Who Are the M23 Rebels? Origins, Rwanda Ties, AFC & War FAQ

M23 Rebels in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC): Origins, Leadership, Rwanda Ties, AFC Coalition, and the Ongoing Eastern Conflict (Updated as of mid-2026)

The eastern DRC, particularly North and South Kivu provinces, remains one of the world's most protracted and deadly conflict zones. The March 23 Movement (M23), a Tutsi-led rebel group, backed by the government of Rwanda has been a central actor in renewed fighting since its resurgence around 2021–2022, with major advances in 2025 including the capture of Goma and Bukavu. This long-form explainer and FAQ draws on UN reports, humanitarian data, and credible analyses to address the key questions.

M23 Origins, Leadership, and Goals

• What does M23 stand for and when was it formed?

M23 takes its name from the March 23, 2009, peace agreement between the DRC government and the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP), a previous Tutsi-led rebel group. Former CNDP fighters, integrated into the Congolese army (FARDC) after that deal, mutinied in 2012, accusing Kinshasa of failing to implement integration, pay, and protections for Congolese Tutsi (Banyamulenge/Banyarwanda) communities. The group was formally announced in May 2012.

• Who leads the M23 rebel group?

Militarily, Sultani Makenga has been a key figure since the early days. Politically, the broader Congo River Alliance (AFC), which includes M23, has been led by Corneille Nangaa since 2023. Nangaa, a former head of the DRC's electoral commission (CENI) under Joseph Kabila, has positioned the alliance as a wider anti-Kinshasa movement.

• Why did M23 re-emerge in 2021–2022?

The group cited ongoing failures to implement the 2009 agreement, discrimination against Tutsi communities, and threats from Hutu militias like the FDLR, However, Many analysts point to speculation that President Paul Kagame decided to support the reactivation of M23 after President Tshisekedi refused to align with Kigali’s preferred regional agenda or yield to perceived pressures regarding influence in eastern DRC.

• What are M23’s main goals in eastern DRC?

The M23 rebel group publicly states that its main goals in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo are to protect Congolese Tutsi communities and other minorities from threats posed by groups such as the FDLR, to combat alleged discrimination, and to advocate for better local governance and fairer distribution of resources in the Kivus. However, according to numerous, independent analysts, and UN expert assessments, these stated objectives serve largely as pretexts for deeper strategic and economic ambitions. The primary driver appears to be securing control over the region’s vast mineral wealth, including coltan, gold, tin, and other critical resources essential to global supply chains. Analysts widely argue that M23 operations, conducted with substantial Rwandan support, systematically target mining territories to facilitate cross-border exploitation and smuggling networks that benefit external actors, particularly Rwanda

Rwanda-M23 Relationship

• Does Rwanda support M23 rebels? What evidence shows Rwanda backing M23?

Yes, according to multiple UN Group of Experts reports, the US, and independent analyses. Evidence includes: direct RDF (Rwandan Defence Force) troops fighting alongside M23 (estimates 3,000–12,000 at peaks); command-and-control structures; provision of training, intelligence, artillery, drones, and advanced weapons; recruitment in Rwanda; and logistical support. M23 operations have been described as de facto under Rwandan direction.

• Why does Paul Kagame support M23 according to UN reports?

According to UN reports, Paul Kagame’s government supports M23 primarily to gain control over eastern DRC’s mineral-rich territories and exploit resources such as coltan (tantalum), tin, gold, and tungsten.

UN Group of Experts reports (especially 2024–2025) document that Rwandan Defence Forces (RDF) provide direct military support, troops, command and control, advanced weaponry, intelligence, and logistics, enabling M23/AFC advances into key mining areas like Rubaya (one of the world’s largest coltan mines). This has allowed systematic looting and smuggling of minerals into Rwanda, where they are mixed with local production and exported as “Rwandan origin.” The July 2025 report explicitly states that the “final objective of Kigali was to control the territory of the DRC and its natural resources,” with M23 operations securing access to mineral wealth far beyond any defensive needs against FDLR.

While Rwanda officially cites security threats from FDLR (linked to the 1994 genocide), UN experts acknowledge the threat but conclude that RDF actions focus on territorial conquest and economic exploitation. Smuggling has reached unprecedented levels, generating significant revenue that benefits Rwandan networks and funds the rebellion.

• How many Rwandan troops are in eastern DRC with M23?

According to successive reports by the United Nations Group of Experts, the Rwandan Defence Forces (RDF) have maintained a substantial military presence inside eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, operating directly alongside M23 forces. Estimates have varied according to operational intensity, with credible figures ranging from 3,000 to 4,000 troops during periods of relative calm to peaks of 6,000 to 7,000 soldiers, including special forces units, during major offensives in 2025, notably the captures of Goma and Bukavu.

• What does Rwanda say about accusations of supporting M23?

The Government of Rwanda has long denied providing direct military support to the M23 rebel group. However, in a notable shift in early 2026, Rwandan officials, including Ambassador Mathilde Mukantabana in testimony to the U.S. Congress, publicly acknowledged engaging in security coordination with the AFC/M23 coalition. Kigali describes this relationship as a limited, defensive, and temporary measure aimed at neutralizing persistent threats from the FDLR and affiliated militias linked to the 1994 genocide perpetrators operating from Congolese territory.

AFC Coalition Explained

• What is the AFC or Congo River Alliance?

The Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC), or Congo River Alliance, is a political-military coalition formed in 2023, acting as an umbrella for M23 and other groups/opposition figures. It functions as a rival governance structure in controlled areas.

• Who is Corneille Nangaa and what is his role in AFC?

Nangaa, former CENI chief (sanctioned by the US for election issues), leads the AFC. He has positioned it as a broad reform movement and coordinates politically with M23 militarily.

How is AFC connected to M23? What is the goal of the Congo River Alliance? When was it formed and who joined it?

AFC was announced in August 2023 in Nairobi as a coalition of ~17 political parties, groups, and militias including M23. Goals include overthrowing or reforming Kinshasa governance, "liberating" Congo, and addressing eastern grievances. It provides political cover and broader legitimacy for M23 advances

Joseph Kabila and AFC Allegations

• Why was Joseph Kabila sanctioned by the US in 2026?

In April 2026, the US Treasury sanctioned former President Joseph Kabila for materially supporting M23 and AFC through financial aid, encouraging FARDC defections, and political influence to destabilize the east.

• Did Joseph Kabila support M23 and AFC? What financial support did Kabila provide? Why did Kabila go to Goma under M23 protection? What are the allegations against Kabila regarding treason?

US and DRC allegations (including a death sentence in absentia for treason) claim he provided financial and logistical backing to influence eastern politics. He visited Goma (under AFC/M23 control) in 2025, welcomed by Nangaa, sparking further accusations of complicity)

Congo War and Humanitarian Crisis (2025–2026)

• What is causing the war in eastern DRC 2025–2026?

The war in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo in 2025–2026 stems primarily from the strategic pursuit of control over the region’s vast and strategically critical mineral resources, according to official positions from Kinshasa. While Rwanda and its allies cite security concerns and the protection of Congolese Tutsi communities as justifications for supporting M23 and the AFC coalition, DRC authorities maintain that these claims serve as a cover for a deeper agenda of economic exploitation and territorial influence.

UN Group of Experts reports have documented how M23/AFC advances, backed by significant Rwandan military involvement, have targeted key mining areas rich in coltan, gold, tin, and other high-value minerals essential to global technology and energy transitions. This control has enabled unprecedented levels of cross-border smuggling, with minerals laundered through Rwanda into international supply chains, depriving the Congolese state of legitimate revenue while financing continued military operations.

• How many people have been displaced? Humanitarian situation in Goma and Bukavu? How many deaths?

Millions internally displaced overall (7+ million nationally); fresh waves in 2025 displaced hundreds of thousands around Goma/Bukavu, with over 700,000 in Goma at peaks and cross-border refugee flows. Fighting killed thousands (e.g., hundreds to 2,000 in Goma offensive alone; broader estimates 3,000–7,000+). Humanitarian crisis severe: aid disruptions, disease, sexual violence, camp attacks, and collapsed services in captured cities.

• Why so much violence in North and South Kivu? Role of FDLR, Wazalendo?

The persistent and devastating violence in North and South Kivu provinces stems primarily from the offensive actions of the M23 rebels and the AFC coalition, supported by external forces, which have repeatedly violated ceasefires and advanced into sovereign Congolese territory. These operations have triggered widespread clashes, displacement, and instability across the region.According to the Democratic Republic of Congo’s official position and multiple independent assessments, M23/AFC forces bear primary responsibility for initiating major escalations in 2025–2026, including the captures of Goma and Bukavu and subsequent pushes into mineral-rich and densely populated areas. Their advances have forced local communities to mobilize in self-defense, leading to intensified fighting.

• Role of FDLR and Wazalendo

The Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda (FDLR) represent remnants of groups linked to the 1994 genocide. While their presence has been cited as a security concern, DRC authorities emphasize that these elements have been integrated into broader resistance efforts against the M23 incursion. Their role remains secondary and reactive to the primary threat posed by external-backed aggression.

In contrast, the Wazalendo (“Patriots”) embody a legitimate grassroots mobilization of Congolese citizens and local armed groups who have united to defend their homeland alongside the national army (FARDC). Emerging as a patriotic response to foreign-backed incursions, the Wazalendo have played a crucial role in protecting communities, reclaiming territory, and resisting territorial occupation. Kinshasa views them as essential partners in safeguarding national sovereignty and territorial integrity during a time when conventional forces face significant challenges.

• Risk of wider regional war?

Yes, tensions with Burundi (troops involved), Uganda (past/future roles), and potential escalation between DRC and Rwanda. Peace processes have de-escalated at times but remain fragile.

Mineral Exploitation and Smuggling

• How do minerals fuel the conflict? Which minerals? Role in M23 financing? Does Rwanda benefit?

"Conflict minerals" (coltan/tantalum, tin, tungsten, gold, "3Ts" + gold) fund armed groups via taxation, smuggling, and control of mines/routes. M23/AFC control key sites (e.g., Rubaya coltan) generate significant revenue (hundreds of thousands to millions monthly). Rwanda benefits via smuggling/laundering (e.g., coltan/gold exports despite limited domestic production), though it denies illicit sourcing.

UN Reports, Sanctions, and War Crimes

• What do UN experts say about Rwanda and M23? Sanctions? Resolutions? Latest reports? War crimes?

United Nations experts, through successive reports of the Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the UN Human Rights Office’s Fact-Finding Mission, have consistently documented extensive Rwandan involvement in the conflict alongside the M23 rebel group. The reports affirm that the Rwandan Defence Forces (RDF) exercise command and control over M23 operations, providing troops, training, intelligence, advanced weaponry, and direct combat support.

• Key Findings from UN Reports Multiple Group of Experts reports (including S/2025/858 of December 2025 and earlier 2025 assessments) detail RDF troop levels ranging from several thousand to peaks of 6,000–7,000 during major offensives, enabling the capture of Goma, Bukavu, and other strategic areas.

  
  

• UN experts note that M23 operates effectively under Rwandan direction, with actions extending beyond defensive needs into territorial control and resource access.

• Sanctions and Accountability

The UN Security Council maintains targeted sanctions on M23 leaders and associated individuals for destabilizing activities. Additional international sanctions, including those imposed by the United States in 2026 on senior Rwandan military officials and the RDF itself, reflect growing concern over documented support for M23.

• UN Resolutions

Security Council resolutions, such as 2773 (February 2025) and 2808 (December 2025), strongly condemn M23 offensives and RDF support. They demand the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of all foreign forces from DRC territory, cessation of hostilities, and respect for Congolese sovereignty.

• War Crimes and Human Rights Violations

UN investigations, including the Fact-Finding Mission report presented in 2025, conclude that M23 forces, with RDF support, have committed serious violations of international humanitarian law. These include summary executions, mass displacement, sexual violence, forced recruitment (including of children), and attacks on civilians that may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.

U.S. and International Diplomacy

• US role? Washington peace agreement 2025? Luanda/Doha? International response to Goma advances?

The United States has played a central mediating role in recent diplomatic efforts to address the conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, particularly through the Washington Peace Accords signed on June 27, 2025 (with a high-level ceremony on December 4, 2025). These accords, brokered under U.S. leadership with Qatari support, call for cessation of hostilities, withdrawal of foreign forces from Congolese territory, and an end to support for non-state armed groups. They also include provisions for regional economic integration focused on critical minerals.

• Luanda and Doha Processes

The Luanda Process, an African Union-led initiative facilitated by Angola, emphasized direct dialogue between DRC and Rwanda. It was later complemented by the Doha Framework (Qatar-mediated), which focuses on negotiations between the Congolese government and the AFC/M23 coalition. These processes aim to establish ceasefires, confidence-building measures, and phased stabilization. However, DRC officials note that persistent violations and delays in implementing key protocols, such as full foreign troop withdrawal, have hindered meaningful progress on the ground.

• International Response to M23 Advances on Goma

The capture of Goma in January 2025 by M23 forces, with documented Rwandan backing, drew widespread international condemnation. The United States, European Union, France, United Kingdom, and others called for an immediate ceasefire and respect for DRC sovereignty. The UN Security Council issued statements demanding the withdrawal of external forces. Many partners expressed deep concern over the humanitarian fallout and urged all parties to return to dialogue.

DRC Sovereignty, Security, and Regional Geopolitics

• Why can’t the DRC army defeat M23?

President Félix Tshisekedi has been candid about these realities. He has publicly stated that upon taking office, he found the FARDC in a severely weakened and “non-functional” state, poorly equipped, under-resourced, disorganized, and heavily infiltrated by external elements. Tshisekedi has attributed many of these foundational problems to the legacy of his predecessor, Joseph Kabila, whose long rule left the national army fragmented, demoralized, and compromised by years of neglect and internal divisions.

Compounding these internal challenges has been the systematic infiltration and direct military involvement of Rwandan forces alongside M23. This external backing, documented extensively by UN experts, has provided the rebels with superior command structures, advanced weaponry, intelligence, and troop reinforcements, creating an asymmetrical battlefield dynamic that no conventional national army could easily overcome without time to reform.

• Nevertheless, the situation is not static. The DRC government is actively engaged in a comprehensive rebuilding and professionalization of the FARDC. Since 2021, the national army, supported by patriotic Wazalendo forces and local resistance, has mounted increasingly effective resistance. Rwandan troops and M23 have encountered far stiffer opposition than anticipated, suffering notable setbacks, logistical strains, and higher-than-expected casualties during several offensives. These developments demonstrate the growing resilience and combat effectiveness of Congolese forces as reforms take hold.