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Juliana Lumumba emerges as a serious OIF contender, offering an independent, youth-focused vision as Mushikiwabo seeks continuity. When the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) announced in February that it would nominate Juliana Amato Lumumba to lead the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie (OIF), it was easy to assume the government was trading on her surname. After all, she is the daughter of Patrice Lumumba, the independence hero whose assassination in 1961 scarred Congolese history. Yet Juliana Lumumba ’s bid amounts to much more than a symbolic act. It reflects Kinshasa’s diplomatic repositioning, speaks to demands for a more independent and Africa‑centred Francophonie, and highlights a candidate whose curriculum vitae spans academia, culture, diplomacy, and activism. As the OIF approaches a critical transition in 2026, she has emerged as a credible alternative to the continuity‑based leadership represented by incumbent Secretary‑General Louise Mushikiwabo. Why her candidacy is gaining attention Lumumba’s public life is marked by concrete achievements rather than nostalgia. She trained at Paris’s renowned École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), obtaining a higher diploma (DEA) in political science and sociology of defence . From 1997 to 2001, she served as vice‑minister and then minister of culture and arts under President Laurent‑Désiré Kabila. During this period, she championed cultural heritage and narrative sovereignty and became known for safeguarding artistic freedoms. After leaving government, she headed the Union of African Chambers of Commerce, Industry and Agriculture (UACCIAP) between 2007 and 2015, promoting economic integration and entrepreneurship across the continent. Her career is multilingual – she speaks French, Arabic, English, Lingala, and Swahili – and includes a decade of journalism in Paris, experience that honed her communication skills and reinforced her independence from Congolese executive power. She is also an activist. On 30 June 2020, marking the 60th anniversary of Congo’s independence, she wrote an open letter to King Philippe of Belgium demanding that her father’s remains be returned “to the land of his ancestors”. The letter, written outside any official government request, underscored her willingness to challenge powerful states and to confront colonial legacies on her own terms – a quality that resonates in a multilateral organisation often accused of being dominated by its founding members. Beyond symbolism Kinshasa has emphasised that Lumumba’s candidacy is built on merit. Government spokesman Patrick Muyaya noted that the DRC is home to more than 100 million people, making it the largest French‑speaking country in the world; the government believes it is time for its voice to be heard. Crispin Mbadu, one of the architects of the campaign, has described her career as “exceptional”. Indeed, she combines cultural diplomacy, economic integration, and grassroots activism. Her roadmap – unveiled in Kinshasa in March and titled “Neuf projets neufs pour une Francophonie neuve” (“Nine new projects for a new Francophonie”) – prioritises youth, education, and innovation. She proposes a more inclusive francophone space that invests in young people, strengthens ties among member states, and promotes peace while respecting state sovereignty. Her plan also stresses the need for “narrative sovereignty” – the ability of francophone countries to tell their own stories and define their destinies – a theme she championed during her ministerial tenure. This blend of cultural and economic focus aligns with calls across Africa for a Francophonie that transcends its colonial origins and serves as a platform for development. Why independence matters in the OIF race One of Lumumba ’s strongest assets is her relative independence from the current Congolese power structure. Unlike candidates backed by incumbent presidents or sitting governments, she has not occupied any official post under President Félix Tshisekedi. This distance allows her to project neutrality – a precious commodity for an organisation whose credibility relies on its ability to mediate disputes among member states. The OIF’s mission, as stated in its charter, encompasses promoting the French language and cultural diversity, defending democracy and human rights, supporting education and research, and encouraging sustainable development. To execute those tasks effectively, a secretary‑general must be seen as free from national political agendas. By contrast, critics of continuity‑based leadership argue that a third mandate for the incumbent could entrench perceptions of alignment with certain governments. Independence does not mean isolation. Lumumba’s programme invites collaboration with member states while emphasising the Secretariat's autonomy. She has outlined nine thematic projects, including intercultural exchanges, youth entrepreneurship, digital innovation, support for local languages alongside French, and economic integration. In her own words, the goal is to create “a more supportive and engaged francophonie”. Such language contrasts with conventional bureaucratic jargon and echoes grassroots movements calling for more horizontal power structures within multilateral bodies. Continue Reading Full Article OIF RACE 2026 Juliana Lumumba Stands Out as Serious Contender for the OIF Leadership By Neema Asha Mwakalinga Travel & Culture Expert Neema Asha Mwakalinga Home Comment Apr 9, 2026 May 15, 2026 9 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: When the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) announced in February that it would nominate Juliana Amato Lumumba to lead the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie (OIF), it was easy to assume the government was trading on her surname. After all, she is the daughter of Patrice Lumumba, the independence hero whose assassination in 1961 scarred Congolese history. Yet Juliana Lumumba ’s bid amounts to much more than a symbolic act. It reflects Kinshasa’s diplomatic repositioning, speaks to demands for a more independent and Africa‑centred Francophonie, and highlights a candidate whose curriculum vitae spans academia, culture, diplomacy, and activism. As the OIF approaches a critical transition in 2026, she has emerged as a credible alternative to the continuity‑based leadership represented by incumbent Secretary‑General Louise Mushikiwabo. Why her candidacy is gaining attention Lumumba’s public life is marked by concrete achievements rather than nostalgia. She trained at Paris’s renowned École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), obtaining a higher diploma (DEA) in political science and sociology of defence . From 1997 to 2001, she served as vice‑minister and then minister of culture and arts under President Laurent‑Désiré Kabila. During this period, she championed cultural heritage and narrative sovereignty and became known for safeguarding artistic freedoms. After leaving government, she headed the Union of African Chambers of Commerce, Industry and Agriculture (UACCIAP) between 2007 and 2015, promoting economic integration and entrepreneurship across the continent. Her career is multilingual – she speaks French, Arabic, English, Lingala, and Swahili – and includes a decade of journalism in Paris, experience that honed her communication skills and reinforced her independence from Congolese executive power. She is also an activist. On 30 June 2020, marking the 60th anniversary of Congo’s independence, she wrote an open letter to King Philippe of Belgium demanding that her father’s remains be returned “to the land of his ancestors”. The letter, written outside any official government request, underscored her willingness to challenge powerful states and to confront colonial legacies on her own terms – a quality that resonates in a multilateral organisation often accused of being dominated by its founding members. Beyond symbolism Kinshasa has emphasised that Lumumba’s candidacy is built on merit. Government spokesman Patrick Muyaya noted that the DRC is home to more than 100 million people, making it the largest French‑speaking country in the world; the government believes it is time for its voice to be heard. Crispin Mbadu, one of the architects of the campaign, has described her career as “exceptional”. Indeed, she combines cultural diplomacy, economic integration, and grassroots activism. Her roadmap – unveiled in Kinshasa in March and titled “Neuf projets neufs pour une Francophonie neuve” (“Nine new projects for a new Francophonie”) – prioritises youth, education, and innovation. ADVERTISEMENT She proposes a more inclusive francophone space that invests in young people, strengthens ties among member states, and promotes peace while respecting state sovereignty. Her plan also stresses the need for “narrative sovereignty” – the ability of francophone countries to tell their own stories and define their destinies – a theme she championed during her ministerial tenure. This blend of cultural and economic focus aligns with calls across Africa for a Francophonie that transcends its colonial origins and serves as a platform for development. Why independence matters in the OIF race One of Lumumba ’s strongest assets is her relative independence from the current Congolese power structure. Unlike candidates backed by incumbent presidents or sitting governments, she has not occupied any official post under President Félix Tshisekedi. This distance allows her to project neutrality – a precious commodity for an organisation whose credibility relies on its ability to mediate disputes among member states. The OIF’s mission, as stated in its charter, encompasses promoting the French language and cultural diversity, defending democracy and human rights, supporting education and research, and encouraging sustainable development. To execute those tasks effectively, a secretary‑general must be seen as free from national political agendas. By contrast, critics of continuity‑based leadership argue that a third mandate for the incumbent could entrench perceptions of alignment with certain governments. Independence does not mean isolation. Lumumba’s programme invites collaboration with member states while emphasising the Secretariat's autonomy. She has outlined nine thematic projects, including intercultural exchanges, youth entrepreneurship, digital innovation, support for local languages alongside French, and economic integration. In her own words, the goal is to create “a more supportive and engaged francophonie”. Such language contrasts with conventional bureaucratic jargon and echoes grassroots movements calling for more horizontal power structures within multilateral bodies. The DRC factor Congo’s decision to field a candidate is itself a geopolitical statement. For decades, the OIF has been led either by former heads of state (Boutros Boutros‑Ghali of Egypt, Abdou Diouf of Senegal) or by diplomats closely linked to small African states. Kinshasa sees the 2026 election, scheduled for the Phnom Penh summit, as an opportunity to reclaim influence. According to the Congolese presidency, the country intends to mobilise all its diplomatic and political resources to support Lumumba’s candidacy. ADVERTISEMENT President Tshisekedi told foreign ambassadors in Kinshasa that backing her means choosing a Francophonie that defends peace and the sovereignty of states. In his view, she epitomises “a woman of experience” who has devoted her career to cultural diversity and narrative sovereignty. Congo’s push also coincides with its broader foreign‑policy repositioning: the country has sought to diversify partnerships beyond Western powers, deepen ties with African neighbours, and assert its role in regional organisations. In the context of a bitter diplomatic feud with neighbouring Rwanda over rebel movements in eastern Congo, running a Congolese candidate against Rwanda’s Mushikiwabo offers Kinshasa a peaceful arena to contest influence. The Francophonie moment The OIF finds itself at a turning point. With 88 member, associate and observer states spread across every continent, the organisation now represents 396 million French speakers, of whom 65 % live in Africa and more than half are under 30. Its programmes range from teacher mobility and digital literacy initiatives to mediation in political crises and observation of elections. Under Mushikiwabo’s leadership , the OIF has pursued institutional reforms, decentralised its structure, and launched trade missions under the banner of the “economic Francophonie”. She has championed gender‑responsive budgeting and teacher‑mobility programmes that deploy French‑language educators across Africa, and has emphasised conflict prevention, mediation, and constitutional order. Yet the organisation still struggles to be seen as more than a cultural club. Canada’s recent decision to suspend part of its financial contribution , citing a “toxic working environment” under the current leadership, underscores growing impatience for better governance. Beyond institutional reform, the OIF must adapt to technological and demographic change. A workshop co‑organised by the OIF and partners on digital technology and youth employment in the Sahel noted that 65 % of the region’s population is under 25, but less than 10 % participates in the labour market; the event highlighted initiatives like the Radio Jeunesse Sahel and D‑clic digital training programmes . The OIF’s four‑year strategic plan stresses education, digital transition, economic attractiveness, environmental sustainability, cultural diversity, gender equality, and youth inclusion. The 2026 Phnom Penh summit is themed “Create, innovate and do business in France,” signalling a shift toward entrepreneurship and innovation . Against this backdrop, member states are likely to evaluate candidates not just on diplomatic pedigree but on their ability to align the organisation with emerging realities such as artificial intelligence, climate resilience, and youth employment. Trending Now Kenya, China Sign Deal for 80 Off-Grid Solar Systems . Energy and Power Kenya Ebola: Five Patients Discharged, 52 Contacts Monitored . Public Health Alerts DRC Opens London Forum Seeking Partnerships, Not Aid . | Economy Kenya's Rironi–Naivasha Highway: 90% Earthworks, December Target . Transport and Logistics Popular Today Policy and Reforms DRC Assembly Backs $625m for Schools, Businesses and Health . Economic Policies DRC Creates Deposit Guarantee Fund to Protect Bank Customers . Social Service DRC Moves to Bring More Public Workers Onto the Payroll . Development DRC Plans $440 Million for Rural Water, Electricity and Infrastructure . Opposition Politics Why C64 Plans a July 8 March to Demand Tshisekedi's Resignation . ADVERTISEMENT Subtle contrast Louise Mushikiwabo enters the race seeking a historic third term. Supporters credit her with decentralising the OIF’s bureaucracy and increasing financial autonomy. They applaud her “economic Francophonie” agenda, which led trade missions yielding contracts worth tens of millions of euros, and initiatives such as teacher mobility and gender‑responsive budgeting. Commentators note that she steered the organisation toward a more assertive political role, sanctioning member states that violated democratic norms and promoting conflict prevention . However, the very attributes presented as strengths also point to an increasingly top‑down, state‑centric orientation. Canada’s funding suspension over workplace climate and questions about a third consecutive mandate highlight concerns about institutional inertia and concentration of power. In this context, Juliana Lumumba offers a distinct proposition. Her independence from current executive power, her record of cultural and economic diplomacy, and her emphasis on youth and innovation speak to the organisation’s future rather than its past. While Mushikiwabo’s supporters frame continuity as necessary to “lock in” reforms, Lumumba advocates renewal from the ground up. Her call for narrative sovereignty challenges francophone elites to listen to grassroots voices. Her roadmap’s focus on education, digital transition, and intercultural dialogue aligns with the OIF’s own programme while promising to re‑centre Africa at the heart of the organisation’s priorities. Far from being a protest candidate, she embodies a strategic re‑balancing – a bridge between generations, languages, and regions. Conclusion Juliana Amato Lumumba’s candidacy does more than present an alternative. By putting forward a candidate who combines diplomatic experience, cultural legitimacy, and political independence, the Democratic Republic of Congo has triggered a serious debate about the organisation’s direction. That debate is further reinforced by a structural reality often overlooked: the DRC today represents the largest French-speaking population in the world. This demographic weight gives Kinshasa a unique legitimacy to shape the future of the Francophonie, not only as a participant but as a central pillar of its evolution. In that sense, Lumumba’s candidacy is not just personal; it reflects a broader argument that the Francophonie’s leadership should increasingly mirror its demographic and geographic center of gravity. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Policy and Reforms DRC Assembly Backs $625m for Schools, Businesses and Health Lawmakers back four financing bills supporting entrepreneurs, primary education, maternal health . Economic Policies DRC Creates Deposit Guarantee Fund to Protect Bank Customers DRC approves FGADEC, a national deposit-guarantee fund designed to protect eligible savings, . Social Service DRC Moves to Bring More Public Workers Onto the Payroll DRC plans to make salary inclusion a 2027 budget priority, aiming to progressively bring eligible . Development DRC Plans $440 Million for Rural Water, Electricity and Infrastructure DRC plans more than $440 million in its 2027 budget for rural water, electricity and basic . Tags DRC Politics DRC Politics DR.Congo DR.Congo Juliana Amato Lumumba Juliana Amato Lumumba

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KiDi says he has left Lynx Entertainment and is now working as an independent artist. Ghanaian highlife and Afrobeats singer KiDi has announced that he is no longer signed to Lynx Entertainment, bringing an end to his long-standing relationship with the record label that helped launch his mainstream career. The musician made the revelation during a TikTok Live session with content creator Code Micky while responding to questions about his current affiliation with the label. “No, I am no longer with Lyn x,” KiDi said during the live discussion. KiDi explained that he is now operating as an independent artist, marking a new chapter in his music career. According to the singer, plans surrounding his departure began around the release of “Gymnastic,” his collaboration with Olivetheboy and Kojo Blak . The singer joined Lynx Entertainment in 2016 after emerging winner of the 2015 MTN Hitmaker competition. Under the label, he released several successful songs including Say You Love Me , Enjoyment , and the internationally recognised hit Touch It . KiDi also released projects such as Sugar and The Golden Boy , which contributed to his rise as one of Ghana’s leading Afrobeats and highlife artists. His work earned him multiple awards and expanded his audience beyond Ghana. Despite leaving Lynx Entertainment, the artist remains active in the music industry. His recent single, Signature featuring Lasmid, continues to receive significant attention across radio stations and streaming platforms. Known for his melodic sound and crossover appeal, KiDi has built a strong international fan base through collaborations and consistent contributions to the growth of Afrobeats globally. Source : Grace Quaye Continue Reading Full Article ENTERTAINMENT KiDi Confirms Exit From Lynx Entertainment By Witty Pascal Entertainment Editor Witty Pascal Home Comment May 7, 2026 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Ghanaian highlife and Afrobeats singer KiDi has announced that he is no longer signed to Lynx Entertainment, bringing an end to his long-standing relationship with the record label that helped launch his mainstream career. The musician made the revelation during a TikTok Live session with content creator Code Micky while responding to questions about his current affiliation with the label. “No, I am no longer with Lyn x,” KiDi said during the live discussion. ADVERTISEMENT KiDi explained that he is now operating as an independent artist, marking a new chapter in his music career. According to the singer, plans surrounding his departure began around the release of “Gymnastic,” his collaboration with Olivetheboy and Kojo Blak . The singer joined Lynx Entertainment in 2016 after emerging winner of the 2015 MTN Hitmaker competition. Under the label, he released several successful songs including Say You Love Me , Enjoyment , and the internationally recognised hit Touch It . KiDi also released projects such as Sugar and The Golden Boy , which contributed to his rise as one of Ghana’s leading Afrobeats and highlife artists. His work earned him multiple awards and expanded his audience beyond Ghana. ADVERTISEMENT Despite leaving Lynx Entertainment, the artist remains active in the music industry. His recent single, Signature featuring Lasmid, continues to receive significant attention across radio stations and streaming platforms. Known for his melodic sound and crossover appeal, KiDi has built a strong international fan base through collaborations and consistent contributions to the growth of Afrobeats globally. Trending Now Jah Lead Targets Collaboration With Amakye Dede . Entertainment D-Black Says His Children Prefer Snapchat Chats . Entertainment Samini Urges Ghanaian Musicians to Learn from Nigeria . Entertainment Sarkodie Explains Why He Continues to Rap in Twi . Entertainment Popular Today Biography Poco Lee Biography: Age, Real Name, Dance Career and Songs . Biography Eric Omondi Biography: Comedy, Activism and Public Life . Biography Who Is Snit Habteab, Eritrea’s Miss World Trailblazer? . Entertainment Poco Lee UK Case Sparks Consent Debate Among Nigerian Stars . Entertainment FOLA Leads 2026 Headies Nominations Ahead of Toronto . ADVERTISEMENT Source : Grace Quaye ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Entertainment Yaw Darlington Says Music Is His Priority Over Marriage The Ghanaian singer says his focus on music leaves no room for marriage at age 26 . Entertainment Blakk Rasta Questions Delay in GH₵100m Lawsuit by Shatta Wale Broadcaster says no court summons received days after defamation suit was publicised . Entertainment Diana Hamilton Explains How “Aha Ye” Was Created With Elder Mireku Gospel singer says the worship song emerged during a live session in Koforidua . Entertainment Sarkodie Says Yaw Sarpong’s Music Strengthened His Faith Rapper pays tribute to late gospel pioneer following his death in Accra . Tags Entertainment Entertainment Ghanian Musics Ghanian Musics Ghana Ghana

HRW reports Rwanda-backed M23 rebels massacred over 140 civilians near Virunga Park in eastern Congo, sparking calls for justice and international action. Introduction The densely forested hills of the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have witnessed some of the world’s most brutal conflicts. In July 2025, they became the setting for one of the deadliest massacres in recent memory. A Human Rights Watch (HRW) investigation reports that fighters from the M23 rebellion, a group backed and reinforced by Rwanda’s armed forces, executed over 140 civilians – mostly ethnic Hutu farmers – across at least 14 villages around the edges of Virunga National Park . The killings, which may exceed 300 fatalities according to United Nations human‑rights monitors, took place just weeks after the DRC and Rwanda signed a Washington‑brokered peace deal and the M23 agreed to a ceasefire in Doha. Survivors describe a slaughter that lasted nearly three weeks: men, women, and children were marched from their homes and farms to riverbanks, shot or hacked with machetes, and dumped in the Rutshuru River This report for XTRAfrica examines the chain of command behind the attacks, the methods of terror used to intimidate farming communities, allegations of ethnic targeting, forced disappearances and detentions, the evidence collected, the denials from Kigali and M23, and the regional and international response. It is written in a neutral, investigative style but reflects Congo’s demand for justice and accountability. Chain of Command: Sanctioned Leaders and Deafening Silence Human Rights Watch believes the killings were orchestrated by senior M23 commanders operating in alliance with Rwanda’s military. Witnesses identified the perpetrators as the 1st Battalion of M23’s 1st Brigade, commanded by Colonel Samuel Mushagara, under the leadership of Brigadier General Baudoin Ngaruye. Ngaruye has been under United Nations sanctions since 2013 for previous war crimes. Residents also saw uniformed soldiers they described as members of Rwanda’s Defence Force (RDF), participating in and supervising the massacres . On the administrative side, M23’s political leader Bertrand Bisimwa remained silent even as villagers begged for help, raising questions about chain‑of‑command responsibility. Colonel Claude Imani, the group’s economic coordinator, oversaw the movement’s “work tax”, demanding US$10 from farmers for permission to cultivate fields in occupied areas. In June, Imani temporarily allowed farmers to return to their fields after payments were made; weeks later, many of those same farmers were slaughtered. Under international law, commanders who knew about the crimes and failed to prevent them can be held criminally responsible, yet M23 leadership has offered no acknowledgement, let alone contrition. Methods of Killing and Terror Survivors recounted a systematic pattern of terror. In one village, a woman described being forced to march with about 70 women and children to the banks of the Rutshuru River; M23 fighters ordered them to sit, then began shooting. She survived only because she fell into the water. Continue Reading Full Article INVESTIGATIVE M23 Massacres in Congo: 140 Civilians Killed Near Virunga – HRW By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Aug 20, 2025 May 15, 2026 11 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Introduction The densely forested hills of the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have witnessed some of the world’s most brutal conflicts. In July 2025, they became the setting for one of the deadliest massacres in recent memory. A Human Rights Watch (HRW) investigation reports that fighters from the M23 rebellion, a group backed and reinforced by Rwanda’s armed forces, executed over 140 civilians – mostly ethnic Hutu farmers – across at least 14 villages around the edges of Virunga National Park . The killings, which may exceed 300 fatalities according to United Nations human‑rights monitors, took place just weeks after the DRC and Rwanda signed a Washington‑brokered peace deal and the M23 agreed to a ceasefire in Doha. Survivors describe a slaughter that lasted nearly three weeks: men, women, and children were marched from their homes and farms to riverbanks, shot or hacked with machetes, and dumped in the Rutshuru River This report for XTRAfrica examines the chain of command behind the attacks, the methods of terror used to intimidate farming communities, allegations of ethnic targeting, forced disappearances and detentions, the evidence collected, the denials from Kigali and M23, and the regional and international response. It is written in a neutral, investigative style but reflects Congo’s demand for justice and accountability. Chain of Command: Sanctioned Leaders and Deafening Silence Human Rights Watch believes the killings were orchestrated by senior M23 commanders operating in alliance with Rwanda’s military. Witnesses identified the perpetrators as the 1st Battalion of M23’s 1st Brigade, commanded by Colonel Samuel Mushagara, under the leadership of Brigadier General Baudoin Ngaruye. Ngaruye has been under United Nations sanctions since 2013 for previous war crimes. Residents also saw uniformed soldiers they described as members of Rwanda’s Defence Force (RDF), participating in and supervising the massacres . On the administrative side, M23’s political leader Bertrand Bisimwa remained silent even as villagers begged for help, raising questions about chain‑of‑command responsibility. Colonel Claude Imani, the group’s economic coordinator, oversaw the movement’s “work tax”, demanding US$10 from farmers for permission to cultivate fields in occupied areas. In June, Imani temporarily allowed farmers to return to their fields after payments were made; weeks later, many of those same farmers were slaughtered. Under international law, commanders who knew about the crimes and failed to prevent them can be held criminally responsible, yet M23 leadership has offered no acknowledgement, let alone contrition. Methods of Killing and Terror Survivors recounted a systematic pattern of terror. In one village, a woman described being forced to march with about 70 women and children to the banks of the Rutshuru River; M23 fighters ordered them to sit, then began shooting. She survived only because she fell into the water. Another man recalled watching from a hiding place as rebels killed his wife and four children, aged nine months to ten years ADVERTISEMENT HRW investigators documented multiple executions carried out with machetes; some victims were decapitated, and entire families were wiped out. The killings often took place in farming areas that M23 had first isolated by blocking roads and destroying paths, preventing escape. Bodies were dumped into rivers or left to decompose in the fields, and fighters ordered relatives to bury the dead quickly or leave them unburied. Survivors were not allowed to hold funerals, a strategy that both instilled fear and denied communities the ability to mourn. Ethnic Targeting and the FDLR M23’s July offensive appears to have been aimed at areas populated largely by Hutu and Nande farmers. HRW reports that most of the victims were ethnic Hutu, with some Nande villagers among those killed. The massacres occurred near areas where the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) – a remnant Hutu militia implicated in the 1994 Rwandan genocide – operates. While M23 and Kigali portray their offensive as a counter‑insurgency against the FDLR, the deliberate killing of civilians in villages surrounding FDLR positions suggests a strategy that conflates an entire ethnic group with armed adversaries. This targeting has inflamed ethnic tensions. The Rwandan government has long justified intervention in eastern Congo by citing security threats posed by the FDLR. However, CFR’s Global Conflict Tracker notes that Kigali’s support for the M23 has destabilised the region, contributing to a conflict that has displaced millions . Hutu leaders accuse the Kagame government of pursuing a campaign of ethnic cleansing under the guise of anti‑genocide operations. The mass killings in July provide the most chilling evidence yet that ordinary Hutu farmers were treated as enemy combatants. War on Farmers: Starvation as a Weapon Beyond outright killings, the M23 tried to control rural populations by controlling their food supply. In June, the group imposed a US$10 “work tax” on every farmer seeking to harvest crops. HRW notes that residents paid the fee reluctantly and were allowed to return to their fields for a few weeks before July’s massacre. Survivors said they felt they had to choose between starvation and risking their lives; many decided to cultivate their plots because hunger was already acute. Killing farmers in their fields during harvest season appears designed to deepen food insecurity. HRW investigators emphasise that the farmland in question does exist and has long been cultivated, despite M23’s later claims that there were no crops in the area. By attacking farmers and destroying crops, M23 effectively weaponised hunger, a tactic with deep roots in eastern Congo’s conflicts. Disappearances and Mass Detentions While many killings occurred in the open, M23 also detained dozens of men during the same period. On 30 July, local leaders in Ishasha, a trading hub near the Uganda border, announced over loudspeakers that all men under 45 should assemble. HRW reports that at least 120 men were marched to the border post and detained; some were later released, but others remain missing. Families who attempted to inquire about detained relatives were threatened, and many have fled in fear of further reprisals. Such disappearances not only traumatise communities but also potentially constitute enforced disappearances, a serious violation of international law. ADVERTISEMENT Evidence Trail: Witnesses, Forensics, and Satellite Data The strength of the HRW report lies in its meticulous evidence collection. Researchers conducted over 70 interviews, including 25 eyewitness accounts, as well as testimonies from medical workers, military, and U.N. personnel. They gathered photographs and videos showing victims with bound hands and machete wounds, which forensic experts reviewed to confirm the causes of death. Satellite imagery corroborated local reports by pinpointing the burning of homes and fields in at least 14 villages. The U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights independently verified and amplified HRW’s findings. U.N. human‑rights chief Volker Türk confirmed that at least 319 civilians, including 48 women and 19 children, were killed between 9 and 21 July . Türk called on all parties to stop attacks on civilians and to hold perpetrators accountable. The U.N. also noted that the massacre occurred despite peace agreements signed in Washington and Doha, underscoring the fragility of diplomatic efforts Denial vs. Proof: Kigali, M23 and “State Denialism” Both M23 and Rwanda strongly deny responsibility. In statements quoted by Reuters, M23 official Benjamin Mbonimpa claimed that areas under their control were well administered and that the group was being gratuitously blamed. Rwanda dismissed U.N. accusations as “sensational” and argued that an armed group opposed to the M23 carried out the killings. Kigali’s persistent denial of any RDF involvement has prompted Congolese officials to accuse Rwanda of “state denialism.” HRW’s evidence counters these denials. Witnesses consistently recognised M23 fighters from their uniforms and accents. Several survivors said they saw uniformed Rwandan soldiers accompanying the attackers. The chronological alignment of events – with killings beginning days after the imposition of the work tax and occurring along major supply routes controlled by M23 – undermines claims that other militias were responsible. The pattern of injuries, the use of M23 checkpoints to block escape, and the disposal of bodies in the Rutshuru River all point to a coordinated operation rather than random violence. Regional & International Response Congo’s Position and Diplomatic Efforts The DRC government has condemned the massacre and says the atrocities undermine the sincerity of ongoing peace talks. In a statement referenced by Reuters, the Congolese foreign affairs ministry said the killings “cast a shadow over the sincerity and commitment of stakeholders” to the Washington and Doha agreements. Officials have vowed to present evidence before the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council and the U.N. Security Council, urging these bodies to demand accountability and to press Rwanda to withdraw its forces. Trending Now Kenya, China Sign Deal for 80 Off-Grid Solar Systems . Energy and Power Kenya Ebola: Five Patients Discharged, 52 Contacts Monitored . Public Health Alerts DRC Opens London Forum Seeking Partnerships, Not Aid . | Economy Kenya's Rironi–Naivasha Highway: 90% Earthworks, December Target . Transport and Logistics Popular Today Justice & Crime Inside DRC’s Operation to Bring Denise Dusauchoy to Kinshasa . Rwanda Politics Kagame Sides With Journalist Against His Own Foreign Minister . Natural Disasters Guinea Landfill Landslide Kills 30 as Search Continues . Justice & Crime Niger Governor Orders Rescue of Worshippers Abducted in Borgu . Biography DJ Maphorisa Biography: Age, Real Name, Songs & Amapiano Rise . ADVERTISEMENT UN and Human Rights Organisations U.N. High Commissioner Volker Türk’s condemnation is part of a broader push within the U.N. to address the crisis. Peacekeeping forces from the U.N. Mission in Congo (MONUSCO) have been criticised for failing to protect rural communities, but MONUSCO has said its troops were blocked from entering the area during the massacre. The International Criminal Court (ICC) – which has been investigating crimes in the DRC since 2004 – issued an urgent call for information in late 2024, specifically focusing on alleged Rome Statute crimes in North Kivu since 1 January 2022 . The Office of the Prosecutor said it is monitoring the escalation of violence around Goma and urged victims, journalists, and organisations to submit evidence. That call now seems prescient given the July killings. Calls for Sanctions and Prosecutions HRW urges the U.N. Security Council, European Union, and individual governments to expand existing sanctions against M23 commanders and Rwandan officials complicit in abuses. The group also calls for arrest warrants and prosecutions, reminding states that commanders may be liable for war crimes. The rights organisation specifically asked Rwanda to allow U.N. and independent forensic experts into M23‑controlled areas to exhume bodies and document evidence International reaction has been muted. While the United States has previously sanctioned Congolese and Rwandan individuals linked to illicit mining and violence, there were no immediate new sanctions announced after July’s massacre. European diplomats have expressed concern but continue to prioritise the Washington‑brokered peace process. Critics argue that sustained impunity for atrocities in eastern Congo encourages further violations. Peace Talks and Ceasefire Efforts The killings occurred just weeks after Rwanda and the DRC signed a U.S.‑brokered peace agreement in Washington, and the M23 agreed to a ceasefire in Doha. Despite these diplomatic moves, M23 walked away from negotiations days after the massacre, accusing Kinshasa of failing to implement the ceasefire. The conflict is now at risk of escalating, with regional mediators struggling to reconvene talks. Observers note that any peace process that ignores accountability for mass atrocities is unlikely to succeed. Conclusion: A Call for Justice and Protection The July 2025 massacre near Virunga National Park is a grim reminder of the human cost of unresolved conflicts in eastern Congo. The evidence compiled by HRW and corroborated by the U.N. shows a deliberate and coordinated campaign by M23 fighters, supported by Rwanda’s military, to terrorise and depopulate farming communities. The slaughter of hundreds of farmers, women, and children – executed with machetes and guns, their bodies dumped into rivers – demands accountability. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Justice & Crime Inside DRC’s Operation to Bring Denise Dusauchoy to Kinshasa How a DRC warrant, Tanzanian cooperation and a reported private jet brought Denise Dusauchoy . Rwanda Politics Kagame Sides With Journalist Against His Own Foreign Minister Kagame said Olivier Nduhungirehe, not journalist Scovia Umutesi, should have apologized. . Natural Disasters Guinea Landfill Landslide Kills 30 as Search Continues Rescuers are searching for survivors after a massive waste collapse buried homes in Conakry. . Justice & Crime Niger Governor Orders Rescue of Worshippers Abducted in Borgu Governor Bago orders intensified rescue efforts as officials verify how many worshippers were abducted. . Tags Trending News Trending News Rwanda Rwanda DRC Politics DRC Politics DR.Congo DR.Congo Investigative Reports Investigative Reports Kagame Crimes Kagame Crimes DR Congo News DR Congo News M23 Rebels M23 Rebels

Who are the Hadza tribe? Learn about the Hadza people of Tanzania, their language, food, beliefs, land rights, and modern life. The Hadza, also called the Hadzabe, are an Indigenous people of northern Tanzania. They are best known as one of the few communities in Africa where hunting and gathering remains a living part of daily life. But the Hadza are not people frozen in the past. They are modern Tanzanians facing land pressure, schooling debates, tourism, market contact, conservation projects, and changing livelihoods. The better question is not only “Who are the Hadza tribe?” It is also: how have the Hadza kept their culture alive while the world around Lake Eyasi keeps changing? Quick Facts Name: Hadza or Hadzabe Location: Lake Eyasi region, northern Tanzania Language: Hadzane, a click language of uncertain affiliation Traditional livelihood: Hunting, honey collecting, gathering tubers, berries, baobab, and other wild foods Social structure: Highly mobile and strongly egalitarian Continue Reading Full Article AFRICAN CULTURE Who Are the Hadza? By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Jun 22, 2026 Jun 22, 2026 16 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: The Hadza, also called the Hadzabe, are an Indigenous people of northern Tanzania. They are best known as one of the few communities in Africa where hunting and gathering remains a living part of daily life. But the Hadza are not people frozen in the past. They are modern Tanzanians facing land pressure, schooling debates, tourism, market contact, conservation projects, and changing livelihoods. Daily life in Hadzaland near Lake Eyasi, where traditional knowledge, cultural heritage, and a close Daily life in Hadzaland near Lake Eyasi, where traditional knowledge, cultural heritage, and a close Daily life in Hadzaland near Lake Eyasi, where traditional knowledge, cultural heritage, and a close The rugged environment of the Lake Eyasi basin. Source: Ivan Grabilin / Getty Images The better question is not only “Who are the Hadza tribe?” It is also: how have the Hadza kept their culture alive while the world around Lake Eyasi keeps changing? Quick Facts Name: Hadza or Hadzabe Location: Lake Eyasi region, northern Tanzania Language: Hadzane, a click language of uncertain affiliation Traditional livelihood: Hunting, honey collecting, gathering tubers, berries, baobab, and other wild foods Social structure: Highly mobile and strongly egalitarian Modern issues: Land rights, tourism, education, markets, conservation, and carbon projects Who Are the Hadza People? The Hadza live around Lake Eyasi in northern Tanzania. In her University of Cambridge thesis, Katherine Fitzpatrick describes them as a hunter-gatherer population living “near Lake Eyasi in northern Tanzania” (Fitzpatrick, 2018, PDF p. 21). She also notes that Hadzaland covers about 4,000 km² around the lake (Fitzpatrick, 2018, PDF p. 23). The two famous media hadza hunters Chabba, the famous and great hunter(Left) and The famous Dudukwe from Hadzabe Tribe The Hadza are often called a “tribe” in popular writing, but “Hadza people” or “Hadzabe people” is more accurate and respectful. They are not a tourist image or a survival from another age. They are a living Indigenous community with their own language, food knowledge, family life, rituals, and political struggles. Further Reading Katherine K. Fitzpatrick (2018) Foraging and Menstruation in the Hadza of Tanzania Relevant pages: PDF pp. 21-28 University of Cambridge repository History and Origins The Hadza live in a region with a very long archaeological record of hunting and gathering. Cambridge University Press summarizes Nicholas Blurton Jones’s book by noting that archaeology shows 130,000 years of hunting and gathering in Hadza land. That does not mean modern Hadza people are unchanged from prehistoric times. A careful article should avoid saying the Hadza are “Stone Age” or “untouched.” The safer point is that the Lake Eyasi region has a deep history of foraging, and the Hadza remain one of the best-documented hunter-gatherer peoples in Africa. Language The Hadza speak Hadzane. Linguists Bonny Sands, Ian Maddieson, and Peter Ladefoged describe Hadza as a “language of uncertain genetic affiliation” (Sands, Maddieson & Ladefoged, 1996, PDF p. 1). They also note that it is “one of three East African languages with clicks” (Sands, Maddieson & Ladefoged, 1996, PDF p. 1). ADVERTISEMENT Hadza has sometimes been linked to Khoisan languages, but the evidence is debated. The safest wording is that Hadzane is a click language often treated as a language isolate or a language of uncertain classification. Further Reading Sands, Maddieson & Ladefoged (1996) The Phonetic Structures of Hadza Relevant pages: PDF pp. 1-4 Access the PDF Traditional Lifestyle Hadza life has long been shaped by movement, foraging, and deep knowledge of the local environment. Fitzpatrick identifies five major Hadza food categories: “meat, tubers, berries, honey, and baobab” (Fitzpatrick, 2018, PDF p. 25). Men often hunt and collect honey. Women often gather tubers, berries, and baobab. But this division should not be made too rigid. The research shows patterns, not absolute rules. Men may gather plant foods, and women’s food production is central to camp life. The hunters The Hadza people, one of Africa’s best-known hunter-gatherer communities, maintain deep connections A study by Berbesque and colleagues also warns against a simple picture of men returning to camp either successful or empty-handed. Hadza men in that study consumed an average of “2,405 kilocalories per foray” while away from camp, much of it from honey (Berbesque et al., 2016, p. 281). In other words, a man may return without food to share but still have found food for himself. Further Reading Berbesque et al. (2016) Eat First, Share Later Relevant pages: 281-282 Read the PDF Family and Leadership Hadza society is famous in anthropology for being egalitarian. James Woodburn, one of the most important scholars of Hadza social life, wrote that some societies have “no real authority over each other” (Woodburn, 1982, p. 431). He later described the Hadza and similar immediate-return hunter-gatherer societies as “profoundly egalitarian” (Woodburn, 1982, p. 434). Hadza men and women at a communal camp in the Lake Eyasi region, illustrating traditional shelter co This does not mean there are no rules. It means power is not usually organized through chiefs, inherited offices, or strong property hierarchies. Decisions are often shaped by discussion, personal autonomy, mobility, and social pressure. The Hadza are also known for flexible camp life. People may move between camps, and social life is not locked into one permanent settlement. Further Reading James Woodburn (1982) Egalitarian Societies Relevant pages: 431-438 JSTOR record Marriage and Family Traditions A Note on Hadza Marriage: In Hadza society, marriage is a beautifully minimalist and fluid union. Because they practice a highly egalitarian courtship system, there are no institutionalized wedding ceremonies, complex dowries, or rigid bridal contracts. Instead, a union is socially recognized simply when a couple chooses to cohabit and share a hearth. ADVERTISEMENT A Hadza elder in traditional attire during a cultural gathering, illustrating the community’s heritage, customs, and enduring way of life in Tanzania’s Rift Valley region. To fully capture the nuances of their serial monogamy and domestic dynamics, a dedicated feature exploring the field research of anthropologists like Frank Marlowe and Nicholas Blurton Jones is currently in development. Religion and Beliefs Hadza belief and ritual life should be handled carefully. Older sources often described the Hadza as having little or no religion. Later researchers have challenged that view. Thea Skaanes argues that Hadza ritual and cosmology have been underexamined. She writes of “deep cosmological complexity” in Hadza life (Skaanes, 2015, PDF p. 2). Her work focuses on epeme, ritual objects, names, spirits, women’s objects, and night dance. The safe conclusion is not that the Hadza have one fixed religion with a single doctrine. It is that Hadza ritual life exists, varies, and has often been oversimplified by outsiders. Further Reading Thea Skaanes (2015) Notes on Hadza Cosmology: Epeme, Objects and Rituals Relevant pages: PDF pp. 2-5 Liverpool University Press Clothing and Appearance The Evolution of Hadza Adornment: The daily attire of the Hadza reflects their practical, minimalist lifestyle and their fluid relationship with neighboring groups. Rather than wearing elaborate, static ceremonial costumes, modern Hadza look primarily to comfort and utility often blending handcrafted elements like leather pieces and intricate glass beadwork with lightweight, western-style secondhand clothing acquired through local trade. Members of the Hadza community making hunting equipment during an outdoor gathering, highlighting Indigenous craftsmanship, traditional knowledge, and the enduring cultural heritage of one of Africa’s best-known hunter-gatherer peoples. Because their material culture is constantly adapting, a specialized visual feature examining their historical dress transitions and contemporary aesthetics is currently in development. Food and Cuisine Food is one of the best-documented parts of Hadza life. Meat, honey, tubers, berries, baobab, and regional foods such as marula nuts all appear in the research. Hadza food is not only about survival. It is part of social life, movement, gendered work, sharing, and knowledge of the land. Honey is especially important in several studies, including men’s out-of-camp foraging. The important journalistic caution is this: do not reduce Hadza cuisine to “men hunt, women gather.” The real picture is more flexible, seasonal, and socially complex. Ceremonies and Rituals The strongest preserved evidence concerns epeme, a ritual complex often linked to night dancing, meat, spirits, and gendered ritual knowledge. Skaanes’s work suggests that ritual objects and naming practices can carry deep meaning in Hadza cosmology. However, the dossier does not support a broad summary of all Hadza ceremonies, songs, and arts. More research is needed before making wider claims. Role of Women Fitzpatrick’s thesis was designed partly to correct the way women’s work had been underexamined in hunter-gatherer studies. Her research found that Hadza women eat and share food outside camp and that women’s foraging cannot be treated as a minor background activity. Trending Now Kenya, China Sign Deal for 80 Off-Grid Solar Systems . Energy and Power Kenya Ebola: Five Patients Discharged, 52 Contacts Monitored . Public Health Alerts DRC Opens London Forum Seeking Partnerships, Not Aid . | Economy Kenya's Rironi–Naivasha Highway: 90% Earthworks, December Target . Transport and Logistics Popular Today Travel and Immigration Barrick Confirms Tanzania’s 15-Year North Mara Mining Licence Renewal . Travel Guide Stone Town Travel Guide: History, Food and a Walking Route . Travel Guide Mafia Island Travel Guide: Diving, Whale Sharks and When to Go . African Culture Nyerere vs Ruaha: Choosing a Southern Tanzania Safari . African Culture Tanzania Visa and Entry Requirements: What Travellers Need . ADVERTISEMENT Hadza women are central food producers. Women commonly gather tubers, berries, baobab, and other plant foods. They often forage in groups, while men more often hunt alone or in pairs. This division of labour is important, but it should not be written as if women simply wait for men to provide food. Music, Dance, and Arts For a tribe that travels light, art isn't something you hang on a wall it’s something you live. The Hadza don't carry heavy musical instruments or build complex statues because they are always moving. Instead, their art comes alive at night through the power of voice, dance, and storytelling around the fire. The ultimate expression of this is the Epeme dance, a mysterious, moonlit ritual where the men dance to connect the community with their ancestors. To do justice to this incredible auditory and spiritual world, we are putting together a standalone deep dive into the songs, stories, and sacred dances of the Hadza for an upcoming feature. Modern Life Modern Hadza life is changing. Land pressure from farming, grazing, tourism, conservation rules, and market contact has affected Hadza communities in different ways. A Namati/UCRT case study reports that in 2011 Hadzabe communities gained Certificates of Customary Right of Occupancy, or CCROs, for land in northern Tanzania. The case study describes this as the first legal certification of land granted to a hunter-gatherer community in Tanzania. The Equator Initiative Yaeda Valley Project case study also links Hadza land rights to forest conservation and carbon finance. It reports that the Hadza gained legal tenure over more than 20,000 hectares and that carbon revenue helped fund community wildlife scouts and local needs. These projects show a major point: modern Hadza life is not only about preserving tradition. It is also about legal rights, environmental politics, and decisions about the future. Common Misconceptions The Hadza are Stone Age people. This is misleading. The Hadza are contemporary people. Some continue to forage; others engage with schools, markets, tourism, conservation work, and nearby towns. All Hadza live only by hunting and gathering. If you think every single Hadza person lives 100% off the land by tracking game and digging tubers, it’s time to bust a major myth. While they are famous for keeping the ancient hunter-gatherer lifestyle alive, modern life has brought major changes to Lake Eyasi. Today, fewer Hadza live strictly by the old ways. Due to shrinking wild spaces and outside contact, many families now balance traditional foraging trips with farming, trading, or working alongside local tourism groups. It's a fascinating look at how a highly resilient society adapts to the modern world without completely losing its identity. Hadza society has no rules. This False, Hadza society is egalitarian, but egalitarian does not mean ruleless. Sharing, mobility, autonomy, and social expectations all matter. The Hadza have no religion. Too simple, Earlier sources often minimized Hadza religion, but later work documents ritual and cosmological life.Skaanes documents Hadza ritual objects, naming practices, epeme night dance, spirits, death, and cosmological ideas, arguing that Hadza ritual life has been underexamined rather than absent. Source: Skaanes (2015), pp. 248-251. The Hadza are one of Africa’s most studied hunter-gatherer peoples, but they are often misunderstood. Their culture is not a museum piece. It is a living, changing way of life rooted in Lake Eyasi, Hadzane language, foraging knowledge, egalitarian social values, ritual practice, and modern struggles over land and identity. To ask “Who are the Hadza tribe?” is to ask about much more than hunting and gathering. It is to ask how an Indigenous people continues to defend land, language, food knowledge, and cultural freedom in modern Tanzania. Reference Fitzpatrick, Katherine K. (2018). Foraging and Menstruation in the Hadza of Tanzania. University of Cambridge . Blurton Jones, Nicholas (2016). Demography and Evolutionary Ecology of Hadza Hunter-Gatherers. Cambridge University Press . Sands, Bonny, Ian Maddieson & Peter Ladefoged (1996). “ The Phonetic Structures of Hadza .” Skaanes, Thea (2015). “Notes on Hadza Cosmology: Epeme, Objects and Rituals .” Berbesque et al. (2016). “ Eat First, Share Later. ” Namati/UCRT . “Securing Collective Land Tenure for Hunter-Gatherers in Tanzania.” Equator Initiative. “ Yaeda Valley Project Case Study .” ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Travel and Immigration Barrick Confirms Tanzania’s 15-Year North Mara Mining Licence Renewal The renewal supports long-term planning, but no new investment or hiring target has been announced. . Travel Guide Stone Town Travel Guide: History, Food and a Walking Route Stone Town occupies the western side of Unguja, the main island in the Zanzibar archipelago . Travel Guide Mafia Island Travel Guide: Diving, Whale Sharks and When to Go Plan Mafia Island by coast and season, with diving, whale sharks, transport, fees and places to stay. . African Culture Nyerere vs Ruaha: Choosing a Southern Tanzania Safari Compare wildlife, activities, access and costs before choosing Tanzania’s southern safari park. . 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Snoop Dogg’s family is mourning after his 10-month-old granddaughter, Codi Dureaux, died, according to a report by The Sun Nigeria. According to The Sun Nigeria , American rapper Snoop Dogg and his family are mourning the death of his granddaughter, Codi Dureaux, who passed away at the age of 10 months. The news was made public by Snoop Dogg’s daughter, Cori Broadus , who shared a tribute on Instagram announcing the loss of her child. The post featured a black-and-white image of Cori holding her daughter, accompanied by a caption describing the infant as “the love of my life.” Codi’s father also paid tribute on social media, expressing grief over the loss while stating that the child was now at peace. He added that he would continue to love and remember his daughter. Snoop Dogg has not yet issued a public statement regarding his granddaughter’s death. Cori Broadus had previously spoken openly about health challenges during her pregnancy. In earlier social media posts, she revealed that Codi was born prematurely at 25 weeks, arriving approximately three months early. In a post shared in February 2025, Cori described her daughter’s birth as difficult but referred to the baby as “perfect.” Source: The Sun Nigeria Continue Reading Full Article ENTERTAINMENT Snoop Dogg’s Family Mourns Death of 10-Month-Old Granddaughter By Witty Pascal Entertainment Editor Witty Pascal Home Comment Feb 1, 2026 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: According to The Sun Nigeria , American rapper Snoop Dogg and his family are mourning the death of his granddaughter, Codi Dureaux, who passed away at the age of 10 months. The news was made public by Snoop Dogg’s daughter, Cori Broadus , who shared a tribute on Instagram announcing the loss of her child. The post featured a black-and-white image of Cori holding her daughter, accompanied by a caption describing the infant as “the love of my life.” ADVERTISEMENT Codi’s father also paid tribute on social media, expressing grief over the loss while stating that the child was now at peace. He added that he would continue to love and remember his daughter. Snoop Dogg has not yet issued a public statement regarding his granddaughter’s death. Cori Broadus had previously spoken openly about health challenges during her pregnancy. In earlier social media posts, she revealed that Codi was born prematurely at 25 weeks, arriving approximately three months early. In a post shared in February 2025, Cori described her daughter’s birth as difficult but referred to the baby as “perfect.” ADVERTISEMENT Source: The Sun Nigeria Trending Now Master P Faces Son Mercy Miller in College Basketball Clash . Entertainment Taylor Swift’s ‘End of an Era’ Docuseries Moves Fans to Tears . Entertainment Kim Kardashian Faces Setback as Mentor Discusses Bar Exam Effort . Entertainment U.S. Vows to Hold Rwanda, M23 Accountable for Congo War Crimes . Washington Peace Accord Popular Today Biography Poco Lee Biography: Age, Real Name, Dance Career and Songs . Biography Eric Omondi Biography: Comedy, Activism and Public Life . Biography Who Is Snit Habteab, Eritrea’s Miss World Trailblazer? . Entertainment Poco Lee UK Case Sparks Consent Debate Among Nigerian Stars . Entertainment FOLA Leads 2026 Headies Nominations Ahead of Toronto . ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Hollywood Updates Zooey Deschanel Talks New Christmas Film and Holiday Legacy Deschanel discusses her new Christmas movie Merv and her long-standing festive music career . Hollywood Updates Diddy’s Mother Refutes Claims Raised in New Netflix Documentary Janice Combs disputes allegations about family history in Sean Combs: The Reckoning . Hollywood Updates Millie Bobby Brown Meets Burna Boy Ahead of TV Appearance Actress greets Nigerian star backstage before co-hosting the ‘Tonight Show’ . Musics Kendrick Lamar’s Scrapped ‘The Recipe’ Video Revealed on Podcast Producers explain why Kendrick Lamar and Dr. Dre’s planned lead video never made the final rollout. . Tags Entertainment Entertainment United States United States

Listen to Ayo Jay songs, MP3 downloads, lyrics, and latest Afrobeats hits from the Nigerian music artist. Ayo Jay Nigerian Singer NGA Afrobeats, R&B RIAA Gold certification – "Your Number" (2017) Ayo Jay s' Top Xtrafrica Songs