A South African lawmaker from the Democratic Alliance (DA), Renaldo Gouws, has been suspended after a series of old videos surfaced online, showing him using violent racist language against black people. Initially, Gouws suggested the videos were doctored and denied their authenticity. However, the DA issued a statement on Thursday confirming the videos were genuine. In the clips, Gouws, who was sworn into parliament less than a week ago, repeatedly uses a local slur typically reserved for Black Africans along with the n-word and calls for black people to be killed. This incident comes at a challenging time for President Cyril Ramaphosa, who has recently agreed to form a new coalition government with the DA. The DA, a center-right party, has faced ongoing accusations of racism from critics who argue that the party seeks to protect the interests of the white-minority population—a charge the DA denies. The party announced that Gouws will face disciplinary charges. Another resurfaced clip from earlier in the week shows Gouws making racially charged remarks, including implying that white people are subject to reverse apartheid and stating, "If Africa had to disappear off the face of the earth, no one would [expletive] notice." Over 40,000 people have signed an online petition calling for Gouws's removal as an MP. On Monday, after the first clip emerged, the 41-year-old claimed he wasn't racist and apologized on social media platform X, describing his language as "crass" and "hostile." He stated, "I refute any claims of racism or being a racist. I can however see how my message was distorted in the way it was delivered by me and I take full responsibility for the actions of my younger and immature self." John Steenhuisen, the leader of the DA, had previously defended Gouws, but it remains unclear if he has seen the latest video where Gouws calls for black people to be killed. Senior DA official and former party leader Helen Zille commented on Wednesday, stating, "Such language is unjustifiable and unacceptable. I don't see how such offensive language can be justified." Gouws, a former councillor in Nelson Mandela Bay's ward two, is a popular figure on social media known for stirring controversy. By Author Name Author Name Home Comment Jun 20, 2024 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: A South African lawmaker from the Democratic Alliance (DA), Renaldo Gouws, has been suspended after a series of old videos surfaced online, showing him using violent racist language against black people. Initially, Gouws suggested the videos were doctored and denied their authenticity. However, the DA issued a statement on Thursday confirming the videos were genuine. In the clips, Gouws, who was sworn into parliament less than a week ago, repeatedly uses a local slur typically reserved for Black Africans along with the n-word and calls for black people to be killed. This incident comes at a challenging time for President Cyril Ramaphosa, who has recently agreed to form a new coalition government with the DA. ADVERTISEMENT The DA, a center-right party, has faced ongoing accusations of racism from critics who argue that the party seeks to protect the interests of the white-minority population—a charge the DA denies. The party announced that Gouws will face disciplinary charges. Another resurfaced clip from earlier in the week shows Gouws making racially charged remarks, including implying that white people are subject to reverse apartheid and stating, "If Africa had to disappear off the face of the earth, no one would [expletive] notice." Over 40,000 people have signed an online petition calling for Gouws's removal as an MP. On Monday, after the first clip emerged, the 41-year-old claimed he wasn't racist and apologized on social media platform X, describing his language as "crass" and "hostile." He stated, "I refute any claims of racism or being a racist. I can however see how my message was distorted in the way it was delivered by me and I take full responsibility for the actions of my younger and immature self." ADVERTISEMENT John Steenhuisen, the leader of the DA, had previously defended Gouws, but it remains unclear if he has seen the latest video where Gouws calls for black people to be killed. Senior DA official and former party leader Helen Zille commented on Wednesday, stating, "Such language is unjustifiable and unacceptable. I don't see how such offensive language can be justified." Gouws, a former councillor in Nelson Mandela Bay's ward two, is a popular figure on social media known for stirring controversy. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . 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Open letter challenges Rwanda’s portrayal of Banyamulenge, calling for respect of Congolese sovereignty and regional diplomacy. Dear Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe, Your portrayal of the Banyamulenge visit to Bujumbura is misleading and politically selective. The Banyamulenge are Congolese Citizens, and their right to organize, travel, and engage with regional leaders, including in Burundi, is entirely a matter of Congolese civic and political life. It is not Rwanda’s role to approve, condemn, or manipulate these interactions. Framing them as “ROGUE” or instruments of manipulation ignores the reality that Rwanda itself has repeatedly been accused of supporting armed groups, including the M23 , used to destabilize eastern Congo, and Red Tabara, reportedly trained in Rwanda and linked to attacks on Banyamulenge communities in Minembwe. Attempting to delegitimize Congolese advocacy while allegedly engaging in proxy violence exposes a clear double standard. Your suggestion that these citizens should “witness” abuses ignores the primary responsibility of Rwanda to respect its neighbors’ sovereignty, withdraw troops from Eastern Congo, and abide by agreements such as the Washington Peace Accord. Civic engagement by Congolese communities is not a matter for Rwanda’s approval, nor should it be framed as serving any political agenda. Let us be clear: no state in this region, neither Rwanda nor its ministers, has the mandate to dictate the legitimate interactions of sovereign peoples and nations. Not in Goma, not in Bujumbura, not anywhere. Credible leadership and regional stability depend on respecting sovereignty, honoring commitments, and engaging in transparent, principled diplomacy, not selective narratives and political posturing. Respectfully, By Nadia Mugunga JUSTICE & CRIME OPEN LETTER: Rwanda Has No Authority Over Congolese Civic Life By Nadia MUGUNGA Rwandan Activist & Political Analyst Nadia MUGUNGA Home Comment Mar 19, 2026 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Dear Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe, Your portrayal of the Banyamulenge visit to Bujumbura is misleading and politically selective. The Banyamulenge are Congolese Citizens, and their right to organize, travel, and engage with regional leaders, including in Burundi, is entirely a matter of Congolese civic and political life. It is not Rwanda’s role to approve, condemn, or manipulate these interactions. ADVERTISEMENT Framing them as “ROGUE” or instruments of manipulation ignores the reality that Rwanda itself has repeatedly been accused of supporting armed groups, including the M23 , used to destabilize eastern Congo, and Red Tabara, reportedly trained in Rwanda and linked to attacks on Banyamulenge communities in Minembwe. Attempting to delegitimize Congolese advocacy while allegedly engaging in proxy violence exposes a clear double standard. Your suggestion that these citizens should “witness” abuses ignores the primary responsibility of Rwanda to respect its neighbors’ sovereignty, withdraw troops from Eastern Congo, and abide by agreements such as the Washington Peace Accord. Civic engagement by Congolese communities is not a matter for Rwanda’s approval, nor should it be framed as serving any political agenda. ADVERTISEMENT Let us be clear: no state in this region, neither Rwanda nor its ministers, has the mandate to dictate the legitimate interactions of sovereign peoples and nations. Not in Goma, not in Bujumbura, not anywhere. Credible leadership and regional stability depend on respecting sovereignty, honoring commitments, and engaging in transparent, principled diplomacy, not selective narratives and political posturing. Respectfully, By Nadia Mugunga Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Politics & Diplomacy Tshisekedi Champions Peace, Jobs and Africa’s Voice in Moscow . Justice & Crime M23 → AFC → FRN: Has Anything Really Changed? . Justice & Crime Kagame's Failed Justifications for His Military Presence in the DRC . Justice & Crime From AFDL to FRN: Analysts Question Rwanda's Rebel Rebranding . Peace For DRC Now DRC Takes Rwanda Compliance Dispute to UNGA Over Resolution 2773 . ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Politics & Diplomacy Tshisekedi Champions Peace, Jobs and Africa’s Voice in Moscow At the 2026 Russia–Africa Summit in Moscow, Tshisekedi calls for peace in eastern Congo... . Justice & Crime M23 → AFC → FRN: Has Anything Really Changed? XTRAfrica examines Joseph Kabila's leadership of the FRN, its continuity with AFC/M23 and ... . Justice & Crime Kagame's Failed Justifications for His Military Presence in the DRC UN findings, U.S. sanctions and the reported FRN launch raise questions about Kigali's military role . Justice & Crime From AFDL to FRN: Analysts Question Rwanda's Rebel Rebranding FRN's reported emergence in Goma revives debate over Rwanda's links to successive Congo rebellions. . 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As Africa becomes the center of the French-speaking world, Juliana Lumumba’s candidacy signals a shift in Francophonie leadership and global balance. Introduction: The Francophonie at a Turning Point The Lumumba Legacy: The Unfinished Struggle for Sovereignty and Dignity Juliana Lumumba: more than a daughter of history The DRC factor: demographic weight and linguistic legitimacy The Francophonie’s Crisis of Legitimacy Renewal or Continuity: A Defining Choice for the Francophonie African leadership and soft power: the stakes A Legacy Beyond Memory: Moral Authority in Action A New Francophonie: Aligning Power with Reality Conclusion: A Defining Moment for the Francophonie Continue Reading Full Article OIF RACE 2026 Juliana Lumumba: The Voice of a New Francophonie By Neema Asha Mwakalinga Travel & Culture Expert Neema Asha Mwakalinga Home Comment Apr 23, 2026 May 15, 2026 15 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Introduction: The Francophonie at a Turning Point The Lumumba Legacy: The Unfinished Struggle for Sovereignty and Dignity Juliana Lumumba: more than a daughter of history The DRC factor: demographic weight and linguistic legitimacy The Francophonie’s Crisis of Legitimacy Renewal or Continuity: A Defining Choice for the Francophonie African leadership and soft power: the stakes A Legacy Beyond Memory: Moral Authority in Action A New Francophonie: Aligning Power with Reality Conclusion: A Defining Moment for the Francophonie Takeaways Juliana Lumumba’s candidacy blends historical legitimacy with strategic renewal, linking anti-colonial legacy to a forward-looking agenda The DRC’s demographic weight, home to one of the world’s largest French-speaking populations, strengthens its claim to leadership within the Francophonie. Her programme prioritises youth, digital transformation, and cultural sovereignty, aligning with the realities of a rapidly evolving Francophone world. The OIF election presents a defining choice: continuity or a rebalancing toward African leadership and influence Introduction: The Francophonie at a Turning Point The International Organisation of La Francophonie (OIF) was born in the early 1970s as a cultural and technical cooperation agency and evolved into an intergovernmental organisation comprising nearly 90 member and observer states. Its charter defines a broad mission: to promote the French language and cultural diversity, support peace, democracy, and human rights, encourage education and research, and foster sustainable economic cooperation. Today, the organisation stands at a crossroads. French is no longer the exclusive preserve of Europe. The OIF’s own observatory reports that there are about 396 million French speakers worldwide, two‑thirds of whom live in Africa. By 2050, nine out of ten French learners will be African. Yet the organisation has been criticised as a “Trojan horse” for French foreign policy, with France hosting its headquarters and providing much of its funding. Recent withdrawals by Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso, and public grievances over selective sanctions have exposed a crisis of legitimacy and representation. It is in this climate that Juliana Amato Lumumba , former Congolese minister of culture and daughter of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s independence hero Patrice Lumumba, has announced her candidacy for the post of Secretary‑General. The election, scheduled for November 2026 in Phnom Penh, pits her against incumbent Louise Mushikiwabo of Rwanda and other candidates. More than a contest between personalities, the race offers a referendum on the OIF’s direction: will the Francophonie remain an instrument of continuity or will it embrace the demographic centre of its language and the aspirations of its youngest speakers? Juliana Lumumba embodies the latter vision. The Lumumba Legacy: The Unfinished Struggle for Sovereignty and Dignity Any discussion of Juliana Lumumba begins with the legacy of her father, Patrice Emery Lumumba , the first legally elected prime minister of the Democratic Republic of Congo after independence in 1960. Born in 1925 and radicalised through union activism, Lumumba founded the Congolese National Movement and led his country to independence. His independence speech famously denounced colonial abuses, invoking a break with paternalism. The new prime minister attempted to preserve national unity against secessionist movements and, after the United Nations refused military assistance, turned to the Soviet Union. Western powers reacted; President Joseph Kasavubu dismissed him , Colonel Joseph Mobutu overthrew him, and Lumumba was captured and executed in January 1961. Scholars describe his assassination, orchestrated by Belgian and U.S. actors , as “one of the most important assassinations of the 20th century” and the “original sin” of post‑colonial Congo. Lumumba’s death left a legacy of unfinished independence and moral authority. Thirty years later, Belgium formally acknowledged moral responsibility for his murder. In 2020, Juliana Lumumba wrote an open letter to Belgium urging the return of her father’s remains, describing him as a “hero without a grave”. This act was not sentimentality but an assertion of sovereignty: it reclaimed ownership of Congolese history and emphasised that dignity requires accountability. The Lumumba name resonates across Africa as a symbol of anti‑colonial resistance, self‑determination, and pan‑African unity. By anchoring her candidacy in this heritage, Juliana Lumumba connects the Francophonie to a deeper narrative of decolonisation, one that insists that cultural and linguistic cooperation must be accompanied by respect for African sovereignty. Juliana Lumumba: more than a daughter of history Juliana Amato Lumumba ’s candidacy is not simply a family tribute; it rests on substantive credentials. Born in 1959, she studied social sciences at the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS) in Paris. During the turbulent years following Laurent‑Désiré Kabila’s seizure of power, she served successively as Vice‑Minister and Minister of Culture (1997–2001) in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Her tenure focused on safeguarding cultural heritage and promoting what she calls “narrative sovereignty”, the idea that Africans must define their own stories and cultural policies. Under her leadership, the ministry championed the return of looted artefacts and supported Congolese arts at home and abroad. Lumumba’s résumé extends beyond government. From 2007 to 2015, she served as Secretary‑General of the Union of African Chambers of Commerce, Industry and Agriculture (UACCIAP), coordinating private‑sector networks across Africa. She later built a consulting and communications firm and became an international speaker on women’s economic participation, African entrepreneurship, and continental integration. The Eastleigh Voice notes that she has over 30 years of experience in governance, cultural diplomacy, and international cooperation. She is multilingual, fluent in French, English, Kiswahili, Lingala, and Arabic, and has long championed youth empowerment and gender equality. In 2020, she spearheaded the letter to Belgium demanding the return of her father’s remains, demonstrating moral courage and diplomatic skill. ADVERTISEMENT Her campaign programme for the OIF emphasises nine projects centred on youth, education, digital innovation, narrative sovereignty, conflict resolution, and pan‑African solidarity. She has pledged to visit all 56 voting countries, underscoring her commitment to dialogue and inclusion. According to Crispin Mbadu Phanzu, the Congolese minister delegate in charge of the Francophonie, “By putting forward Lumumba, the DRC is contributing to a Francophonie that is more united, inclusive, and closer to its people” . Such a candidacy signals that Congo’s ambition is not merely symbolic but programmatic; it aims to strengthen Africa’s voice within global institutions and to build a Francophonie capable of addressing digital, cultural, and economic transitions of the 21st century The DRC factor: demographic weight and linguistic legitimacy The Democratic Republic of Congo is central to any discussion of the French language’s future. With a population of over 112 million people, Congo is the largest French‑speaking country in the world. The Observatoire de la langue française estimates that around 67.8 million Congolese (about 60 % of the population) are French speakers, including tens of millions of children in schools. The OIF’s 2026 report states that 65 % of all French speakers live in Africa. This demographic weight has profound consequences: the future of the French language, its culture, and the political relevance of the OIF will largely be shaped by African voices. The Ouragan article notes that French is now the fourth most spoken language in the world and underscores that the centre of gravity of the Francophonie is shifting towards Congo. Kinshasa, with more than 15 million inhabitants, is described as the largest French‑speaking city in the world. The capital hosted the 9th Games of La Francophonie in 2023, welcoming thousands of young athletes and artists from around 30 countries. The Congolese government invested tens of millions of dollars in infrastructure to rehabilitate or build new facilities. Although the games faced delays and challenges, the event symbolised Congo’s commitment to the Francophonie and its capacity to host large cultural gatherings. Hosting the games also highlighted the persistent tensions between Kinshasa and Kigali ; the presence of the incumbent secretary‑general, a former Rwandan foreign minister, was controversially debated. This context underscores how Congo’s demographic heft and political assertiveness intersect with regional rivalries. Given these factors, Congo’s insistence on more equitable representation within the OIF is reasonable. The Pan African Visions article notes that the DRC nominated Juliana Lumumba in February 2026 to challenge the Rwandan incumbent, presenting the election as a geopolitical rivalry and an opportunity to “contribute to the renewal and global influence of the Francophone space”. The article reminds readers that Congo has the largest French‑speaking population and that its candidacy is among Kinshasa’s most important diplomatic moves in recent years. In short, Congo’s demographic legitimacy gives weight to its demand for leadership: a population that constitutes the majority of French speakers should have a commensurate voice in the organisation that represents them. The Francophonie’s Crisis of Legitimacy Despite its cultural achievements, the OIF faces internal contradictions. The organisation has 90 states and governments (53 members, 7 associate members, and 27 observers) and is tasked with promoting peace, democracy, and human rights. Yet the OIF’s political mission lacks clarity. Critics argue that France dominates the organisation, using it as a soft‑power tool. The International Affairs Review summarises this criticism: France created the OIF’s precursor, the ACCT, and successive French presidents have wielded the French language as an instrument of symbolic grandeur; the result is that the OIF is perceived as “France‑centric”. Jeremy Ahearne observes that French claims to global significance have historically underpinned this dominance. The same article notes that North Africa, sub‑Saharan Africa, and the Middle East account for about 61.8 % of all French speakers, emphasising the discrepancy between where French is spoken and where decisions are made. ADVERTISEMENT These tensions have tangible consequences. In 2023–2024, Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso withdrew from the OIF, accusing it of applying selective sanctions, tolerating electoral manipulation, and prioritising French interests. Analysts at IRIS argue that the OIF’s ambiguous relationship with France creates suspicion; the organisation seldom clarifies its ties to the French state, fueling claims that it is a “Trojan horse” of French foreign policy. The Centre for International Policy Studies highlights rising anti‑French sentiment among young francophone Africans, who see the OIF as failing to condemn autocratic regimes and as a relic of colonial paternalism. Meanwhile, the OIF has to reckon with a digital paradox: although French is now the fourth most spoken language and the second most taught, it accounts for only 4 % of internet content. This disconnect between demographic reality and institutional representation forms the backdrop for the 2026 election. Renewal or Continuity: A Defining Choice for the Francophonie The upcoming election presents a stark choice between renewal and continuity. Incumbent Louise Mushikiwabo, former Rwandan foreign minister, seeks a third term. She was elected at the 17th Summit in 2018 and re‑elected in 2022 ; she has announced her candidacy and acknowledged that the election “will be tough”. Rwanda’s government is lobbying for her re‑election. Juliana Lumumba represents an alternative. Her candidacy is not a personal attack on Mushikiwabo but a call for institutional redirection. Congo’s government argues that by nominating Lumumba, it seeks a more united, inclusive Francophonie and aims to “strengthen Africa’s voice within global institutions”. This is not hyperbole: with demographic trends tilting strongly toward Africa, the election of an African candidate from the continent’s largest francophone nation could signal that the organisation recognises the need to realign its leadership with its linguistic base. At a time when the OIF is criticised for lack of legitimacy and selective enforcement of democratic norms, a new leader who embodies moral authority and independence could restore trust. Juliana Lumumba’s programme addresses these concerns. She calls for youth‑focused policies, digital innovation, cultural confidence, and economic opportunities. Her emphasis on narrative sovereignty is significant: she insists that the Francophonie must allow African societies to tell their own stories, free from metropolitan prescriptions. This approach could counter the narrative of the OIF as an extension of French diplomacy. Her experience in cultural diplomacy and economic cooperation would enable her to build bridges between member states and to expand the OIF’s relevance in global governance. African leadership and soft power: the stakes Languages are instruments of soft power: they provide access to educational opportunities, business networks, and diplomatic influence. There are more French speakers in the Democratic Republic of the Congo than anywhere else, except France. In a world where military influence is waning, the French language, and by extension the OIF, constitute a key element of France’s global influence. Yet as the Centre for International Policy Studies observes, anti‑French sentiment among African youth is rising. If the OIF wants to remain a relevant soft‑power instrument, its leadership must reflect the diversity and aspirations of its speakers. Juliana Lumumba understands this dynamic. Her campaign emphasises digital platforms and youth engagement, addressing the reality that the future of French will be online and shaped by young Africans. She advocates economic initiatives that leverage French as the third language of global business, opening doors for African entrepreneurs. She also highlights cultural diplomacy, recognising that arts, music, and literature are powerful soft‑power tools. Her track record in promoting Congolese rumba and in advocating for the return of cultural artefacts shows a commitment to cultural sovereignty. Importantly, she frames African leadership not as a zero‑sum rivalry with Europe but as a partnership of equals, acknowledging that the French language has been used by anticolonial movements from Ho Chi Minh to the Négritude poets . In her vision, the OIF can be a forum where the Global South sets agendas rather than merely endorses them. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Policy and Reforms US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . War in Eastern DRC Muyaya: Congo's War Has Nothing to Do With the Constitution . Infrastructure DRC Signs Contracts to Modernise 13 Airports, First Deliveries in 2028 . Economic Reports DRC and IMF Reach Staff-Level Deal on Programme Reviews . | Economy DRC Opens London Forum Seeking Partnerships, Not Aid . ADVERTISEMENT A Legacy Beyond Memory: Moral Authority in Action Juliana Lumumba’s candidacy carries a unique moral authority rooted in memory. Her father’s assassination remains a scar not only for Congo but for Africa. By demanding the return of his remains, she invoked a moral principle that historical injustices must be acknowledged and rectified. Yet she has not waged a campaign of resentment. Instead, she speaks of reconciliation and narrative sovereignty, seeking to connect memory to future‑oriented leadership. This balance is essential for the Francophonie: it must confront its colonial past without allowing that past to become an alibi for stagnation. Juliana Lumumba offers an example of how to do this, using memory to claim dignity and to inspire forward‑looking policies. Her capacity to bridge the past and the future is further enhanced by her international networks. As Secretary‑General of UACCIAP, she coordinated chambers of commerce across Africa; as a consultant, she has worked with private companies; as a speaker, she has engaged with international institutions on topics such as women’s empowerment and Africa’s economic integration. These experiences equip her to navigate the OIF’s complex diplomatic environment and to mediate between divergent interests. Her candidacy embodies not only historical depth but also practical competence. A New Francophonie: Aligning Power with Reality What would a “new Francophonie” look like under Juliana Lumumba’s leadership? First, it would feature stronger African ownership. The OIF would recognise that the majority of its speakers live in Africa and adjust representation accordingly. That means not only electing an African secretary‑general but also prioritising African initiatives, languages, and perspectives. Second, it would prioritise youth and digital relevance. With millions of young Africans learning French, the organisation would invest in digital platforms, creative industries, and educational exchange programmes to harness this energy. Third, it would champion cultural confidence and narrative sovereignty, supporting the return of artefacts, the promotion of local literatures, and the celebration of linguistic diversity within the French language. Fourth, it would bolster institutional legitimacy, addressing criticisms of selective enforcement by establishing transparent procedures for monitoring democracy and human rights and applying them consistently across member states. Such a transformation is not a rejection of the Francophonie’s founding ideals but an evolution. When Senghor, Bourguiba, Diori, and Sihanouk conceived the ACCT, they aimed to build solidarity among French‑speaking states. Juliana Lumumba’s vision updates that solidarity for the 21st century: one that is multilateral rather than hierarchical, decentralised rather than Paris‑centric, and forward‑looking rather than nostalgic. The election in Phnom Penh thus becomes an opportunity to align the organisation with its demographic reality and its declared mission. Conclusion: A Defining Moment for the Francophonie Juliana Amato Lumumba’s candidacy forces the Francophonie to confront its paradoxes. She carries the weight of a surname that stands for anti‑colonial dignity and political martyrdom. She brings a résumé rich in cultural diplomacy, economic cooperation, and international advocacy. She represents a nation that is home to more French speakers than any other except France itself. Her programme, rooted in youth, innovation, and narrative sovereignty, speaks to the aspirations of the continent where the French language’s future lies. In the end, the question facing the OIF is not merely whether Juliana Lumumba or Louise Mushikiwabo would be a better administrator. It is whether the organisation will recognise that its demographic heart has moved south and that its mission must adapt accordingly. To elect Juliana Lumumba would be to acknowledge African legitimacy, to honour a legacy of sacrifice, and to send a signal that the Francophonie belongs to all its speakers, not just to those who historically controlled it. It would renew the organisation’s credibility at a moment when its legitimacy is questioned and its relevance contested. Juliana Lumumba is thus not merely a candidate; she is a compelling symbol of African sovereignty, Francophone renewal, and strategic rebalancing, a voice for a new Francophonie. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Policy and Reforms US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty Will Democrats support Kagame after the 2026 midterms? Blinken's statements, Biden's Rwanda policy . War in Eastern DRC Muyaya: Congo's War Has Nothing to Do With the Constitution In London, the DRC government spokesperson rejects constitutional politics as a cause of the eastern . Infrastructure DRC Signs Contracts to Modernise 13 Airports, First Deliveries in 2028 Four firms will rebuild runways and terminals from Kalemie to Muanda under a Treasury-funded plan . Economic Reports DRC and IMF Reach Staff-Level Deal on Programme Reviews Board vote set for December; minister says up to $771 million could follow if approved . Tags DR.Congo DR.Congo Juliana Amato Lumumba Juliana Amato Lumumba

New Research reveals how Kigali’s transformation story is built on demolitions, forced evictions, and elite branding, not local inclusion According to extensive ethnographic research published by the University of California Press, Kigali’s transformation was not primarily designed for the people who live there. It was engineered as a brand, a product tailored for foreign investors, donors, and global institutions, even if that meant demolishing real neighborhoods, erasing livelihoods, and displacing thousands of residents. A City Rebuilt, or Rebranded? The dominant global narrative claims Kigali was rebuilt after the 1994 genocide. Yet the research reveals a striking contradiction: the most aggressive destruction of Kigali did not occur in the 1990s, but well after 2008. Beginning in July 2008, large-scale demolitions swept through the city. Entire neighborhoods were cleared in successive waves, Kiyovu cy’abakene, Gacuriro, Kimicanga, Nyabugogo Market, Kazaire, and later Bannyahe, as recently as 2022. These were not emergency post-war clearances. They were deliberate interventions tied to a new urban vision. That vision was shaped with the help of American and Singaporean design and planning firms, hired by the Rwandan government in the early 2000s. Their task was explicit: transform Kigali’s image into a competitive destination for global capital. In promotional materials, Kigali was presented as a “tabula rasa,” a blank slate ready for sustainable investment. But in reality, the city was never blank. It was lived in, built, and maintained by ordinary Rwandans. To make the brand real, the city itself had to be reshaped, often through destruction. Sustainability as a Justification for Displacement The demolitions were rarely described as evictions. Instead, they were framed in the language of “green,” “modern,” and “sustainable” urbanism. Neighborhoods were labeled “informal,” “unplanned,” or “environmentally unsustainable,” even when residents had paid for sanitation, electricity, and durable housing, and in many cases held legal land titles. Once classified as unsustainable, areas could be expropriated at low compensation and cleared for redevelopment aligned with the master plan. Continue Reading Full Article JUSTICE & CRIME How Kigali Was Branded for Investors, Not Rwandans By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Jan 14, 2026 May 15, 2026 6 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: According to extensive ethnographic research published by the University of California Press, Kigali’s transformation was not primarily designed for the people who live there. It was engineered as a brand, a product tailored for foreign investors, donors, and global institutions, even if that meant demolishing real neighborhoods, erasing livelihoods, and displacing thousands of residents. A City Rebuilt, or Rebranded? The dominant global narrative claims Kigali was rebuilt after the 1994 genocide. Yet the research reveals a striking contradiction: the most aggressive destruction of Kigali did not occur in the 1990s, but well after 2008. Beginning in July 2008, large-scale demolitions swept through the city. Entire neighborhoods were cleared in successive waves, Kiyovu cy’abakene, Gacuriro, Kimicanga, Nyabugogo Market, Kazaire, and later Bannyahe, as recently as 2022. These were not emergency post-war clearances. They were deliberate interventions tied to a new urban vision. That vision was shaped with the help of American and Singaporean design and planning firms, hired by the Rwandan government in the early 2000s. Their task was explicit: transform Kigali’s image into a competitive destination for global capital. In promotional materials, Kigali was presented as a “tabula rasa,” a blank slate ready for sustainable investment. But in reality, the city was never blank. It was lived in, built, and maintained by ordinary Rwandans. To make the brand real, the city itself had to be reshaped, often through destruction. Sustainability as a Justification for Displacement The demolitions were rarely described as evictions. Instead, they were framed in the language of “green,” “modern,” and “sustainable” urbanism. ADVERTISEMENT Neighborhoods were labeled “informal,” “unplanned,” or “environmentally unsustainable,” even when residents had paid for sanitation, electricity, and durable housing, and in many cases held legal land titles. Once classified as unsustainable, areas could be expropriated at low compensation and cleared for redevelopment aligned with the master plan. Residents interviewed in the research were blunt about what was happening. One explained that the city was being redesigned for “trendy houses for white people,” while lower-income Rwandans were pushed further away from the urban core. The problem was not disorder. The problem was who the city was being built for. The Blair-Kagame-RDB Connection: A City Run Like a Corporation Tony Blair became Kagame’s official adviser in 2008, helping form the Rwanda Development Board (RDB), a hybrid government-corporate agency designed to fast-track foreign investment. Kigali’s urban strategy was repackaged to climb the World Bank’s “Ease of Doing Business” index, and the master plan evolved into a business plan, with the city’s poor as collateral damage. The Fiction of Order and Zero Corruption Kigali’s reputation for order is one of its strongest selling points. But the research exposes this too as a carefully maintained fiction. City officials were aware that informal arrangements, negotiations, and everyday survival strategies existed, as they do in all African cities. Yet acknowledging them would undermine the brand narrative of total control and zero corruption. ADVERTISEMENT Instead of adapting policy to lived reality, authorities enforced the image. The city had to look orderly, even if that meant ignoring how people actually lived and built their homes. Order became not a tool of governance, but a tool of marketing. ‘Green City’ Marketing = Demolitions + Exclusion Kigali’s “eco-friendly” urban plan, touted at Davos and climate summits, came at a devastating human cost. Areas like Bannyahe were labeled “unsustainable” to justify mass evictions, despite residents having built their own infrastructure. Families were expropriated after being labeled “informal.” But many had legal land titles and access to water, electricity, and sanitation, all paid for by residents themselves. Why? The report concludes: “The problem wasn’t urban planning. It was ownership by the wrong people.” A State Reoriented Toward Investors Institutional reforms reinforced this direction. The creation of the Rwanda Development Board (RDB), a hybrid state-corporate entity, streamlined foreign investment by offering fast-tracked business registration and centralized access to government services. Rwanda’s rapid climb in global “Ease of Doing Business” rankings was celebrated internationally. But this efficiency served one group above all: foreign investors. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Policy and Reforms US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Justice & Crime Trump Moves to Remove Rwanda and South Africa From AGOA . Justice & Crime Rwanda Accused of Deporting Congolese Civilians in South Kivu . War in DR Congo Tshisekedi: Sanctions Forced Kagame to Pull Kabila From His Cave . Biography Claudette Mukashyaka Biography: Rwanda’s New Auditor General . ADVERTISEMENT For ordinary city residents facing eviction, there was no equivalent one-stop service. Their access to the city became conditional, temporary, fragile, and ultimately expendable. When Tragedy Becomes a Sales Pitch Perhaps most unsettling is how Rwanda’s tragic history was folded into this branding exercise. The genocide became part of the marketing story, proof of resilience, a justification for starting over, and a moral narrative that encouraged outsiders to see Kigali as a city reborn from nothing. This framing made demolition easier to sell. If the city was already imagined as starting from scratch, then clearing neighborhoods could be portrayed as progress rather than loss. But for the people who lived there, nothing was abstract. Homes, markets, and communities disappeared in the name of a future they were not invited to share. The City That Had to Erase Itself Kigali’s cleanliness and order are real. The new buildings and infrastructure exist. But so does the erasure. The research shows that Kigali was not simply rebuilt after the conflict. It was rebranded for a global audience, and then forcibly reshaped to match that image. Sustainability language masked displacement. Order concealed exclusion. And development was measured by appearance rather than justice. This article is sourced from research by Samuel Shearer. Read more here ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Policy and Reforms US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty Will Democrats support Kagame after the 2026 midterms? Blinken's statements, Biden's Rwanda policy . Justice & Crime Trump Moves to Remove Rwanda and South Africa From AGOA Trump plans to remove Rwanda and South Africa from AGOA trade benefits starting January 1, 2027 . Justice & Crime Rwanda Accused of Deporting Congolese Civilians in South Kivu South Kivu accuses Rwandan forces and M23 of forcibly displacing civilians in Katogota, . War in DR Congo Tshisekedi: Sanctions Forced Kagame to Pull Kabila From His Cave The DRC president accuses Kagame of using Kabila's new rebel leadership to disguise Rwanda's role in... . Tags Rwanda Rwanda

Levixone, a Ugandan gospel artist, shares how he survived street life, violence, and loss before becoming a leading figure in gospel music. Ugandan gospel singer Levixone , born Rubyogo Lucas, has shared details of his journey from street life to becoming one of East Africa’s most recognized worship artists. In an interview with IGIHE, Levixone said he left home at the age of nine due to family challenges and spent several years living on the streets. During that period, he was exposed to drug abuse, theft, and violence, experiences he says shaped his outlook on life. He recalled witnessing the killing of a close friend who was attacked by a mob over allegations of theft. Levixone said he narrowly escaped the same fate, an incident he describes as a turning point that pushed him to seek a different path. Levixone began his music career at the age of 13. His breakthrough came while he was still in primary school after releasing the song Noonya , which gained widespread airplay in Uganda despite many listeners not knowing his identity at the time. After being noticed by church ministers, he received support that enabled him to return to school. Although he later paused his studies to focus on music, Levixone said he eventually resumed his education using his own resources. Now a leading figure in gospel music in Uganda and the wider East African region, Levixone says he remains committed to using his music as a testimony of survival and faith. He has also expressed satisfaction with the growing recognition of his work in Rwanda, where he continues to perform regularly. Source IGIHE.com Continue Reading Full Article ENTERTAINMENT Levixone: From Street Life to Gospel Music Stardom in Uganda By Witty Pascal Entertainment Editor Witty Pascal Home Comment Feb 7, 2026 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Ugandan gospel singer Levixone , born Rubyogo Lucas, has shared details of his journey from street life to becoming one of East Africa’s most recognized worship artists. In an interview with IGIHE, Levixone said he left home at the age of nine due to family challenges and spent several years living on the streets. During that period, he was exposed to drug abuse, theft, and violence, experiences he says shaped his outlook on life. ADVERTISEMENT He recalled witnessing the killing of a close friend who was attacked by a mob over allegations of theft. Levixone said he narrowly escaped the same fate, an incident he describes as a turning point that pushed him to seek a different path. Levixone began his music career at the age of 13. His breakthrough came while he was still in primary school after releasing the song Noonya , which gained widespread airplay in Uganda despite many listeners not knowing his identity at the time. ADVERTISEMENT After being noticed by church ministers, he received support that enabled him to return to school. Although he later paused his studies to focus on music, Levixone said he eventually resumed his education using his own resources. Now a leading figure in gospel music in Uganda and the wider East African region, Levixone says he remains committed to using his music as a testimony of survival and faith. He has also expressed satisfaction with the growing recognition of his work in Rwanda, where he continues to perform regularly. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Biography Poco Lee Biography: Age, Real Name, Dance Career and Songs . Biography Eric Omondi Biography: Comedy, Activism and Public Life . Biography Who Is Snit Habteab, Eritrea’s Miss World Trailblazer? . Entertainment Poco Lee UK Case Sparks Consent Debate Among Nigerian Stars . Entertainment FOLA Leads 2026 Headies Nominations Ahead of Toronto . ADVERTISEMENT Source IGIHE.com ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Biography Poco Lee Biography: Age, Real Name, Dance Career and Songs Inside the Nigerian dancer’s rise from Ojo street shows to Afrobeats stages, music and global fame. . Biography Eric Omondi Biography: Comedy, Activism and Public Life How Eric Omondi rose through Churchill Show and became a prominent Kenyan activist. . Biography Who Is Snit Habteab, Eritrea’s Miss World Trailblazer? The neuroscientist and educator became Eritrea’s first Miss World entrant and reached the Top 6 . Entertainment Poco Lee UK Case Sparks Consent Debate Among Nigerian Stars The dancer faces five sexual offence charges and returns to court on September 15. . Tags Entertainment Entertainment Uganda Uganda

KINSHASA, Jan. 19 (Xtrafrica) -- The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is poised for a historic event as President-elect Felix Tshisekedi's inauguration approaches. Scheduled for this Saturday in Kinshasa, the ceremony is set to be a grand celebration with an unprecedented international presence. Serge Tshibangu, the high representative of the president, has confirmed the attendance of eighteen African heads of state, signaling a significant moment of unity and cooperation within the continent. The ceremony will showcase Africa's solidarity, with leaders from South Africa, Angola, Tanzania, Kenya, Botswana, Zimbabwe, Equatorial Guinea, Chad, Republic of Congo, Burundi, Zambia, Gabon, Central African Republic, Ethiopia, South Sudan, Mozambique, Comoros, and Gambia joining the festivities. In a reflection of the DRC's growing global stature, the event will also feature high-level delegations from across the world. Representatives from the White House, Belgium, China, Russia, Turkey, Lesotho, Serbia, the United Kingdom, Egypt, Japan, the European Union, Brazil, Singapore, and Norway will be present, underscoring the international community's interest in the DRC's political trajectory. The Martyrs Stadium of Kinshasa, the venue for the inauguration, is set to open its doors to the public from 4 a.m. local time (0300 GMT). This accessibility highlights the Tshisekedi administration's commitment to inclusivity and public participation in this momentous event. President Tshisekedi's landslide victory in the December 20 general elections, where he secured 73.47% of the vote, is a testament to his widespread popularity and the public's confidence in his leadership for a second term. This inauguration is not merely a ceremonial event; it marks a significant step in the DRC's journey towards stability and development. The diverse and high-profile nature of the international delegation attending the inauguration reinforces the importance of the DRC in global politics and signals widespread support for President Tshisekedi's leadership. As the DRC enters this new chapter under President Tshisekedi, the world eagerly anticipates the nation's continued progress and prosperity. The inauguration serves as a beacon of hope and a symbol of the potential that lies ahead for the DRC. Follow the historic event and join the conversation using #xtrafrica. Continue Reading Full Article By Author Name Author Name Home Comment Jan 19, 2024 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: DRC Inauguration 2024: President Tshisekedi's Grand Ceremony Draws Global Leaders KINSHASA, Jan. 19 (Xtrafrica) -- The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is poised for a historic event as President-elect Felix Tshisekedi's inauguration approaches. Scheduled for this Saturday in Kinshasa, the ceremony is set to be a grand celebration with an unprecedented international presence. Serge Tshibangu, the high representative of the president, has confirmed the attendance of eighteen African heads of state, signaling a significant moment of unity and cooperation within the continent. The ceremony will showcase Africa's solidarity, with leaders from South Africa, Angola, Tanzania, Kenya, Botswana, Zimbabwe, Equatorial Guinea, Chad, Republic of Congo, Burundi, Zambia, Gabon, Central African Republic, Ethiopia, South Sudan, Mozambique, Comoros, and Gambia joining the festivities. ADVERTISEMENT In a reflection of the DRC's growing global stature, the event will also feature high-level delegations from across the world. Representatives from the White House, Belgium, China, Russia, Turkey, Lesotho, Serbia, the United Kingdom, Egypt, Japan, the European Union, Brazil, Singapore, and Norway will be present, underscoring the international community's interest in the DRC's political trajectory. The Martyrs Stadium of Kinshasa, the venue for the inauguration, is set to open its doors to the public from 4 a.m. local time (0300 GMT). This accessibility highlights the Tshisekedi administration's commitment to inclusivity and public participation in this momentous event. President Tshisekedi's landslide victory in the December 20 general elections, where he secured 73.47% of the vote, is a testament to his widespread popularity and the public's confidence in his leadership for a second term. ADVERTISEMENT This inauguration is not merely a ceremonial event; it marks a significant step in the DRC's journey towards stability and development. The diverse and high-profile nature of the international delegation attending the inauguration reinforces the importance of the DRC in global politics and signals widespread support for President Tshisekedi's leadership. As the DRC enters this new chapter under President Tshisekedi, the world eagerly anticipates the nation's continued progress and prosperity. The inauguration serves as a beacon of hope and a symbol of the potential that lies ahead for the DRC. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today ADVERTISEMENT Follow the historic event and join the conversation using #xtrafrica. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Tags

RCMP Const. Eli Ndatuje goes on trial in Alberta over allegations he accessed police records and disclosed safeguarded information to Rwanda. He denies the charges. An Alberta court has begun hearing the case of RCMP Const. Eli Ndatuje, who is accused of improperly accessing a Canadian police database and disclosing safeguarded information to the Government of Rwanda. Ndatuje has pleaded not guilty, and the allegations have not been proven in court. RED DEER, Alberta - September 21, 2026 - The criminal trial of Royal Canadian Mounted Police Const. Eli Ndatuje opened Monday at the Red Deer Justice Centre, more than two years after he was charged over the alleged misuse of Canadian police information for the benefit of the Republic of Rwanda. Ndatuje, 39, faces charges under Canada's Criminal Code and Security of Information Act. He has pleaded not guilty. According to The Canadian Press, as carried by CityNews , Crown prosecutor Kent Brown told the court that prosecutors plan to rely primarily on documentary records and expect to call 13 witnesses. Brown said the prosecution's case centers on an allegation that Ndatuje searched a police database and then divulged information obtained through that search. The case remains before the court. None of the allegations against Ndatuje have been proven. Federal prosecutors identify Rwanda as the alleged recipient The Rwanda connection is not based solely on media descriptions of the case. An official Public Prosecution Service of Canada summary of R. v. Eli Ndatuje states that the RCMP officer was charged under section 18(1) of the Security of Information Act for allegedly making an unauthorized disclosure of information to the Government of Rwanda. The federal prosecution service also lists charges of breach of trust and unauthorized use of a computer under sections 122 and 342.1(1) of the Criminal Code. Continue Reading Full Article JUSTICE & CRIME RCMP Officer Eli Ndatuje on Trial Over Alleged Disclosure to Rwanda By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Sep 22, 2026 Sep 22, 2026 6 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: An Alberta court has begun hearing the case of RCMP Const. Eli Ndatuje, who is accused of improperly accessing a Canadian police database and disclosing safeguarded information to the Government of Rwanda. Ndatuje has pleaded not guilty, and the allegations have not been proven in court. RED DEER, Alberta - September 21, 2026 - The criminal trial of Royal Canadian Mounted Police Const. Eli Ndatuje opened Monday at the Red Deer Justice Centre, more than two years after he was charged over the alleged misuse of Canadian police information for the benefit of the Republic of Rwanda. Ndatuje, 39, faces charges under Canada's Criminal Code and Security of Information Act. He has pleaded not guilty. According to The Canadian Press, as carried by CityNews , Crown prosecutor Kent Brown told the court that prosecutors plan to rely primarily on documentary records and expect to call 13 witnesses. Brown said the prosecution's case centers on an allegation that Ndatuje searched a police database and then divulged information obtained through that search. The case remains before the court. None of the allegations against Ndatuje have been proven. Federal prosecutors identify Rwanda as the alleged recipient The Rwanda connection is not based solely on media descriptions of the case. An official Public Prosecution Service of Canada summary of R. v. Eli Ndatuje states that the RCMP officer was charged under section 18(1) of the Security of Information Act for allegedly making an unauthorized disclosure of information to the Government of Rwanda. The federal prosecution service also lists charges of breach of trust and unauthorized use of a computer under sections 122 and 342.1(1) of the Criminal Code. ADVERTISEMENT Court records reported when the charges were announced in 2024 alleged that Ndatuje communicated or agreed to communicate safeguarded information from the Canadian police information system to a foreign entity identified as the Republic of Rwanda. At the time, the RCMP said the officer was alleged to have accessed a non-Top Secret police records system to assist a foreign actor. Police said they introduced measures to monitor and prevent further unauthorized disclosures after becoming aware of the suspected breach. Defence says database search involved missing housekeeper Monday's opening proceedings also provided new details about the defence's explanation for Ndatuje's contacts with Rwanda's diplomatic mission in Canada. Defence lawyer Robb Beeman told the court that Ndatuje had contact with the Rwandan High Commission in Ottawa on two occasions, according to current courtroom reporting. The first contact, the defence said, concerned confusion surrounding travel documents belonging to Ndatuje's wife. On another occasion, Beeman said a friend at the Rwandan High Commission contacted Ndatuje because a housekeeper employed at the Ottawa residence of Rwanda's ambassador appeared to be missing. According to the defence account reported by Canadian media , Ndatuje advised the individual to report the disappearance to Ottawa police and then, on his own initiative, checked a police database to determine whether the housekeeper had been reported missing. ADVERTISEMENT The housekeeper was later found safe. Beeman told the court the defence expects the evidence will not establish that Ndatuje disclosed information obtained from the database search. Global Affairs official confirms call from Rwandan high commissioner Bill McCrimmon, a foreign-service officer with Global Affairs Canada, testified that the department received a call from the Rwandan high commissioner concerning the missing housekeeper, according to courtroom reporting. That testimony provides evidence of diplomatic contact concerning the missing-person matter. It does not, at this stage of the trial, establish that Rwanda's High Commission ordered or requested an unauthorized police-database search, or that diplomatic officials knew such a search would be conducted. That distinction is important because the Crown and defence are presenting different accounts of what the database activity and subsequent communications amounted to under Canadian law. Case dates back to April 2022 The allegations concern events said to have occurred in Red Deer on April 23, 2022. Ndatuje was arrested and charged in February 2024 following an investigation by the RCMP's federal policing team. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Biography Claudette Mukashyaka Biography: Rwanda’s New Auditor General . Biography Sergeant Robert Kabera Biography: Sergeant Robert’s Music and Exile . Justice & Crime RCMP Officer Eli Ndatuje on Trial Over Alleged Disclosure to Rwanda . Justice & Crime UN Torture Watchdog Back in Rwanda After Failed 2017 Mission . Citizen Services Nigeria Fines RwandAir ₦15 Million Over Baggage Complaint . ADVERTISEMENT Contemporary CityNews reporting on the charges said court records identified the alleged foreign entity as the Republic of Rwanda and described the information at issue as safeguarded information from Canada's police information system. The current trial will determine whether prosecutors can prove the charges beyond a reasonable doubt. Trial expected to continue into October The Crown has indicated that much of its case will be documentary, supplemented by testimony from 13 witnesses. The defence, meanwhile, maintains that Ndatuje was attempting to help with a missing-person situation rather than improperly assist a foreign government. Canadian courtroom reporting says the trial is scheduled to continue into early October 2026. Until the court reaches a verdict, Ndatuje is presumed innocent and the allegations concerning unauthorized disclosure remain unproven. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Biography Claudette Mukashyaka Biography: Rwanda’s New Auditor General Her economics education, banking audit career and appointment to lead Rwanda’s public-finance watchdog. . Biography Sergeant Robert Kabera Biography: Sergeant Robert’s Music and Exile The Rwandan singer and former soldier became a government critic before his killing in Uganda. . Justice & Crime RCMP Officer Eli Ndatuje on Trial Over Alleged Disclosure to Rwanda RCMP Const. Eli Ndatuje goes on trial in Alberta over allegations he accessed police records and . Justice & Crime UN Torture Watchdog Back in Rwanda After Failed 2017 Mission UN torture-prevention experts are scheduled to visit Rwanda from September 20–29, . Tags Rwanda Politics Rwanda Politics Rwandan Government Rwandan Government Rwanda Rwanda

Patrick Muyaya slams Rwanda’s denial, says Congo seeks genocide recognition to honor victims and hold perpetrators accountable. Kinshasa – Government spokesman and Minister of Communication Patrick Muyaya has sharply responded to Rwandan officials who dismissed the Democratic Republic of Congo’s campaign for international recognition of the genocides committed in its eastern provinces. Speaking in an interview and later amplifying his remarks on social media, Muyaya accused Kigali of engaging in denial, provocation, and what he called a “ philosophy of permanent glorification of violence.” Rwanda’s “low-level narrative” Referring to comments by Rwanda’s Foreign Minister, Olivier Nduhungirehe, who labeled Congo’s démarche “stupid,” Muyaya said such remarks only reveal the depths of cynicism in Kigali’s political class. “They always go very low. As for us, our narrative will never go that low,” Muyaya declared. He stressed that the DRC’s pursuit of genocide recognition is not meant to oppose Rwanda’s past suffering but to ensure memory, justice, and accountability for Congolese victims. READ ALSO: Patrick Muyaya: “We must not give Rwanda any pretext for war.” Victim turned perpetrator Muyaya recalled that Congolese people once stood in solidarity with Rwandans during the 1994 genocide. But, he argued, history has since reversed roles. “Unfortunately, what we are experiencing today is the victim who has become the perpetrator,” he said. Continue Reading Full Article GENOCOST Patrick Muyaya: “The Victim Has Become the Perpetrator” By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Sep 15, 2025 May 15, 2026 4 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Kinshasa – Government spokesman and Minister of Communication Patrick Muyaya has sharply responded to Rwandan officials who dismissed the Democratic Republic of Congo’s campaign for international recognition of the genocides committed in its eastern provinces. Speaking in an interview and later amplifying his remarks on social media, Muyaya accused Kigali of engaging in denial, provocation, and what he called a “ philosophy of permanent glorification of violence.” Rwanda’s “low-level narrative” Referring to comments by Rwanda’s Foreign Minister, Olivier Nduhungirehe, who labeled Congo’s démarche “stupid,” Muyaya said such remarks only reveal the depths of cynicism in Kigali’s political class. “They always go very low. As for us, our narrative will never go that low,” Muyaya declared. ADVERTISEMENT He stressed that the DRC’s pursuit of genocide recognition is not meant to oppose Rwanda’s past suffering but to ensure memory, justice, and accountability for Congolese victims. READ ALSO: Patrick Muyaya: “We must not give Rwanda any pretext for war.” Victim turned perpetrator Muyaya recalled that Congolese people once stood in solidarity with Rwandans during the 1994 genocide. But, he argued, history has since reversed roles. “Unfortunately, what we are experiencing today is the victim who has become the perpetrator,” he said. The minister noted that since 1997, under “false pretenses,” Rwandan-backed forces have left a trail of massacres in eastern Congo. Estimates put the human toll at up to 10 million lives lost. ADVERTISEMENT Memory, justice, and accountability The government’s campaign, according to Muyaya, is anchored in two principles: memory for the victims and pursuit of accountability. Through institutions such as Fonarev (National Fund for Reparations) and partnerships with research bodies like Cia-Var, the DRC is documenting crimes, identifying perpetrators, and preparing cases for justice. “What we are doing today is work for our memory, and nothing can stop us,” Muyaya emphasized. He also pointed to harrowing testimonies from sites of massacres such as Kasika and Makobola, underscoring that these atrocities cannot be erased or forgotten. READ ALSO: Muyaya on France 24: DRC Will Win War, Genocide Must Be Recognized “Why does Rwanda feel targeted?” Asked why Rwanda reacts so aggressively to Congo’s démarche, Muyaya responded bluntly: Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Scholarships Russia Confirms 100 Scholarships for Congolese Students . Patriotism Tshisekedi Urges Congolese in Russia to Be DRC Ambassadors . Healthcare System Kasa-Vubu Youth Centre Inaugurated in Kinshasa . Business & Investment DRC Urges Diaspora to Invest Skills and Capital at Home . Biography Miguel Masaisai Biography: The Cyclist Who Rode for Peace . ADVERTISEMENT “Because they know they are responsible for most of these massacres.” He accused Kigali of hiding behind narratives of protection for certain communities in eastern Congo, while in reality fueling cycles of violence. A call to the world The DRC has been pressing the United Nations and the wider international community to formally recognize the genocides committed on its territory. For Kinshasa, it is not only about justice for the past, but also about preventing future atrocities. “We do it to honor the victims, for their memories, including so that it doesn’t happen again,” Muyaya said. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Scholarships Russia Confirms 100 Scholarships for Congolese Students Russia confirms 100 government scholarship places for Congolese students, reaffirming education . Patriotism Tshisekedi Urges Congolese in Russia to Be DRC Ambassadors Meeting the Congolese diaspora in Moscow, Tshisekedi calls for patriotism, academic excellence . Healthcare System Kasa-Vubu Youth Centre Inaugurated in Kinshasa A new youth space combines health information and participation, with access details still unclear. . Business & Investment DRC Urges Diaspora to Invest Skills and Capital at Home DiaspoBoost 2026 urges Congolese abroad to invest capital, share expertise and support local businesses . Tags DRC Youths DRC Youths DRC Politics DRC Politics DR.Congo DR.Congo Congolese Genocide Congolese Genocide Patrick Muyaya Katembwe Patrick Muyaya Katembwe Genocost Genocost

Exploring how digital identity systems are reshaping Africa, while raising critical questions about privacy, security, and digital rights. In recent years, Africa has witnessed a quiet but powerful shift toward digitization, and at the center of this transformation is the rise of Digital Identity (Digital ID) systems. From Nigeria’s National Identity Number (NIN) initiative to Kenya’s Huduma Namba and South Africa’s e-ID program, governments across the continent are embracing digital IDs to streamline services, enhance governance, and drive financial inclusion. But with the opportunities come significant concerns, especially around data privacy, surveillance, and digital exclusion. Digital ID refers to an electronic version of an individual’s identity, which can be used to access government services, financial systems, healthcare, education, and more. Typically linked to biometric data like fingerprints, facial recognition, or iris scans, digital IDs are meant to create a single, secure, and verifiable identity for each citizen. The Upside: Benefits of Digital ID in Africa 1 . Improved Access to Services Digital ID can simplify access to essential services, especially for remote or underserved populations. With a verified digital identity, individuals can register for healthcare, enroll in schools, and receive social benefits without bureaucratic barriers. 2. Financial Inclusion One of the most touted benefits is its potential to increase financial inclusion. Millions of Africans remain unbanked due to a lack of formal identity. Digital IDs can serve as a gateway to opening bank accounts, accessing mobile money platforms, and participating in the digital economy. 3. Election Transparency and Governance Continue Reading Full Article By Author Name Author Name Home Comment Jun 12, 2025 May 15, 2026 4 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: In recent years, Africa has witnessed a quiet but powerful shift toward digitization, and at the center of this transformation is the rise of Digital Identity (Digital ID) systems. From Nigeria’s National Identity Number (NIN) initiative to Kenya’s Huduma Namba and South Africa’s e-ID program, governments across the continent are embracing digital IDs to streamline services, enhance governance, and drive financial inclusion. But with the opportunities come significant concerns, especially around data privacy, surveillance, and digital exclusion. Digital ID refers to an electronic version of an individual’s identity, which can be used to access government services, financial systems, healthcare, education, and more. Typically linked to biometric data like fingerprints, facial recognition, or iris scans, digital IDs are meant to create a single, secure, and verifiable identity for each citizen. ADVERTISEMENT The Upside: Benefits of Digital ID in Africa 1 . Improved Access to Services Digital ID can simplify access to essential services, especially for remote or underserved populations. With a verified digital identity, individuals can register for healthcare, enroll in schools, and receive social benefits without bureaucratic barriers. 2. Financial Inclusion One of the most touted benefits is its potential to increase financial inclusion. Millions of Africans remain unbanked due to a lack of formal identity. Digital IDs can serve as a gateway to opening bank accounts, accessing mobile money platforms, and participating in the digital economy. 3. Election Transparency and Governance By reducing duplication and fraud, digital IDs help clean up voter rolls, improve tax collection, and enhance transparency in government programs. ADVERTISEMENT 4. Data-Driven Development Governments and NGOs can use anonymized ID data to plan infrastructure, allocate resources efficiently, and better understand population needs. The Dark Side: Privacy and Ethical Concerns 1. Mass Surveillance Risks Centralized databases containing biometric and personal data pose serious risks. Without strict legal safeguards, such systems could be misused for mass surveillance or political repression, especially in countries with weak democratic institutions. 2. Data Breaches and Security Cybersecurity in Africa remains a significant concern. In 2021, South Africa’s Department of Justice suffered a major ransomware attack that exposed sensitive data. If digital ID systems are not secured properly, they become a goldmine for hackers. 3. Digital Exclusion Not all citizens have access to smartphones, internet connectivity, or even birth certificates, which is a prerequisites for digital registration. This digital divide could leave millions further marginalized. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Health News Uganda HIV Self-Test Assembly: Prices, Jobs and Exports . Banking and Finance Absa Dubai Office: Services, Eligibility and Contacts . Business & Investment 5 Best Citizenship by Investment Programs for Africans . Scholarships 120 EAC Master’s Scholarships Open to EAC Students — How to Apply . Scholarships UCT Mastercard Foundation Scholarship 2027 Opens to Africans . ADVERTISEMENT 4. Consent and Transparency Many digital ID rollouts lack informed consent and public education. Citizens are often unaware of how their data is collected, stored, or shared with third parties. Striking a Balance: What Needs to Be Done? Robust Legal Frameworks: Countries must enact and enforce data protection laws that clearly define how personal data is collected, used, and safeguarded. Independent Oversight Bodies: To prevent abuse, oversight agencies should be independent from political interference and empowered to investigate complaints. Inclusive Design: Digital ID systems should be accessible to the most vulnerable, including rural populations, women, and persons with disabilities, through offline and low-tech solutions. Public Awareness: Governments must invest in educating citizens about their rights and responsibilities concerning digital ID usage and data privacy. The digital ID revolution in Africa offers immense promise but carries profound responsibility. If implemented with transparency, fairness, and security, digital ID systems can catalyze development and improve lives across the continent. But without safeguards, they risk deepening inequality, enabling authoritarianism, and eroding trust in public institutions. As Africa steps into the digital future, the question is no longer if digital ID will transform the continent but how we ensure it does so ethically, inclusively, and safely. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Health News Uganda HIV Self-Test Assembly: Prices, Jobs and Exports Mukono factory assembles OraQuick kits, but the UGX 7,000 price remains a target . Banking and Finance Absa Dubai Office: Services, Eligibility and Contacts What African businesses and Gulf investors need to know about Absa’s new DIFC office. . Business & Investment 5 Best Citizenship by Investment Programs for Africans Compare five Caribbean second-passport programs, their investment costs, family benefits.... . Scholarships 120 EAC Master’s Scholarships Open to EAC Students — How to Apply Up to 120 EAC Master’s scholarships are open to nationals of eight East African countries, . Tags Africa Africa NIN NIN Digital ID Digital ID African digital influencers African digital influencers

Island-hop Seychelles in 2025: explore Mahé’s buzz, Praslin’s jungle charm & La Digue’s barefoot bliss. Your insider guide to paradise’s top three gems. Stuck between wanting to unplug and wanting to brag? Head to Seychelles. This Indian Ocean nation of 115 islands is basically a screensaver come to life: turquoise lagoons, granite boulders and palm‑fringed beaches that look airbrushed. In 2025, the archipelago is having a moment. Visitor numbers are surging up 10.6 % in the first seven months and Tourism Seychelles has doubled down on authentic, experience‑driven events like trail runs, sailing challenges and festivals . The result? A holiday that can be equal parts barefoot luxury, rainforest hikes, sunset catamarans and Creole street parties. To get the most out of the trip, hop between the three main granitic islands: Mahé (the lively hub), Praslin (the wild middle child) and La Digue (the bicycle‑only boho). Here’s your ultimate 2025 guide. 1. Getting there & getting around Most travellers fly into Mahé’s Seychelles International Airport via regional hubs like Dubai or Nairobi. Once you’ve landed, island-hopping is easy thanks to ferries and flights. Travel blogger Olly Gaspar notes that the Cat Cocos fast ferry now runs earlier and later in 2025 with morning departures from Mahé at 7:30 am and late returns from Praslin most evenings . One-way tickets are about €60 on the main deck and €66–86 for upper or business class seats. Flights on Air Seychelles have also increased frequency to every 30–60 minutes during peak season; the 15-minute scenic hop costs roughly €150 . For budget travellers, the Cat Rose ferry from La Digue to Praslin is just €17 each way. 2. Mahé : the big sister with hidden depths Mahé isn’t just a transit hub; she’s a proper diva. The capital Victoria packs pastel-coloured colonial buildings, buzzing markets and the world’s smallest Hindu temple. Beyond town, you’ll find 70-plus beaches and Morne Seychellois National Park’s mist-shrouded trails. Travellers can now combine their beach time with an event. The Seychelles Nature Trail returns on 23 August 2025: a 22-kilometre trail run across Mahé’s verdant interior with over 1,210 metres of elevation . It’s open to all fitness levels and doubles as a showcase for the island’s biodiversity and sustainability efforts. In May the archipelago hosts the FIFA Beach Soccer World Cup (1–11 May 2025), turning sand into stadiums . Mahé’s hotel game is also on fire. The Cheval Blanc Seychelles opened its doors in Anse Intendance with 52 villas, private infinity pools and five restaurants . The resort promises LVMH polish and privacy think majordomes, Guerlain spa treatments and ocean views . You’ll pay for it (rooms start at several thousand euros) but the bragging rights are priceless. More wallet-friendly options include boutique guesthouses around Beau Vallon and Anse Royale. Eat & drink: Creole cuisine is the star. Try octopus curry and coconut-rich bat curry, or satisfy a sweet tooth with ladob (plantain cooked in coconut milk) travel advisor Nicola Mancini lists these classics among her top food experience s. For a hands-on experience, book a Creole cooking class. As Instagrammers say: Continue Reading Full Article TRAVEL GUIDE Island-Hopping in Seychelles 2025:Mahé,Praslin & La Digue Like a Local By Neema Asha Mwakalinga Travel & Culture Expert Neema Asha Mwakalinga Home Comment Oct 3, 2025 May 15, 2026 9 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Stuck between wanting to unplug and wanting to brag? Head to Seychelles. This Indian Ocean nation of 115 islands is basically a screensaver come to life: turquoise lagoons, granite boulders and palm‑fringed beaches that look airbrushed. In 2025, the archipelago is having a moment. Visitor numbers are surging up 10.6 % in the first seven months and Tourism Seychelles has doubled down on authentic, experience‑driven events like trail runs, sailing challenges and festivals . The result? A holiday that can be equal parts barefoot luxury, rainforest hikes, sunset catamarans and Creole street parties. To get the most out of the trip, hop between the three main granitic islands: Mahé (the lively hub), Praslin (the wild middle child) and La Digue (the bicycle‑only boho). Here’s your ultimate 2025 guide. 1. Getting there & getting around Aerial view of Seychelles International Airport the main gateway to paradise in the Indian Ocean.” Most travellers fly into Mahé’s Seychelles International Airport via regional hubs like Dubai or Nairobi. Once you’ve landed, island-hopping is easy thanks to ferries and flights. Travel blogger Olly Gaspar notes that the Cat Cocos fast ferry now runs earlier and later in 2025 with morning departures from Mahé at 7:30 am and late returns from Praslin most evenings . One-way tickets are about €60 on the main deck and €66–86 for upper or business class seats. Flights on Air Seychelles have also increased frequency to every 30–60 minutes during peak season; the 15-minute scenic hop costs roughly €150 . For budget travellers, the Cat Rose ferry from La Digue to Praslin is just €17 each way. 2. Mahé : the big sister with hidden depths Crystal-clear waters at Port Launay North Beach, Mahé Island, Seychelles perfect for snorkeling and sunset Mahé isn’t just a transit hub; she’s a proper diva. The capital Victoria packs pastel-coloured colonial buildings, buzzing markets and the world’s smallest Hindu temple. Beyond town, you’ll find 70-plus beaches and Morne Seychellois National Park’s mist-shrouded trails. Travellers can now combine their beach time with an event. The Seychelles Nature Trail returns on 23 August 2025: a 22-kilometre trail run across Mahé’s verdant interior with over 1,210 metres of elevation . It’s open to all fitness levels and doubles as a showcase for the island’s biodiversity and sustainability efforts. In May the archipelago hosts the FIFA Beach Soccer World Cup (1–11 May 2025), turning sand into stadiums . The Cheval Blanc Seychelles opened its doors in Anse Intendance with 52 villas Mahé’s hotel game is also on fire. The Cheval Blanc Seychelles opened its doors in Anse Intendance with 52 villas, private infinity pools and five restaurants . The resort promises LVMH polish and privacy think majordomes, Guerlain spa treatments and ocean views . You’ll pay for it (rooms start at several thousand euros) but the bragging rights are priceless. More wallet-friendly options include boutique guesthouses around Beau Vallon and Anse Royale. ADVERTISEMENT Eat & drink: Creole cuisine is the star. Try octopus curry and coconut-rich bat curry, or satisfy a sweet tooth with ladob (plantain cooked in coconut milk) travel advisor Nicola Mancini lists these classics among her top food experience s. For a hands-on experience, book a Creole cooking class. As Instagrammers say: One traveller captioned a selfie at Beau Vallon, “#seychelles #mahé some places look almost unreal”. Another wrote, “I explored Mahé’s lush valley of fruits, beautiful viewpoints and the iconic coco de mer before heading to the next islands… can’t wait, especially for magical La Digue”. Expect to feel the same. 3. Praslin : wild jungles & coco-de-mer dreams Praslin is a short hop east of Mahé and feels like a different planet. Its interior is dominated by the Vallée de Mai, a primeval palm forest and UNESCO World Heritage Site where giant coco de mer palms (the world’s largest nut) grow alongside black parrots . According to Travel + Leisure, visitors can hike through this dense jungle and maybe spot the endemic black parrot. On the coast, Anse Lazio regularly tops lists of the world’s best beaches come early to beat the day-trippers. Lush jungles of Praslin Island opening up to breathtaking views of the Indian Ocean in Seychelle ADVERTISEMENT Transport updates for 2025 make reaching Praslin easier: Cat Cocos ferries now offer more departure times and a new website for easier booking. If time is short, splash out on the 15-minute scenic flight (around €150). Once you arrive, rent a car or hop on local buses to explore beaches on your own timetable. Praslin is also a stop on the inaugural Seychelles Challenge sailing event. From 20–27 July 2025, yachts sail from Mahé to Praslin and La Digue with daily anchorages, social engagements and conservation initiatives. Organisers say the challenge highlights coral regeneration and youth sailing programs. Even if you’re not racing, watching the flotilla glide into Baie Sainte-Anne is a spectacle. 4. La Digue:bikes, beaches & island festivals Cycling along the pristine beaches of La Digue Island, Seychelles the best way to explore paradise. La Digue is tiny, car-free and impossibly photogenic. Most visitors arrive via the 15-minute Cat Rose ferry from Praslin and immediately rent a bicycle . From there it’s a short pedal to Anse Source d’Argent, where waves lap shallow reefs and granite boulders frame the powdery sand. Content creator jonny.melon described La Digue as “a natural work of art” and invited followers to compare the colours between daylight and sunset. Mark your calendar for 15 August 2025: the La Digue Festival (also known as Lafet La Digue) celebrates the Feast of the Assumption with parades, traditional music, dance and community feasts. It’s part of a bigger slate of 2025 events highlighted by Inside Seychelles, alongside the Kreol Festival’s 40th edition in October and the Regatta festival later in the year . On La Digue you can also visit L’Union Estate, where vanilla pods dry in the sun and giant tortoises roam, then hike to Anse Cocos for a natural tidal pool. 5. Sleep & splurge Seaside luxury villas nestled in the lush hills of Mahé, Seychelles where the jungle meets turquoise waters All three islands offer a spectrum of stays. Besides the headline-grabbing Cheval Blanc, high-end choices include Six Senses Zil Pasyon and Fregate Island Private, each promising eco-luxury and private villas . Mid-range travellers love guesthouses on Praslin and self-catering chalets on La Digue, which have become more popular as visitors seek authentic experiences. Prices on smaller properties can start around US $150 a night in shoulder season, while luxury villas easily top US $1,000. 6. Practical tips & responsible travel Plan around events: Big events like the FIFA Beach Soccer World Cup (May), Seychelles Nature Trail (23 Aug) and La Digue Festival (15 Aug) will affect hotel availability and ferry capacity. Book early and expect higher prices during festival weeks. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Beyond Giant Tortoises: 10 Overlooked Wildlife of Seychelles . Top 10 Leisure Activities to Do in Seychelles in 2025 . Top 10 Budget-Friendly Accommodations in Seychelles . Top 10 Hidden Gems of Seychelles . Travel Guide Where to Drink in Paradise: Seychelles’ 10 Best Bars of 2025 . ADVERTISEMENT Island hopping: Use ferries for budget travel; flights for speed. Ferries can be choppy – bring seasickness tablets if you’re prone. Stay sustainable: Respect local communities, take your trash with you, use reef-safe sunscreen and support businesses that use eco practices. Embrace Creole culture: Attend the Kreol Festival in October, try local dishes and learn a few phrases in Seychellois Creole. Seychelles in 2025 is more than a pretty postcard; it’s a living, breathing paradise where culture and conservation share the stage. Whether you’re running across Mahé’s jungle trails, sailing between islands in the Seychelles Challenge or dancing at La Digue’s festival, you’ll find yourself in on the secret. For influencers: And if you don’t believe me, just scroll through Instagram from travellers marvelling that Mahé “looks almost unreal” to influencers gushing about coco-de-mer and sunset beaches, the buzz is undeniable. Pack your sunscreen and a sense of adventure; Seychelles is ready to show off. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Beyond Giant Tortoises: 10 Overlooked Wildlife of Seychelles Beyond the beach: uncover Seychelles’ secret wildlife stars, from stealthy parrots to vampire plants. . Top 10 Leisure Activities to Do in Seychelles in 2025 From kayaking clear waters to Creole feasts, discover Seychelles’ most exciting 2025 adventures . Top 10 Budget-Friendly Accommodations in Seychelles Proof that paradise doesn’t need to cost a fortune the best Seychelles stays under $150 a night. . Top 10 Hidden Gems of Seychelles Discover Seychelles’ secret beaches, jungles, and wild atolls beyond the typical tourist trail. . Tags Seychelles Seychelles Travel South Africa Travel South Africa Travel Blog Travel Blog travel abroad travel abroad Travel Blog Travel Blog Travel & Tourism Travel & Tourism

Uganda marked Martyrs Day locally after Ebola concerns cancelled the national Namugongo gathering. Uganda marked this year’s Martyrs Day through parish-level celebrations after the national gathering at Namugongo was cancelled over Ebola-related public health concerns, according to Vatican News. The June 3 public holiday remained in place, but dioceses were encouraged to hold local commemorations instead of the usual national pilgrimage. The decision reflected wider caution after an Ebola outbreak in neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo raised concerns about large cross-border religious gatherings. Uganda’s State House said the postponement followed consultations involving President Yoweri Museveni, religious leaders, health officials, and other stakeholders over the risk linked to pilgrims travelling from eastern DRC as stated by State House Uganda . In Lira Diocese, Bishop Sanctus Lino Wanok led the main diocesan celebration at Uganda Martyrs Cathedral in Lira City. He urged Christians to follow the courage, unity, and faith of St. Charles Lwanga and his companions, describing the commemoration as a living call to Christian witness rather than only a remembrance of the past. The local celebrations also included pilgrims whose journey to Namugongo had been interrupted. Bishop Wanok linked the martyrs’ example to leadership, synodality, and community support, urging parishes to strengthen participation among youth, families, and the elderly. The health concern behind the shift came as international agencies continued monitoring the Ebola situation in Congo and the region. Continue Reading Full Article PUBLIC HEALTH ALERTS WHY Uganda Marked Martyrs Day in Parish Churches By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Jun 4, 2026 Jun 4, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Uganda marked this year’s Martyrs Day through parish-level celebrations after the national gathering at Namugongo was cancelled over Ebola-related public health concerns, according to Vatican News. The June 3 public holiday remained in place, but dioceses were encouraged to hold local commemorations instead of the usual national pilgrimage. The decision reflected wider caution after an Ebola outbreak in neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo raised concerns about large cross-border religious gatherings. Uganda’s State House said the postponement followed consultations involving President Yoweri Museveni, religious leaders, health officials, and other stakeholders over the risk linked to pilgrims travelling from eastern DRC as stated by State House Uganda . ADVERTISEMENT In Lira Diocese, Bishop Sanctus Lino Wanok led the main diocesan celebration at Uganda Martyrs Cathedral in Lira City. He urged Christians to follow the courage, unity, and faith of St. Charles Lwanga and his companions, describing the commemoration as a living call to Christian witness rather than only a remembrance of the past. ADVERTISEMENT The local celebrations also included pilgrims whose journey to Namugongo had been interrupted. Bishop Wanok linked the martyrs’ example to leadership, synodality, and community support, urging parishes to strengthen participation among youth, families, and the elderly. The health concern behind the shift came as international agencies continued monitoring the Ebola situation in Congo and the region. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Health News Uganda HIV Self-Test Assembly: Prices, Jobs and Exports . Banking and Finance Absa Dubai Office: Services, Eligibility and Contacts . Business & Investment 5 Best Citizenship by Investment Programs for Africans . Scholarships 120 EAC Master’s Scholarships Open to EAC Students — How to Apply . Scholarships UCT Mastercard Foundation Scholarship 2027 Opens to Africans . ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Health News Uganda HIV Self-Test Assembly: Prices, Jobs and Exports Mukono factory assembles OraQuick kits, but the UGX 7,000 price remains a target . Banking and Finance Absa Dubai Office: Services, Eligibility and Contacts What African businesses and Gulf investors need to know about Absa’s new DIFC office. . Business & Investment 5 Best Citizenship by Investment Programs for Africans Compare five Caribbean second-passport programs, their investment costs, family benefits.... . Scholarships 120 EAC Master’s Scholarships Open to EAC Students — How to Apply Up to 120 EAC Master’s scholarships are open to nationals of eight East African countries, . Tags Africa Africa Uganda Uganda Religion & Spirituality Religion & Spirituality

The escalating tension between Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) President Felix Tshisekedi and Rwandan President Paul Kagame has led to a precarious situation in the region, with Tshisekedi's recent threats to declare war on Rwanda if re-elected. This development is a significant escalation in the ongoing conflict, particularly in the context of the long-standing issues in the eastern DRC, including the activities of more than 100 armed groups such as M23 and the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF). The situation has been further complicated by Tshisekedi's accusatory stance towards Rwanda for allegedly backing M23 rebels, a claim that Rwanda has consistently denied. Tshisekedi's declaration raises questions about the potential use of modern military equipment, including war drones like the CH-4 and the Sukhoi-25, signaling a possible shift towards a more technologically advanced form of warfare in the region. This shift would represent a significant escalation from the conventional forms of conflict that have characterized the region's instability. The involvement of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) in the DRC adds another layer to the situation. The SADC Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (SAMIDRC) was deployed to support the DRC government in restoring peace and security in the eastern DRC. This deployment, which includes forces from Malawi, South Africa, and Tanzania, along with elements of the DRC Armed Forces, is aimed at combating the armed groups operating in the region. The SADC's involvement underlines the regional implications of the conflict and highlights the commitment of SADC Member States to support the DRC in achieving lasting peace and stability. If Tshisekedi were to follow through with his declaration of war against Rwanda, it could potentially lead to a full-scale regional conflict. Such a development could destabilize East Africa and may involve various regional players, including SADC forces. The introduction of advanced military technology, such as drones and fighter aircraft, could lead to increased destruction and a higher number of casualties. Moreover, it would pose significant challenges to peacekeeping and conflict resolution efforts in the region. The situation remains highly fluid and unpredictable, with the potential for far-reaching consequences not only for the DRC and Rwanda but for the entire Great Lakes region. The international community, including Western nations and regional organizations, will need to play a critical role in mediating the conflict and preventing a further escalation of hostilities. Continue Reading Full Article By Author Name Author Name Home Comment Jan 9, 2024 May 15, 2026 3 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Rising Stakes in Great Lakes: The Role of SADC and Modern Warfare Dynamics in the DRC-Rwanda Escalation The escalating tension between Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) President Felix Tshisekedi and Rwandan President Paul Kagame has led to a precarious situation in the region, with Tshisekedi's recent threats to declare war on Rwanda if re-elected. This development is a significant escalation in the ongoing conflict, particularly in the context of the long-standing issues in the eastern DRC, including the activities of more than 100 armed groups such as M23 and the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF). The situation has been further complicated by Tshisekedi's accusatory stance towards Rwanda for allegedly backing M23 rebels, a claim that Rwanda has consistently denied. Tshisekedi's declaration raises questions about the potential use of modern military equipment, including war drones like the CH-4 and the Sukhoi-25, signaling a possible shift towards a more technologically advanced form of warfare in the region. This shift would represent a significant escalation from the conventional forms of conflict that have characterized the region's instability. ADVERTISEMENT Congolese Military's CH-4 Drone Assault Targets M23 Rebel Strongholds The involvement of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) in the DRC adds another layer to the situation. The SADC Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (SAMIDRC) was deployed to support the DRC government in restoring peace and security in the eastern DRC. This deployment, which includes forces from Malawi, South Africa, and Tanzania, along with elements of the DRC Armed Forces, is aimed at combating the armed groups operating in the region. The SADC's involvement underlines the regional implications of the conflict and highlights the commitment of SADC Member States to support the DRC in achieving lasting peace and stability. If Tshisekedi were to follow through with his declaration of war against Rwanda, it could potentially lead to a full-scale regional conflict. Such a development could destabilize East Africa and may involve various regional players, including SADC forces. The introduction of advanced military technology, such as drones and fighter aircraft, could lead to increased destruction and a higher number of casualties. Moreover, it would pose significant challenges to peacekeeping and conflict resolution efforts in the region. ADVERTISEMENT The situation remains highly fluid and unpredictable, with the potential for far-reaching consequences not only for the DRC and Rwanda but for the entire Great Lakes region. The international community, including Western nations and regional organizations, will need to play a critical role in mediating the conflict and preventing a further escalation of hostilities. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Tags