M23 Massacres in Congo: 140 Civilians Killed Near Virunga – HRW

Introduction

The densely forested hills of the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have witnessed some of the world’s most brutal conflicts. In July 2025, they became the setting for one of the deadliest massacres in recent memory. A Human Rights Watch (HRW) investigation reports that fighters from the M23 rebellion, a group backed and reinforced by Rwanda’s armed forces, executed over 140 civilians – mostly ethnic Hutu farmers – across at least 14 villages around the edges of Virunga National Park.

The killings, which may exceed 300 fatalities according to United Nations human‑rights monitors, took place just weeks after the DRC and Rwanda signed a Washington‑brokered peace deal and the M23 agreed to a ceasefire in Doha. Survivors describe a slaughter that lasted nearly three weeks: men, women, and children were marched from their homes and farms to riverbanks, shot or hacked with machetes, and dumped in the Rutshuru River

This report for XTRAfrica examines the chain of command behind the attacks, the methods of terror used to intimidate farming communities, allegations of ethnic targeting, forced disappearances and detentions, the evidence collected, the denials from Kigali and M23, and the regional and international response. It is written in a neutral, investigative style but reflects Congo’s demand for justice and accountability.

Chain of Command: Sanctioned Leaders and Deafening Silence

Human Rights Watch believes the killings were orchestrated by senior M23 commanders operating in alliance with Rwanda’s military. Witnesses identified the perpetrators as the 1st Battalion of M23’s 1st Brigade, commanded by Colonel Samuel Mushagara, under the leadership of Brigadier General Baudoin Ngaruye. Ngaruye has been under United Nations sanctions since 2013 for previous war crimes. Residents also saw uniformed soldiers they described as members of Rwanda’s Defence Force (RDF), participating in and supervising the massacres.

On the administrative side, M23’s political leader Bertrand Bisimwa remained silent even as villagers begged for help, raising questions about chain‑of‑command responsibility. Colonel Claude Imani, the group’s economic coordinator, oversaw the movement’s “work tax”, demanding US$10 from farmers for permission to cultivate fields in occupied areas.

In June, Imani temporarily allowed farmers to return to their fields after payments were made; weeks later, many of those same farmers were slaughtered. Under international law, commanders who knew about the crimes and failed to prevent them can be held criminally responsible, yet M23 leadership has offered no acknowledgement, let alone contrition.

Methods of Killing and Terror

Survivors recounted a systematic pattern of terror. In one village, a woman described being forced to march with about 70 women and children to the banks of the Rutshuru River; M23 fighters ordered them to sit, then began shooting. She survived only because she fell into the water.

Another man recalled watching from a hiding place as rebels killed his wife and four children, aged nine months to ten years

HRW investigators documented multiple executions carried out with machetes; some victims were decapitated, and entire families were wiped out. The killings often took place in farming areas that M23 had first isolated by blocking roads and destroying paths, preventing escape. Bodies were dumped into rivers or left to decompose in the fields, and fighters ordered relatives to bury the dead quickly or leave them unburied. Survivors were not allowed to hold funerals, a strategy that both instilled fear and denied communities the ability to mourn.

Ethnic Targeting and the FDLR

M23’s July offensive appears to have been aimed at areas populated largely by Hutu and Nande farmers. HRW reports that most of the victims were ethnic Hutu, with some Nande villagers among those killed. The massacres occurred near areas where the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) – a remnant Hutu militia implicated in the 1994 Rwandan genocide – operates. While M23 and Kigali portray their offensive as a counter‑insurgency against the FDLR, the deliberate killing of civilians in villages surrounding FDLR positions suggests a strategy that conflates an entire ethnic group with armed adversaries.

This targeting has inflamed ethnic tensions. The Rwandan government has long justified intervention in eastern Congo by citing security threats posed by the FDLR. However, CFR’s Global Conflict Tracker notes that Kigali’s support for the M23 has destabilised the region, contributing to a conflict that has displaced millions.

Hutu leaders accuse the Kagame government of pursuing a campaign of ethnic cleansing under the guise of anti‑genocide operations. The mass killings in July provide the most chilling evidence yet that ordinary Hutu farmers were treated as enemy combatants.

War on Farmers: Starvation as a Weapon

Beyond outright killings, the M23 tried to control rural populations by controlling their food supply. In June, the group imposed a US$10 “work tax” on every farmer seeking to harvest crops. HRW notes that residents paid the fee reluctantly and were allowed to return to their fields for a few weeks before July’s massacre. Survivors said they felt they had to choose between starvation and risking their lives; many decided to cultivate their plots because hunger was already acute.

Killing farmers in their fields during harvest season appears designed to deepen food insecurity. HRW investigators emphasise that the farmland in question does exist and has long been cultivated, despite M23’s later claims that there were no crops in the area. By attacking farmers and destroying crops, M23 effectively weaponised hunger, a tactic with deep roots in eastern Congo’s conflicts.

Disappearances and Mass Detentions

While many killings occurred in the open, M23 also detained dozens of men during the same period. On 30 July, local leaders in Ishasha, a trading hub near the Uganda border, announced over loudspeakers that all men under 45 should assemble. HRW reports that at least 120 men were marched to the border post and detained; some were later released, but others remain missing. Families who attempted to inquire about detained relatives were threatened, and many have fled in fear of further reprisals. Such disappearances not only traumatise communities but also potentially constitute enforced disappearances, a serious violation of international law.

Evidence Trail: Witnesses, Forensics, and Satellite Data

The strength of the HRW report lies in its meticulous evidence collection. Researchers conducted over 70 interviews, including 25 eyewitness accounts, as well as testimonies from medical workers, military, and U.N. personnel.

They gathered photographs and videos showing victims with bound hands and machete wounds, which forensic experts reviewed to confirm the causes of death. Satellite imagery corroborated local reports by pinpointing the burning of homes and fields in at least 14 villages.

The U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights independently verified and amplified HRW’s findings. U.N. human‑rights chief Volker Türk confirmed that at least 319 civilians, including 48 women and 19 children, were killed between 9 and 21 July. Türk called on all parties to stop attacks on civilians and to hold perpetrators accountable. The U.N. also noted that the massacre occurred despite peace agreements signed in Washington and Doha, underscoring the fragility of diplomatic efforts

Denial vs. Proof: Kigali, M23 and “State Denialism”

Both M23 and Rwanda strongly deny responsibility. In statements quoted by Reuters, M23 official Benjamin Mbonimpa claimed that areas under their control were well administered and that the group was being gratuitously blamed. Rwanda dismissed U.N. accusations as “sensational” and argued that an armed group opposed to the M23 carried out the killings. Kigali’s persistent denial of any RDF involvement has prompted Congolese officials to accuse Rwanda of “state denialism.”

HRW’s evidence counters these denials. Witnesses consistently recognised M23 fighters from their uniforms and accents. Several survivors said they saw uniformed Rwandan soldiers accompanying the attackers.

The chronological alignment of events – with killings beginning days after the imposition of the work tax and occurring along major supply routes controlled by M23 – undermines claims that other militias were responsible. The pattern of injuries, the use of M23 checkpoints to block escape, and the disposal of bodies in the Rutshuru River all point to a coordinated operation rather than random violence.

Regional & International Response

Congo’s Position and Diplomatic Efforts

The DRC government has condemned the massacre and says the atrocities undermine the sincerity of ongoing peace talks. In a statement referenced by Reuters, the Congolese foreign affairs ministry said the killings “cast a shadow over the sincerity and commitment of stakeholders” to the Washington and Doha agreements. Officials have vowed to present evidence before the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council and the U.N. Security Council, urging these bodies to demand accountability and to press Rwanda to withdraw its forces.

UN and Human Rights Organisations

U.N. High Commissioner Volker Türk’s condemnation is part of a broader push within the U.N. to address the crisis. Peacekeeping forces from the U.N. Mission in Congo (MONUSCO) have been criticised for failing to protect rural communities, but MONUSCO has said its troops were blocked from entering the area during the massacre. The International Criminal Court (ICC) – which has been investigating crimes in the DRC since 2004 – issued an urgent call for information in late 2024, specifically focusing on alleged Rome Statute crimes in North Kivu since 1 January 2022.

The Office of the Prosecutor said it is monitoring the escalation of violence around Goma and urged victims, journalists, and organisations to submit evidence. That call now seems prescient given the July killings.

Calls for Sanctions and Prosecutions

HRW urges the U.N. Security Council, European Union, and individual governments to expand existing sanctions against M23 commanders and Rwandan officials complicit in abuses. The group also calls for arrest warrants and prosecutions, reminding states that commanders may be liable for war crimes. The rights organisation specifically asked Rwanda to allow U.N. and independent forensic experts into M23‑controlled areas to exhume bodies and document evidence

International reaction has been muted. While the United States has previously sanctioned Congolese and Rwandan individuals linked to illicit mining and violence, there were no immediate new sanctions announced after July’s massacre. European diplomats have expressed concern but continue to prioritise the Washington‑brokered peace process. Critics argue that sustained impunity for atrocities in eastern Congo encourages further violations.

Peace Talks and Ceasefire Efforts

The killings occurred just weeks after Rwanda and the DRC signed a U.S.‑brokered peace agreement in Washington, and the M23 agreed to a ceasefire in Doha. Despite these diplomatic moves, M23 walked away from negotiations days after the massacre, accusing Kinshasa of failing to implement the ceasefire. The conflict is now at risk of escalating, with regional mediators struggling to reconvene talks. Observers note that any peace process that ignores accountability for mass atrocities is unlikely to succeed.

Conclusion: A Call for Justice and Protection

The July 2025 massacre near Virunga National Park is a grim reminder of the human cost of unresolved conflicts in eastern Congo. The evidence compiled by HRW and corroborated by the U.N. shows a deliberate and coordinated campaign by M23 fighters, supported by Rwanda’s military, to terrorise and depopulate farming communities. The slaughter of hundreds of farmers, women, and children – executed with machetes and guns, their bodies dumped into rivers – demands accountability.