genocide

  
  

• Jack Nziza – A key figure in the Spanish case, Nziza later became Rwanda’s inspector‑general of defence. He is implicated in extrajudicial executions and forced disappearances in Rwanda, although few international actions have been taken against him.

  
  

• Patrick Nyamvumba – Former army chief and later interior minister, Nyamvumba was also indicted by Spain in 2008 for genocide and terrorism. He commanded operations in the Congo wars and has been accused by Congolese survivors of ordering massacres of Hutu refugees.

  
  

• Charles Kayonga – Chief of staff of the Rwanda Defence Forces from 2010 to 2013, he has been linked to abuses during counter‑insurgency operations.

  
  

• Fred Ibingira – Commander of the Republican Guard and one of the RPF’s most senior generals; his troops were cited in the UN Mapping Report for participating in massacres of refugees.

These officers, along with Nyamwasa, formed the military elite that secured Kagame’s power. Yet none of them has been prosecuted in Rwanda, and most continue to hold senior posts or diplomatic assignments. Nyamwasa’s case is thus a rare attempt to hold RPF leaders accountable.

Why now? Politics of timing and international disillusionment

Spain’s warrant arrives three decades after the crimes. Why did the Audiencia Nacional act now? Several factors converge:

1. Reopening of universal jurisdiction – Spain curtailed its universal jurisdiction in 2014, which forced the closure of the Rwanda case. In 2017, the Audiencia Nacional reopened the investigation, responding to petitions from victims’ families and instructing Judge Fernando Andreu to renew the extradition request

   
   

2. Non‑cooperation by South Africa – The Spanish court’s frustration with South Africa’s refusal to facilitate a videoconference interrogation in 2024 and its continued harbouring of Nyamwasa led Judge Calama to deem him in contempt and to issue a new arrest warrant

   
   

3. International pressure on Rwanda – Kagame’s global image has deteriorated. Since 2021, the M23 rebellion – widely recognised as a Rwandan proxy – has seized large swaths of eastern Congo. The United States and the European Union have imposed sanctions on Rwandan officials, notably Kabarebe, for supporting M23 and for profiting from Congo’s minerals. Even former allies acknowledge Kabarebe’s role in these wars and note that the UN mapping report documented tens of thousands of Hutu refugees massacred by Rwandan forces

   
   

4. Western disillusionment – For years, Kagame was hailed as a visionary who rebuilt Rwanda after the Rwandan genocide. However, reports of repression, extraterritorial assassinations, and support for Congolese rebels have soured perceptions. Spain’s action reflects a broader shift toward accountability for crimes committed by liberation movements, even when perpetrators once enjoyed Western backing.

   
   

Double standards: Generals face justice while Kagame remains immune

Spain’s warrant exposes a stark double standard. While judges pursue Nyamwasa and subordinate generals for genocide and terrorism, President Paul Kagame continues to receive diplomatic honours, attends summits, and is lauded by foreign donors. Yet the very crimes attributed to Nyamwasa were executed as part of the APR/FPR campaign led by Kagame. Human Rights Watch notes that the UN Mapping Report documented systematic massacres of Hutu refugees by RPF/AFDL forces and said these could constitute genocide. Reuters describes Kabarebe as Kagame’s “hatchet man” and emphasises that his U.S. sanctions implicitly criticise the president. When asked about Kabarebe’s past, Rwanda’s spokesperson dismissed the sanctions as “unjustified,” illustrating Kigali’s impunity.

The Audiencia Nacional’s order is therefore both symbolic and incomplete. It signals a willingness to challenge the RPF’s impunity but stops short of indicting Kagame himself. Spain relies on the doctrine of passive personality (jurisdiction over crimes against its citizens) rather than full universal jurisdiction, limiting its reach. Additionally, without cooperation from South Africa and Rwanda, Nyamwasa may never be arrested.

Could Kagame be next?

The Spanish warrant sets a precedent: senior RPF figures can face justice in foreign courts. International law is slowly catching up with historical crimes. The U.S. Treasury’s sanctions on Kabarebe and rising criticism of Rwanda’s role in the Congo war show that Western governments are reconsidering their support. Victims’ groups are calling for a special tribunal or an International Criminal Court investigation into the RPF’s crimes.

Still, Kagame remains the sitting head of state and enjoys immunity under international customary law. Unless domestic or international political dynamics shift dramatically, he is unlikely to face prosecution in the near future. The case against Nyamwasa, however, chips away at the myth of RPF moral supremacy and could embolden other courts to pursue command responsibility. Spain’s move is a reminder that no leader is beyond the reach of justice forever.

Conclusion

Spain’s arrest warrant against Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa is a watershed moment for accountability in the Great Lakes region. It documents in detail the murder of Spanish missionaries and aid workers and the mass killing of Rwandan civilians, attributing these crimes to a former RPF hero turned exiled dissident. The case highlights a network of generals who carried out atrocities and questions why their supreme commander remains untouchable. As international pressure mounts over Rwanda’s current war in Congo, Spain’s bold legal action may mark the beginning of the end of Kagame’s shield of impunity.