DRC signs an MoU with Greek firm Geothermiki to study agropoles—an early step toward pilot sites, better yields, and food security The Democratic Republic of Congo has signed a memorandum of understanding with the Greek firm Geothermiki to urgently launch technical studies for agropoles across the country an early-stage move that matters less for the signature itself than for what the studies could unlock: better planning, stronger productivity, and a more credible path to food security. At its core, the agreement signed in Kinshasa on February 7 by the Minister of Agriculture and Food Security, Muhindo Nzangi Butondo signals that the government is trying to start with fundamentals: mapping what land can sustainably support, identifying where pilot agropole sites make sense, and determining which crop models fit local realities before scaling nationally as first reported by Beto News . Agropoles are a planning test before they’re an investment story Agropoles are often discussed as infrastructure-and-investment packages zones that link production areas to processing, storage, and markets. But they fail quickly when site selection is political instead of technical, or when production assumptions do not match soil quality, climate, logistics, and farmer capacity. That is why the “studies first” approach matters: it is an attempt to reduce risk before committing to expensive rollout decisions. In the ministry’s framing, the short-term goal is to complete the technical studies needed to establish pilot sites in several provinces, then expand gradually at national scale. If executed properly, that sequencing can help avoid scattered pilot projects that do not connect to wider value chains or fail after initial launches. The DRC’s food security pressures are persistent and complex, shaped by conflict in the east, shocks to livelihoods, and high prices. International agencies have repeatedly warned that the country faces one of the world’s largest food insecurity burdens, with conflict and insecurity directly disrupting agricultural livelihoods. Against that background, any policy that aims to increase stable domestic production and reduce vulnerability to shocks has heightened importance. The agreement’s stated focus on assessing agricultural land potential and optimizing crops to meet growing food needs points to a practical reality: raising output is not only about expanding cultivated area; it is also about improving yields, selecting appropriate crops, and strengthening production models that can hold up under local constraints. Why technical expertise is part of the signal The ministry says it intends to draw on international expertise to improve agricultural practices, introduce innovative technologies, and support a sustainable transformation of the agricultural landscape. That does not automatically translate to results but it does suggest an emphasis on standards, data, and structured design, which are typically weak points in large-scale agriculture modernization programs. Continue Reading Full Article ECONOMIC REPORTS Why the DRC–Greek Agropole Agreement Matters for Food Security By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Feb 9, 2026 May 15, 2026 4 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: The Democratic Republic of Congo has signed a memorandum of understanding with the Greek firm Geothermiki to urgently launch technical studies for agropoles across the country an early-stage move that matters less for the signature itself than for what the studies could unlock: better planning, stronger productivity, and a more credible path to food security. At its core, the agreement signed in Kinshasa on February 7 by the Minister of Agriculture and Food Security, Muhindo Nzangi Butondo signals that the government is trying to start with fundamentals: mapping what land can sustainably support, identifying where pilot agropole sites make sense, and determining which crop models fit local realities before scaling nationally as first reported by Beto News . Agropoles are a planning test before they’re an investment story Agropoles are often discussed as infrastructure-and-investment packages zones that link production areas to processing, storage, and markets. But they fail quickly when site selection is political instead of technical, or when production assumptions do not match soil quality, climate, logistics, and farmer capacity. That is why the “studies first” approach matters: it is an attempt to reduce risk before committing to expensive rollout decisions. ADVERTISEMENT In the ministry’s framing, the short-term goal is to complete the technical studies needed to establish pilot sites in several provinces, then expand gradually at national scale. If executed properly, that sequencing can help avoid scattered pilot projects that do not connect to wider value chains or fail after initial launches. The DRC’s food security pressures are persistent and complex, shaped by conflict in the east, shocks to livelihoods, and high prices. International agencies have repeatedly warned that the country faces one of the world’s largest food insecurity burdens, with conflict and insecurity directly disrupting agricultural livelihoods. Against that background, any policy that aims to increase stable domestic production and reduce vulnerability to shocks has heightened importance. The agreement’s stated focus on assessing agricultural land potential and optimizing crops to meet growing food needs points to a practical reality: raising output is not only about expanding cultivated area; it is also about improving yields, selecting appropriate crops, and strengthening production models that can hold up under local constraints. Why technical expertise is part of the signal The ministry says it intends to draw on international expertise to improve agricultural practices, introduce innovative technologies, and support a sustainable transformation of the agricultural landscape. That does not automatically translate to results but it does suggest an emphasis on standards, data, and structured design, which are typically weak points in large-scale agriculture modernization programs. ADVERTISEMENT More broadly, agricultural growth poles (often called agropoles) have been used across parts of Africa as government-led strategies supported by multilateral and regional institutions, precisely because they aim to coordinate production, processing, and markets rather than treat farming as an isolated activity. The DRC’s choice to start with technical groundwork aligns with that logic: coordination requires credible baselines. The ministry notes that the partnership could generate jobs, boost local economies, and create opportunities for farmers and entrepreneurs in the agri-food sector. Those outcomes are possible, but they depend on later steps that have not yet been announced: how pilot sites are chosen, whether infrastructure and financing follow, and whether governance prevents elite capture and ensures farmers can participate meaningfully. In other words, the agreement is best understood as a preparatory phase. The most important near-term measure is not how ambitious the vision sounds, but whether the studies produce clear, public-facing priorities: which provinces are targeted for pilots, what value chains are selected, what constraints are identified, and what sequencing is proposed for infrastructure and market access. ADVERTISEMENT TRENDING NOW How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online . Tax and Revenue Niger TV Shows Soldiers Detained After Niamey Mutiny . Justice & Crime KAA Warns of Flight Delays at Kenyan Airports . Transport and Airlines POPULAR TODAY Mining and Minerals Kasaï-Oriental Backs ADEX-RDC Diamond-Cutting Plan . Oil and Gas DRC and Angola Advance Shared Offshore Oil Project . Mining and Minerals DRC Certifies Its First Manono Lithium Cargo . Mining and Minerals DRC Signs Landmark Diamond Deal with Swiss Firm ADEX . Mining and Minerals DRC Plans Landmark Mining Reform to Make Workers Shareholders . Three indicators will show whether this becomes more than a headline: Publication of study outputs, or at least a summary of findings and selected pilot areas Clear pilot-site criteria tied to land potential, logistics, and value-chain viability A financing and implementation roadmap that matches the “pilot first, scale later” approach For now, the significance is that the DRC is putting technical preparation at the center of an agropole push an approach that, if sustained, can improve the odds that future investments translate into higher productivity and stronger food security outcomes. Source: Beto .cd ADVERTISEMENT RELATED ARTICLE Mining and Minerals Kasaï-Oriental Backs ADEX-RDC Diamond-Cutting Plan Government action advances local diamond processing, skilled jobs and greater value for Congo. . Oil and Gas DRC and Angola Advance Shared Offshore Oil Project New agreements move the joint maritime oil project closer to its operational phase. . Mining and Minerals DRC Certifies Its First Manono Lithium Cargo First CEEC-certified lots leave Kalemie as Congo opens a new battery-mineral export trade . Mining and Minerals DRC Signs Landmark Diamond Deal with Swiss Firm ADEX New ADEX partnership aims to expand diamond processing and trade in the DRC. . Tags DRC Mining DRC Mining DR.Congo DR.Congo DRC Economy DRC Economy Africa Africa DR Congo Investment DR Congo Investment African Union African Union DRC Peace Efforts DRC Peace Efforts

Discover the Suri's neighboring communities in Ethiopia's Omo Valley, including the Mursi, Dizi, Me'en, and Nyangatom, and their shared history. The Suri are often portrayed as one of Africa's most isolated peoples. Travel documentaries usually focus on their lip plates, elaborate body painting, cattle camps and stick-fighting ceremonies, creating the impression that they live far from everyone else. In reality, nothing could be further from the truth. For centuries, the Suri have lived within one of the most culturally diverse regions on the continent. Their homeland in southwest Ethiopia lies at the meeting point of different languages, landscapes and ways of life. Around them are pastoralists, farmers, hunter-fishers and agro-pastoral communities that have traded with them, competed with them, married into related groups and occasionally fought over land and cattle. Understanding the Suri therefore means understanding their neighbors. These neighboring communities have influenced the Suri economy, politics and culture just as the Suri have influenced theirs. Some belong to the same linguistic family and share common ancestry, while others speak entirely different languages yet have lived alongside the Suri for generations. According to Ethiopia's Progress Report on the State of Conservation of the Lower Valley ( 2014, p. 10) of the Omo World Heritage Site, the Lower Omo is home to numerous ethnic groups speaking "more than 16 different languages. Rather than a single cultural region, it is a mosaic of societies whose histories overlap across rivers, grazing lands and mountain slopes. Today, this cultural landscape stretches across western Ethiopia toward South Sudan and includes well-known peoples such as the Mursi, Dizi, Me'en (Bodi), Nyangatom, Kara, Hamar, Daasanach and Kwegu, among others. Some are immediate neighbors of the Suri. Others form part of the wider Lower Omo network that has shaped life in the region for centuries. Where Do the Suri Live? The Suri live in Ethiopia's far southwest near the border with South Sudan, occupying an area of rolling savannah, wooded grasslands and seasonal rivers west of the Omo River. Anthropologist Jon Abbink describes the Suri homeland as a "hot lowland area" situated between roughly 800 and 1,000 meters above sea level, while contrasting it with the cooler Dizi highlands around Maji ( Abbink, Plant Use among the Suri People of Southern Ethiopia, p. 2 ). Continue Reading Full Article AFRICAN CULTURE Who Are the Suri Neighbors in the Omo Valley? By Neema Asha Mwakalinga Travel & Culture Expert Neema Asha Mwakalinga Home Comment Jul 8, 2026 Jul 9, 2026 21 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: The Suri are often portrayed as one of Africa's most isolated peoples. Travel documentaries usually focus on their lip plates, elaborate body painting, cattle camps and stick-fighting ceremonies, creating the impression that they live far from everyone else. In reality, nothing could be further from the truth. For centuries, the Suri have lived within one of the most culturally diverse regions on the continent. Their homeland in southwest Ethiopia lies at the meeting point of different languages, landscapes and ways of life. Suri kids in Display of Body painting Around them are pastoralists, farmers, hunter-fishers and agro-pastoral communities that have traded with them, competed with them, married into related groups and occasionally fought over land and cattle. Understanding the Suri therefore means understanding their neighbors. These neighboring communities have influenced the Suri economy, politics and culture just as the Suri have influenced theirs. Some belong to the same linguistic family and share common ancestry, while others speak entirely different languages yet have lived alongside the Suri for generations. According to Ethiopia's Progress Report on the State of Conservation of the Lower Valley ( 2014, p. 10) of the Omo World Heritage Site, the Lower Omo is home to numerous ethnic groups speaking "more than 16 different languages. Rather than a single cultural region, it is a mosaic of societies whose histories overlap across rivers, grazing lands and mountain slopes. Today, this cultural landscape stretches across western Ethiopia toward South Sudan and includes well-known peoples such as the Mursi, Dizi, Me'en (Bodi), Nyangatom, Kara, Hamar, Daasanach and Kwegu, among others. Some are immediate neighbors of the Suri. Others form part of the wider Lower Omo network that has shaped life in the region for centuries. Where Do the Suri Live? The Suri live in Ethiopia's far southwest near the border with South Sudan, occupying an area of rolling savannah, wooded grasslands and seasonal rivers west of the Omo River. Two Suri community members walk through the foothills of southwest Ethiopia, where generations have shared the diverse landscapes of the Lower Omo Valley. Anthropologist Jon Abbink describes the Suri homeland as a "hot lowland area" situated between roughly 800 and 1,000 meters above sea level, while contrasting it with the cooler Dizi highlands around Maji ( Abbink, Plant Use among the Suri People of Southern Ethiopia, p. 2 ). This ecological contrast has shaped relationships between neighboring peoples for generations. The Suri developed an economy centered on cattle herding, seasonal cultivation and mobility, while nearby highland communities such as the Dizi relied more heavily on permanent agriculture. The Ethiopian government's Surma Woreda Disaster Risk Profile similarly classifies the region as an agro-pastoral livelihood zone, noting that local households "depend more for their living on livestock than crop production" ( National Disaster Risk Management Commission, 2020, p. 15 ). Although cattle dominate Suri life, farming remains essential. Families cultivate sorghum, maize and other crops during the rainy season while moving livestock between seasonal grazing areas. This pattern naturally brings them into contact with neighboring communities that often rely on the same rivers, grasslands and trading routes.The landscape itself has therefore encouraged interaction rather than isolation. The Omo Valley: A Shared Cultural Landscape A panoramic view of the lush forests and rolling landscapes of Ethiopia's Lower Omo Valley, homeland to the Suri and many neighboring Indigenous communities. Credit: Earth Soul Images One of the biggest misconceptions about southwest Ethiopia is that every ethnic group lives independently inside fixed territorial boundaries. The reality is far more complex. Seasonal migration, cattle grazing, inter-community markets and river crossings have connected Omo Valley peoples for centuries. Rivers that nourish one community during the wet season may become shared grazing areas during drought. Trading paths link pastoralists with farmers, while marriage alliances and ritual exchanges have historically crossed ethnic boundaries. The Lower Omo World Heritage report emphasizes this diversity by identifying numerous ethnic communities living throughout the region, including Surma (Suri), Mursi, Nyangatom, Kara, Hamar, Dizi, Dassanech, Me'en and Muguji (Kwegu) (ARCCH, 2014, pp. 10–11). Rather than existing as isolated "tribes," these communities occupy what anthropologists describe as a cultural frontier a landscape where cooperation and competition exist side by side. Trade has always been one connecting force. Livestock, honey, hides, tobacco and grain move between communities, while highland peoples have traditionally exchanged salt, iron tools and manufactured goods with lowland pastoralists. Conflict has also shaped these relationships. Competition over pasture, water sources and cattle has periodically produced violence, particularly during drought years when resources become scarce. Yet even these conflicts have historically existed alongside systems of negotiation, compensation and peace-building led by elders. As anthropologist Jon Abbink notes, ecological differences between neighboring peoples often became "group identity markers," helping distinguish one community from another while also encouraging exchange between them (Abbink, p. 4). The Mursi: The Suri's Closest Cultural Relatives Young Mursi men gather with traditional wooden stilts during a cultural performance in Ethiopia's Lower Omo Valley, reflecting the rich heritage shared across Surmic-speaking communities. Among all the peoples surrounding the Suri, none are more closely related than the Mursi.The two groups belong to the Surmic branch of the Nilo-Saharan language family and share many features of social organization, cattle culture and ceremonial life. Archaeologist Timothy Insoll, together with Tim Clack and Olirege Rege, describes the Mursi as Surmic-speaking agro-pastoralists whose livelihoods revolve around cattle, seasonal farming and mobility (Insoll, Clack & Rege, Antiquity, 2015, p. 2). The authors also explain that oral traditions place the Mursi west of the Omo River before their migration eastward roughly 150 years ago, followed by gradual movement north during the twentieth century (Insoll et al., pp. 2–3).These movements placed the Mursi in close proximity to Suri communities. The relationship between the two peoples extends far beyond geography. According to Mursi Online, a research project developed through Durham University anthropologists, the Mursi's "closest linguistic and cultural links" are with the Chai and Tirma, the two principal Suri groups. ADVERTISEMENT The website explains that similarities extend to: clan organization age-grade systems initiation ceremonies marriage customs funeral rituals cattle symbolism. Unlike many neighboring peoples, the Mursi and Chai have historically practiced intermarriage, illustrating that ethnic boundaries in the Lower Omo have never been completely rigid (Mursi Online, "Neighbours").This shared heritage also explains why outsiders often confuse the two groups. Both communities are internationally known for decorative lip plates among women, elaborate body painting, scarification and the ceremonial importance of cattle. Yet each maintains its own political institutions, dialects and local identities. As Insoll and colleagues argue, cattle remain central not simply as livestock but as symbols of beauty, identity and social status within Surmic society ( Insoll et al., pp. 4–6 ). Chai and Tirma: The Core of Suri Identity One of the most common misunderstandings about the Suri is that they constitute a single, uniform ethnic group. In reality, "Suri" is an umbrella identity. Most anthropologists recognize Chai and Tirma as the two principal Suri communities.According to Mursi Online, these two groups are "together called Suri," although each maintains distinct local identities and territories.The Chai occupy areas closer to the Mursi, while the Tirma live farther north toward the Dizi highlands. Despite these differences, both groups speak closely related Surmic languages and share social institutions. Their relationship also demonstrates how neighboring peoples can be both distinct and interconnected. For example, Mursi Online reports that intermarriage between the Chai and Mursi has historically been common, while relationships between Tirma communities and neighboring highland peoples developed through trade and seasonal interaction. The Suri identity therefore reflects a network of closely related communities rather than a single isolated population. The Dizi: Highland Farmers and Longtime Neighbors If the Mursi are the Suri's closest cultural relatives, the Dizi represent something very different. Living in the cooler highlands around Maji, the Dizi speak an Omotic language and have traditionally depended more heavily on settled agriculture than livestock. Jon Abbink highlights this contrast in his ethnobotanical research, explaining that the Dizi differ from the Suri both culturally and linguistically, despite sharing neighboring territories (Abbink, p. 2). These environmental differences shaped centuries of interaction. Highland communities produced crops and maintained permanent settlements, while Suri households moved livestock between seasonal grazing lands. Trade naturally developed between the two. Historical accounts describe exchanges involving cattle,honey,gold,salt,cloth,agricultural products. Rather than existing as strangers, the two peoples became economically connected through complementary livelihoods. Yet proximity also produced tensions. The Surma Woreda Disaster Risk Profile records several localities where conflict between Surma and Dizi has affected access to markets and transportation (National Disaster Risk Management Commission, 2020, p. 165). The report also identifies villages where Surma and Dizi populations live side by side, illustrating that cooperation and conflict have often existed simultaneously (NDRMC, p. 77). Abbink similarly argues that differences in ecological adaptation became "group identity markers," reinforcing cultural boundaries while maintaining regular interaction between neighboring peoples (Abbink, p. 4).The relationship between the Suri and Dizi therefore cannot be reduced to either friendship or hostility. It has always been more complicated than that. For generations, they have traded, shared landscapes, negotiated access to resources and occasionally fought over them all while maintaining distinct languages, traditions and identities. The Me'en (Bodi): Fellow Surmic Neighbors North and east of the Suri live the Me'en, a people who are closely connected to the wider Surmic cultural world. Outsiders often know part of this population as the Bodi, although anthropologists distinguish between different Me'en-speaking communities, including the Tishana and Mela. Like the Suri, the Me'en combine livestock keeping with farming, and cattle occupy an important place in their social and ceremonial life. Jon Abbink notes that the Me'en share historical and cultural affinities with the Suri because both belong to the Surmic branch of the Nilo-Saharan language family, even though they developed distinct identities over time (Abbink, Plant Use among the Suri People of Southern Ethiopia, p. 2). Despite these similarities, relations have not always been peaceful. The Suri profile prepared by Marvin Durstenfeld lists the Tishana Me'en among neighboring communities that have periodically clashed with the Suri over territory and livestock (Durstenfeld, Suri of Ethiopia, p. 1). Likewise, Mursi Online explains that the Mursi have experienced "intermittently hostile" relations with the Bodi, illustrating how cultural closeness does not necessarily prevent conflict. These tensions are typical of pastoral borderlands across East Africa. Neighboring communities often compete over grazing land, water and cattle while simultaneously sharing markets, exchanging goods and borrowing cultural practices. Today, roads, schools and government administration have increased interaction between the Me'en and the Suri, but livestock remains central to the lives of both peoples. The Nyangatom (Bume): Powerful Southern Neighbors Among the Suri's best-known neighbors are the Nyangatom, who are referred to as Bume in several neighboring languages. ADVERTISEMENT The Nyangatom occupy territory south and southeast of the Suri, extending toward the borders of Kenya and South Sudan. Their location places them at the crossroads of several pastoral societies, making them one of the most influential peoples in the Lower Omo borderlands. The Journal of African Conflicts and Peace Studies identifies the Nyangatom as one of the principal communities involved in cross-border resource competition in southwest Ethiopia. Asmare Shetahun documents recurring disputes involving the "Nyangatom and Suri," linking many of them to grazing land, livestock movement and access to water (Shetahun, 2023, p. 8). Similarly, Ethiopia's Surma Woreda Disaster Risk Profile repeatedly mentions conflict involving Surma and Bume, particularly in areas where markets, roads or grazing zones are shared (National Disaster Risk Management Commission, 2020, pp. 77, 165). Yet focusing only on violence would present an incomplete picture. Like the Suri, the Nyangatom are highly skilled agro-pastoralists whose lives revolve around cattle. Both communities understand seasonal movement, drought management and livestock breeding, even though they belong to different ethnic groups. Modern conflict has also become more complicated than it was in previous generations. Anthropologist David Turton and other scholars have argued that the spread of automatic firearms during the late twentieth century fundamentally altered conflict dynamics throughout the Lower Omo. Disputes that were once constrained by traditional rules became far more lethal once modern weapons entered the region. Consequently, many conflicts reported today reflect not only traditional rivalries but also changing political boundaries, easier access to firearms and increasing pressure on natural resources. The Kwegu: Small River Communities Along the Omo Unlike the cattle-herding Suri, the Kwegu have traditionally depended on the Omo River itself. Sometimes called Muguji, the Kwegu are one of the smallest ethnic communities in southwest Ethiopia. They have historically lived along the riverbanks among much larger neighbors, including the Mursi, Bodi and Kara. According to Mursi Online, the Kwegu speak a Nilo-Saharan language that is not mutually intelligible with Surmic languages such as Mursi or Bodi, despite centuries of contact. Anthropologists David Turton and Lionel Bender similarly note that the Kwegu occupy a unique position within the Lower Omo because of their dependence on fishing, hunting and flood-retreat cultivation rather than large cattle herds (Turton & Bender, Kwegu, p. 1). Their relationship with neighboring peoples has therefore often been based on exchange. The Kwegu have traditionally traded fish, wild foods and river products while obtaining livestock products or manufactured goods from larger pastoral communities. Recent environmental changes, however, have placed considerable pressure on their livelihoods. The Survival International briefing on the Omo Valley explains that river-dependent communities, including the Kwegu, have been affected by changes in seasonal flooding following the construction of the Gibe III Dam, reducing opportunities for traditional flood-retreat agriculture. Although the Kwegu are not among the Suri's closest cultural relatives, they remain an important part of the wider social landscape in which the Suri live. The Kara: Riverine Neighbors of the Lower Omo Farther south live the Kara (also written Karo), one of the smallest pastoral communities in the Lower Omo. According to Mursi Online, the Kara occupy land south of the junction between the Omo and Mago rivers. Their language belongs to the same branch as Hamar, although their population is much smaller. Like the Suri, the Kara are internationally recognized for elaborate body painting, ceremonial dances and artistic traditions. Yet their economy differs in important ways because of their closer relationship with the Omo River. The Lower Omo World Heritage report includes the Kara among the principal cultural communities that contribute to the region's exceptional diversity (ARCCH, 2014, p. 10). Historically, Kara communities have interacted more frequently with neighboring Hamar, Daasanach and Nyangatom populations, but regional markets and seasonal mobility have also connected them indirectly with the Suri.Their presence illustrates that Lower Omo identities overlap rather than exist in isolation. The Hamar: Neighbors Across the Wider Omo Landscape The Hamar are perhaps one of Ethiopia's best-known pastoral peoples. Living east of the Omo River, they are famous for ceremonies such as the bull-jumping initiation, elaborate hairstyles and decorated cattle. ADVERTISEMENT TRENDING NOW How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online . Tax and Revenue Niger TV Shows Soldiers Detained After Niamey Mutiny . Justice & Crime KAA Warns of Flight Delays at Kenyan Airports . Transport and Airlines POPULAR TODAY African Culture Disability-Selective Infanticide: The Hidden History in Maasailand . African Culture Zee Nxumalo Biography: Age, Real Name, Songs & Amapiano Rise . African Culture Wendy Shay Biography: Age, Nursing Career, Songs & AFRIMA Win . African Culture Vinka Biography: Real Name, Songs, Family & Music Career . African Culture Vestine & Dorcas Biography: Ages, Family, Songs & Career . Although the Hamar are not immediate neighbors of every Suri settlement, they belong to the broader regional network that shapes life across southwest Ethiopia. The Authority for Research and Conservation of Cultural Heritage identifies the Hamar among the principal peoples inhabiting the Lower Omo region ( ARCCH, 2014, p. 10 ). Resource competition has occasionally brought Hamar communities into conflict with neighboring groups. Shetahun's peacebuilding study documents disputes involving the Hamer-Mursi, alongside conflicts between Nyangatom, Daasanach and Suri communities (Shetahun, 2023, p. 8). These examples demonstrate that conflict patterns in the Lower Omo rarely involve only two peoples. Instead, alliances and rivalries shift depending on rainfall, migration, political boundaries and livestock movement. The Daasanach: Guardians of the Lower Omo and Lake Turkana At the southern end of the Omo River live the Daasanach (also spelled Dassanech). Their homeland stretches toward Lake Turkana, placing them at the meeting point of Ethiopia and Kenya. The Lower Omo heritage report lists the Daasanach among the region's principal ethnic communities (ARCCH, 2014, p. 10), while cross-border studies describe them as one of the major pastoral peoples sharing resources with neighboring Nyangatom and Turkana communities. Because of their distance from most Suri settlements, direct contact has historically been less frequent than with the Dizi or Nyangatom. Nevertheless, the Daasanach remain part of the larger pastoral system that links communities throughout the Omo-Turkana basin. Trade routes, seasonal migration and modern development projects increasingly connect peoples who once interacted only occasionally. A Changing Neighborhood For centuries, the relationships between the Suri and their neighbors were shaped primarily by ecology. Communities moved with the seasons. Livestock followed fresh pasture. Markets linked farmers with pastoralists. Elders settled disputes. Today, that balance is changing. The Surma Woreda Disaster Risk Profile identifies resource competition, livestock theft and border conflicts among the area's major hazards (NDRMC, 2020, p. 21). Meanwhile, Shetahun's study argues that pressure over grazing land and water has intensified disputes involving the Suri, Nyangatom and other neighboring peoples (Shetahun, 2023, pp. 8–11). Large-scale development projects have added new pressures. The construction of the Gibe III Dam, expansion of commercial agriculture and changes in land use have altered seasonal flooding and grazing patterns throughout the Lower Omo. Organizations such as Survival International argue that these changes have affected not only the Suri but also the Mursi, Bodi, Kwegu, Kara, Nyangatom and Daasanach, whose livelihoods remain closely tied to the river and surrounding grasslands. Despite these challenges, traditional systems of mediation continue to play an important role. The Surma Woreda Disaster Risk Profile notes that communities frequently rely on elders to resolve disputes, reflecting the continued importance of customary institutions alongside formal government administration (NDRMC, 2020, p. 47). More Than Just Neighbors Looking at a map, it is easy to imagine the Suri surrounded by separate ethnic groups, each occupying its own clearly defined territory. History tells a different story. The Suri have spent generations sharing landscapes with farmers, pastoralists and riverine communities whose lives have intersected through trade, migration, ritual and conflict. Some neighbors, such as the Mursi, are close cultural relatives who share Surmic roots. Others, including the Dizi, represent different linguistic and ecological traditions. Communities such as the Nyangatom, Me'en, Kwegu, Kara, Hamar and Daasanach add further layers to this remarkably diverse human landscape. What unites these peoples is not a single culture but a shared geography. The Omo Valley has never been a collection of isolated tribes frozen in time. Instead, it has always been a dynamic borderland where identities evolved through constant interaction. To understand the Suri, one must therefore look beyond their own villages and cattle camps.Their story has always been intertwined with the neighbors who have lived beside them for centuries. Reference: UNESCO document report Mursi Online – Neighbours Insoll, Clack & Rege (2015). Mursi Ox Modification, Antiquity ARCCH, 2014, pp. 10–11 pdf ADVERTISEMENT RELATED ARTICLE African Culture Disability-Selective Infanticide: The Hidden History in Maasailand Field evidence exposes a history of killing, abandonment and neglect and the Maasai resisting it . African Culture Zee Nxumalo Biography: Age, Real Name, Songs & Amapiano Rise Meet Zee Nxumalo: her age, real name, songs, awards and journey from viral covers to amapiano stardom. . African Culture Wendy Shay Biography: Age, Nursing Career, Songs & AFRIMA Win Discover Wendy Shay’s age, Ghana-Germany story, nursing career, albums, songs and awards. . African Culture Vinka Biography: Real Name, Songs, Family & Music Career Discover Vinka’s real name, family, hit songs, awards and journey from dancer to Ugandan star. . Tags African culture African culture Ethiopia Ethiopia The Suri People The Suri People

Congo and Rwanda agree on steps including troop disengagement and FDLR action to ease eastern DRC tensions. The Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda have agreed on a set of coordinated steps aimed at reducing tensions in eastern Congo following talks held in the United States, according to a joint statement released this week as cited AP News . The discussions, held over two days, brought together officials from both countries alongside U.S. mediators, as Washington intensifies efforts to revive stalled peace initiatives in the region. The agreement focuses on practical measures, including a planned disengagement of forces and reciprocal commitments tied to security concerns on both sides. Eastern Congo has remained a focal point of instability, with government forces confronting more than 100 armed groups. Among them, the M23 rebellion has emerged as the most prominent, having seized key areas during its rapid expansion in recent years. The United Nations has previously reported evidence of Rwandan involvement in support of the group, allegations Kigali denies while maintaining its actions are defensive. Under the new framework, Rwanda agreed to lift certain defensive measures within defined Congolese territory, while Congo committed to intensifying efforts against the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a resistance movement that Rwanda linked to perpetrators of the 1994 genocide. The agreement builds on earlier diplomatic efforts facilitated by the United States, including initiatives led by President Donald Trump aimed at securing a long-term ceasefire. While the latest commitments outline a forward path, key details such as timelines and verification mechanisms remain unspecified. Analysts note that previous peace efforts involving regional and international actors, including Qatar, have struggled to produce lasting results amid ongoing clashes and deep mistrust between the parties. Continue Reading Full Article WAR IN DR CONGO Congo, Rwanda agree to steps to ease tensions in east DRC By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Mar 19, 2026 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: The Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda have agreed on a set of coordinated steps aimed at reducing tensions in eastern Congo following talks held in the United States, according to a joint statement released this week as cited AP News . The discussions, held over two days, brought together officials from both countries alongside U.S. mediators, as Washington intensifies efforts to revive stalled peace initiatives in the region. The agreement focuses on practical measures, including a planned disengagement of forces and reciprocal commitments tied to security concerns on both sides. Eastern Congo has remained a focal point of instability, with government forces confronting more than 100 armed groups. Among them, the M23 rebellion has emerged as the most prominent, having seized key areas during its rapid expansion in recent years. The United Nations has previously reported evidence of Rwandan involvement in support of the group, allegations Kigali denies while maintaining its actions are defensive. ADVERTISEMENT Under the new framework, Rwanda agreed to lift certain defensive measures within defined Congolese territory, while Congo committed to intensifying efforts against the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a resistance movement that Rwanda linked to perpetrators of the 1994 genocide. The agreement builds on earlier diplomatic efforts facilitated by the United States, including initiatives led by President Donald Trump aimed at securing a long-term ceasefire. While the latest commitments outline a forward path, key details such as timelines and verification mechanisms remain unspecified. ADVERTISEMENT Analysts note that previous peace efforts involving regional and international actors, including Qatar, have struggled to produce lasting results amid ongoing clashes and deep mistrust between the parties. ADVERTISEMENT TRENDING NOW How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online . Tax and Revenue Niger TV Shows Soldiers Detained After Niamey Mutiny . Justice & Crime KAA Warns of Flight Delays at Kenyan Airports . Transport and Airlines POPULAR TODAY Scholarships 120 EAC Master’s Scholarships Open to EAC Students — How to Apply . Scholarships UCT Mastercard Foundation Scholarship 2027 Opens to Africans . Scholarships Chevening Scholarships 2027–2028 Open Across Africa — How to Apply . African Culture Himba Clothing and Adornment: Meaning of Traditional Dress . International Relations Ndayishimiye Backs Leopards After Historic Draw With Portugal . ADVERTISEMENT RELATED ARTICLE Scholarships 120 EAC Master’s Scholarships Open to EAC Students — How to Apply Up to 120 EAC Master’s scholarships are open to nationals of eight East African countries, . Scholarships UCT Mastercard Foundation Scholarship 2027 Opens to Africans UCT Mastercard Foundation Scholars Program 2027 is open to African students with ... . Scholarships Chevening Scholarships 2027–2028 Open Across Africa — How to Apply Chevening Scholarships 2027–2028 are open to eligible African applicants. See funding, . African Culture Himba Clothing and Adornment: Meaning of Traditional Dress What otjize, jewelry, hairstyles, and clothing represent in Himba culture . Tags Africa Africa DR.Congo DR.Congo Rwandan Opposition Rwandan Opposition DRC Politics DRC Politics Wazalendo DRC Wazalendo DRC African Union African Union

The recent presidential order in Liberia to audit the Central Bank has ignited a significant debate over the legal boundaries and the bank's autonomy. President Joseph Boakai mandated the General Auditing Commission (GAC) to audit the Central Bank of Liberia (CBL), raising questions about the legality of this directive, the GAC's authority to audit the CBL, and the potential impact on the CBL's independence. This action is part of a broader anti-corruption drive by President Boakai, who has committed to fighting graft and enhancing transparency in government institutions, including the central bank, the national security agency , and the executive protection service, focusing on the period from 2018 to 2023. The debate centers around the interpretation of the GAC Act, specifically whether the CBL's operations are considered "public accounts" or "public funds" as defined by the Act, and thus, whether they fall within the GAC's audit jurisdiction. Critics argue that the presidential order contradicts the CBL Act, which outlines the bank's independence and its authority over internal and external audits. They point to the Act's provisions, which mandate regular audits by the Chief Internal Auditor of the CBL, the appointment of external auditors by the Board of Governors, and oversight by an independent Audit Committee, all designed to protect the CBL from undue influence. In contrast, proponents of the audit argue that the presidential directive falls within constitutional powers to ensure accountability in government institutions, emphasizing that the CBL's autonomy does not exempt it from external scrutiny, especially concerning financial management and accountability. This situation highlights the ongoing tension between the need for transparency and accountability in government institutions and the preservation of the autonomy of key financial institutions like the Central Bank of Liberia . Continue Reading Full Article By Author Name Author Name Home Comment Feb 27, 2024 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Liberia's Central Bank Under the Microscope Following President Joseph Boakai Audit Order The recent presidential order in Liberia to audit the Central Bank has ignited a significant debate over the legal boundaries and the bank's autonomy. President Joseph Boakai mandated the General Auditing Commission (GAC) to audit the Central Bank of Liberia (CBL), raising questions about the legality of this directive, the GAC's authority to audit the CBL, and the potential impact on the CBL's independence. This action is part of a broader anti-corruption drive by President Boakai, who has committed to fighting graft and enhancing transparency in government institutions, including the central bank, the national security agency , and the executive protection service, focusing on the period from 2018 to 2023. ADVERTISEMENT The debate centers around the interpretation of the GAC Act, specifically whether the CBL's operations are considered "public accounts" or "public funds" as defined by the Act, and thus, whether they fall within the GAC's audit jurisdiction. Critics argue that the presidential order contradicts the CBL Act, which outlines the bank's independence and its authority over internal and external audits. They point to the Act's provisions, which mandate regular audits by the Chief Internal Auditor of the CBL, the appointment of external auditors by the Board of Governors, and oversight by an independent Audit Committee, all designed to protect the CBL from undue influence. ADVERTISEMENT In contrast, proponents of the audit argue that the presidential directive falls within constitutional powers to ensure accountability in government institutions, emphasizing that the CBL's autonomy does not exempt it from external scrutiny, especially concerning financial management and accountability. This situation highlights the ongoing tension between the need for transparency and accountability in government institutions and the preservation of the autonomy of key financial institutions like the Central Bank of Liberia . ADVERTISEMENT TRENDING NOW How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online . Tax and Revenue Niger TV Shows Soldiers Detained After Niamey Mutiny . Justice & Crime KAA Warns of Flight Delays at Kenyan Airports . Transport and Airlines POPULAR TODAY ADVERTISEMENT RELATED ARTICLE Tags

Burundi’s ruling party backs the president for another seven-year mandate Burundi’s ruling CNDD-FDD has named President Évariste Ndayishimiye as its candidate for the country’s 2027 presidential election, formally placing him on track to seek another seven-year mandate, according to an Africanews/AFP report . Ndayishimiye, 57, has led Burundi since 2020, when he took office after the death of former president Pierre Nkurunziza. The ruling party said he had been chosen to contest the next presidential poll, although no firm election date has yet been announced. The move gives the president an early political advantage in a country where the CNDD-FDD remains the dominant force. A similar AFP-based report said the party described Ndayishimiye as its choice for a seven-year mandate, while the president thanked party members for their trust. His candidacy also comes at a time when Burundi has a higher continental profile. In February 2026, the African Union confirmed that Ndayishimiye had been elected AU chair for the year, taking over the rotating role from Angola’s João Lourenço. Opposition voices, however, have already questioned whether the 2027 vote can meet international standards. Burundi’s recent political history remains shaped by contested elections, restrictions on dissent, and rights concerns raised by the United Nations and advocacy groups. Ndayishimiye’s next step will be to convert the ruling party’s endorsement into a national campaign, while Burundi faces pressure over economic hardship, political freedoms, and public confidence ahead of the 2027 vote. Continue Reading Full Article ELECTIONS AU Chair Ndayishimiye Moves Toward 2027 Burundi Re-Election Bid By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Apr 28, 2026 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Burundi’s ruling CNDD-FDD has named President Évariste Ndayishimiye as its candidate for the country’s 2027 presidential election, formally placing him on track to seek another seven-year mandate, according to an Africanews/AFP report . Ndayishimiye, 57, has led Burundi since 2020, when he took office after the death of former president Pierre Nkurunziza. The ruling party said he had been chosen to contest the next presidential poll, although no firm election date has yet been announced. The move gives the president an early political advantage in a country where the CNDD-FDD remains the dominant force. A similar AFP-based report said the party described Ndayishimiye as its choice for a seven-year mandate, while the president thanked party members for their trust. ADVERTISEMENT His candidacy also comes at a time when Burundi has a higher continental profile. In February 2026, the African Union confirmed that Ndayishimiye had been elected AU chair for the year, taking over the rotating role from Angola’s João Lourenço. Opposition voices, however, have already questioned whether the 2027 vote can meet international standards. Burundi’s recent political history remains shaped by contested elections, restrictions on dissent, and rights concerns raised by the United Nations and advocacy groups. ADVERTISEMENT Ndayishimiye’s next step will be to convert the ruling party’s endorsement into a national campaign, while Burundi faces pressure over economic hardship, political freedoms, and public confidence ahead of the 2027 vote. ADVERTISEMENT TRENDING NOW How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online . Tax and Revenue Niger TV Shows Soldiers Detained After Niamey Mutiny . Justice & Crime KAA Warns of Flight Delays at Kenyan Airports . Transport and Airlines POPULAR TODAY Scholarships 120 EAC Master’s Scholarships Open to EAC Students — How to Apply . Military and Defense BREAKING: Burundi Reportedly Moves Closer to Sending Troops to Gaza . Politics & Diplomacy Tshisekedi and Ndayishimiye Renew Call for African Solutions . War in Eastern DRC Tshisekedi and Burundi Chief Forge Deadly Alliance Against Kigali . International Relations DRC, Burundi Move to Implement Border Defense Pact . ADVERTISEMENT RELATED ARTICLE Scholarships 120 EAC Master’s Scholarships Open to EAC Students — How to Apply Up to 120 EAC Master’s scholarships are open to nationals of eight East African countries, . Military and Defense BREAKING: Burundi Reportedly Moves Closer to Sending Troops to Gaza Burundian military officials reportedly join talks over a planned Gaza stabilization force. . Politics & Diplomacy Tshisekedi and Ndayishimiye Renew Call for African Solutions DRC and Burundi leaders push unity, security, and regional cooperation . War in Eastern DRC Tshisekedi and Burundi Chief Forge Deadly Alliance Against Kigali Kinshasa meeting comes amid US pressure on Rwanda and eastern DRC tensions. . Tags Burundi Burundi Xtrafrica News Xtrafrica News Burundi’s Vision 2040–206 Burundi’s Vision 2040–206 African Union African Union

A new UN-linked report recorded 439 rights violations in DRC in January, sharpening pressure for ceasefire and civilian protection. The Democratic Republic of Congo recorded 439 human rights violations and abuses in January 2026, down 27 percent from 607 cases in December 2025, while still pointing to a persistent protection crisis in the country’s conflict-hit east. The report cited by Actualite.cd says AFC/M23 accounted for 140 of the documented abuses, the highest share among armed groups in that reporting period. According to the figures cited in the report, 97 percent of the violations were documented in provinces affected by armed conflict, including North Kivu , South Kivu and Ituri. Armed groups were blamed for 70 percent of the cases, while state agents accounted for 30 percent, with FARDC members and police among those cited. The numbers suggest that even with a month-on-month drop, the protection environment remained heavily shaped by front-line insecurity and recurring attacks on civilians. The findings land as UN officials continue to warn that people in the DRC are trapped in overlapping crises driven by armed groups, foreign interference, ethnic tensions and fragile governance, with peace talks still failing to deliver relief quickly enough for civilians. In a March 25 statement , the UN human rights office said negotiations were continuing, but stressed that people could not wait for protection and accountability. The latest data also comes against a broader humanitarian backdrop of conflict, displacement and aid shortfalls. OCHA says the DRC continues to face an unprecedented humanitarian situation, while a 2026 response update warns that eastern provinces have been deeply disrupted by fighting and funding gaps. That adds to pressure on ceasefire efforts and political talks to produce concrete civilian protection measures rather than more paper progress. Continue Reading Full Article JUSTICE & CRIME DRC: 439 human rights violations in Jan add pressure for ceasefire By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Apr 7, 2026 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: The Democratic Republic of Congo recorded 439 human rights violations and abuses in January 2026, down 27 percent from 607 cases in December 2025, while still pointing to a persistent protection crisis in the country’s conflict-hit east. The report cited by Actualite.cd says AFC/M23 accounted for 140 of the documented abuses, the highest share among armed groups in that reporting period. According to the figures cited in the report, 97 percent of the violations were documented in provinces affected by armed conflict, including North Kivu , South Kivu and Ituri. Armed groups were blamed for 70 percent of the cases, while state agents accounted for 30 percent, with FARDC members and police among those cited. The numbers suggest that even with a month-on-month drop, the protection environment remained heavily shaped by front-line insecurity and recurring attacks on civilians. ADVERTISEMENT The findings land as UN officials continue to warn that people in the DRC are trapped in overlapping crises driven by armed groups, foreign interference, ethnic tensions and fragile governance, with peace talks still failing to deliver relief quickly enough for civilians. In a March 25 statement , the UN human rights office said negotiations were continuing, but stressed that people could not wait for protection and accountability. ADVERTISEMENT The latest data also comes against a broader humanitarian backdrop of conflict, displacement and aid shortfalls. OCHA says the DRC continues to face an unprecedented humanitarian situation, while a 2026 response update warns that eastern provinces have been deeply disrupted by fighting and funding gaps. That adds to pressure on ceasefire efforts and political talks to produce concrete civilian protection measures rather than more paper progress. ADVERTISEMENT TRENDING NOW Kahuzi-Biega National Park: Land of Gorillas, Volcanoes & Wild Harmony . National Park Visit Virunga National Park – Congo’s Crown Jewel of Nature & Wildlife . National Park Denise Nyakeru Foundation Awards Top Students in Excellentia 2025 . Education EXETAT 2025: Congo Digitizes Exams with AI and Blockchain Tools . Education POPULAR TODAY Justice & Crime Tshisekedi: No Military Conquest Will Become Political Legitimacy" . War in Eastern DRC Rwanda Raises Interest Rate to 8.75% as Inflation Hits 14.5% . Peace For DRC Now Tshisekedi Launches DRC National Dialogue for Peace and Reform . PRESS RELEASE DRC Protects Students, Diplomas in AFC/M23-Held Areas . Infrastructure DRC and Angola Accelerate Joint Oil and Power Projects . ADVERTISEMENT RELATED ARTICLE DRC Peace Effort Felix Tshisekedi’s Diplomacy Wins Youth Support at UNIKIN At UNIKIN, Minister Muyaya explains how President Tshisekedi's diplomacy defends Congo . Congo Diplomacy DRC Presents Its Vision for Transformation and Peace at UN SDG Forum At the UN SDG Forum, DRC highlighted its development achievements . Investment Investor’s Guide to DR Congo (2025): Sectors, Reforms & Opportunities Explore how to invest in DR Congo: key sectors, setup steps and legal safety . Tshisekedi Legacy Félix Tshisekedi: Champion of Change and Sovereignty in DR Congo Discover the bold legacy of Félix Tshisekedi, the DRC president transforming his nation . Tags DR.Congo DR.Congo Dr Debora Kayembe Dr Debora Kayembe Felix Tshisekedi Felix Tshisekedi Wazalendo DRC Wazalendo DRC M23 Rebels M23 Rebels African Union African Union

Speaking to talkSPORT , boxing promoter Frank Warren provided clarity on the much-anticipated heavyweight clash between Anthony Joshua and Tyson Fury, dispelling the year's remaining hopes for the match. Contrary to the optimistic projections by Matchroom Boxing's Eddie Hearn, Warren laid out a clear explanation of the contractual obligations arising from the upcoming May 18 title fight in Riyadh, which will preclude the possibility of Joshua facing Fury this year. Warren emphasized that the fight's terms include a rematch clause, guaranteeing the loser the option to initiate a second bout due to the substantial financial stakes involved. This clause ensures that the next potential fight for either boxer would be the rematch, contingent upon Fury winning both his engagements and Joshua continuing his winning streak. Additionally, Hearn suggested that Joshua's next fight would be for a heavyweight title, possibly for the IBF crown expected to be vacated or against the victor of Fury versus Usyk. However, the intricacies of the sanctioning bodies' procedures and the rematch clause will likely prevent this scenario, as the IBF would strip the title from the winner if they opt for the rematch, propelling Hrgovic against the next highest-ranked contender, which currently positions Joshua favorably due to the vacancy in the IBF's No.2 spot. Continue Reading Full Article By Author Name Author Name Home Comment Apr 6, 2024 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Anticipated Clash of Titans Deferred. Photo: Boxing News24 Speaking to talkSPORT , boxing promoter Frank Warren provided clarity on the much-anticipated heavyweight clash between Anthony Joshua and Tyson Fury, dispelling the year's remaining hopes for the match. Contrary to the optimistic projections by Matchroom Boxing's Eddie Hearn, Warren laid out a clear explanation of the contractual obligations arising from the upcoming May 18 title fight in Riyadh, which will preclude the possibility of Joshua facing Fury this year. Warren emphasized that the fight's terms include a rematch clause, guaranteeing the loser the option to initiate a second bout due to the substantial financial stakes involved. This clause ensures that the next potential fight for either boxer would be the rematch, contingent upon Fury winning both his engagements and Joshua continuing his winning streak. ADVERTISEMENT Additionally, Hearn suggested that Joshua's next fight would be for a heavyweight title, possibly for the IBF crown expected to be vacated or against the victor of Fury versus Usyk. However, the intricacies of the sanctioning bodies' procedures and the rematch clause will likely prevent this scenario, as the IBF would strip the title from the winner if they opt for the rematch, propelling Hrgovic against the next highest-ranked contender, which currently positions Joshua favorably due to the vacancy in the IBF's No.2 spot. ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT TRENDING NOW How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online . Tax and Revenue Niger TV Shows Soldiers Detained After Niamey Mutiny . Justice & Crime KAA Warns of Flight Delays at Kenyan Airports . Transport and Airlines POPULAR TODAY ADVERTISEMENT RELATED ARTICLE Tags

After Maduro’s arrest by U.S. forces, questions rise across Africa: Could Kagame be next? A geopolitical analysis of Washington’s new enforcement doctrine. Following the reported capture of Nicolás Maduro by U.S. forces, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio delivered a blunt message that is now shaking capitals far beyond Latin America, including the Great Lakes region. Rubio framed Maduro’s arrest as avoidable, insisting the Venezuelan leader had received “multiple” chances to step away and refused. Maduro had multiple opportunities to avoid this… very generous offers… and chose instead to act like a wild man… and the result is what we saw tonight. But Rubio’s most consequential warning was not just about Maduro. It was about what the world should understand about Trump’s second term: We have a president… not a game player. When he tells you he’s going to do something… he actions it.” Rubio then listed the “red lines” that, in his view, pushed Washington to act: Bringing in hostile foreign powers (he cited Iran) Seizing American assets Flooding the U.S. with criminal networks Taking Americans hostage and using them as bargaining chips Continue Reading Full Article JUSTICE & CRIME Could the U.S. Capture Kagame Like Maduro? By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Jan 4, 2026 May 15, 2026 6 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Following the reported capture of Nicolás Maduro by U.S. forces, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio delivered a blunt message that is now shaking capitals far beyond Latin America, including the Great Lakes region. Rubio framed Maduro’s arrest as avoidable, insisting the Venezuelan leader had received “multiple” chances to step away and refused. Maduro had multiple opportunities to avoid this… very generous offers… and chose instead to act like a wild man… and the result is what we saw tonight. But Rubio’s most consequential warning was not just about Maduro. It was about what the world should understand about Trump’s second term: We have a president… not a game player. When he tells you he’s going to do something… he actions it.” Rubio then listed the “red lines” that, in his view, pushed Washington to act: Bringing in hostile foreign powers (he cited Iran) Seizing American assets Flooding the U.S. with criminal networks Taking Americans hostage and using them as bargaining chips Rubio’s conclusion was chillingly direct: We’ll talk and meet with anybody, but don’t play games… because it’s not gonna turn out well.” THE NEW QUESTION: Could the U.S. capture Paul Kagame the same way as Nicolás Maduro? Across Africa, especially in Congo, people are now asking a politically explosive question: If Washington was willing to carry out such an operation against Maduro, could it do the same to Kagame? ADVERTISEMENT Here’s what Rubio’s speech is really telling the world (and Kigali): The era of “untouchable leaders” may be shrinking Rubio’s message is that power no longer guarantees protection when the U.S. views a leader as a direct threat to its interests. The subtext is clear: If Washington decides someone is destabilizing regions, sponsoring armed groups, threatening allies, like how Rwanda does with its Proxy war of M23 in Congo, or undermining U.S. strategic priorities, then status, prestige, and international networking will not save them. “Multiple opportunities” then consequences Rubio repeatedly emphasized that Maduro ignored exit ramps. ADVERTISEMENT That language has major implications for any leader accused of violating agreements, including Rwanda, which violated the Washington Accords, according to Marco Rubio, especially those under U.S.-backed frameworks. In the Great Lakes, Rwanda is increasingly accused of: backing proxy forces destabilizing neighbors fueling conflict undermining U.S.-mediated agreements Whether true or denied, Rubio’s framing suggests this: The U.S. is willing to move from diplomacy to enforcement if it believes a leader is acting in bad faith or playing a Big Boy Rubio is selling a doctrine: “Trump = action.” Rubio is not just defending an operation; he’s selling a global doctrine: Trump is not a negotiating president. He is an enforcement president. ADVERTISEMENT TRENDING NOW How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online . Tax and Revenue Niger TV Shows Soldiers Detained After Niamey Mutiny . Justice & Crime KAA Warns of Flight Delays at Kenyan Airports . Transport and Airlines POPULAR TODAY War in Eastern DRC Fresh Masisi Fighting Forces More Congolese Families to Flee . War in Eastern DRC US Expects Rwandan Troop Withdrawal by Mid-Next Month, Says Rubio . Washington Peace Accord Trump Administration Blocked Kagame From Re-Entering the US . War in Eastern DRC Kagame Refuses to Withdraw Troops from Congo, Defying U.S. Pressure . War in DR Congo Tshisekedi’s Rubaya Strategy: A Calculated Warning to Rwanda and M23 . That doctrine is meant to influence every actor currently testing U.S. patience, from Latin America to Africa. But could the U.S. actually capture Kagame “the same way”? Let’s be clear and responsible here: What Rubio’s speech does signal is this: If the U.S. decides a leader is: obstructing peace committing or enabling atrocities threatening regional stability undermining U.S.-brokered processes violating international obligations repeatedly Then, Washington may escalate beyond statements and activate Military operations against President Kagame's regime. Why? because Kagame clearly violated the Trump Brokered Washington Peace Accord, according to Rubio's statement from X formerly Twitter Why This Analysis Matters This Piece of analysis was written in light of rapidly shifting global norms, where U.S. foreign policy is evolving from diplomacy to direct enforcement. As a Congolese Journalist, the parallels between Rwanda’s continued defiance of international peace frameworks, especially the Washington Accords, and the Venezuelan crisis are too significant to ignore. If Paul Kagame, like Nicolás Maduro, is seen as a destabilizing force, backing militias, violating U.N. resolutions, and undermining U.S.-led agreements, then it becomes a matter of global interest, not just Congolese suffering. This analysis is not a call for intervention, but a reflection of what the world is now witnessing: that the age of impunity for authoritarian strongmen may be drawing to a close, and Rwanda must take heed. ADVERTISEMENT RELATED ARTICLE War in Eastern DRC Fresh Masisi Fighting Forces More Congolese Families to Flee AFC/M23 advances and clashes with Wazalendo trigger new displacement as Doha monitoring begins. . War in Eastern DRC US Expects Rwandan Troop Withdrawal by Mid-Next Month, Says Rubio Washington says sanctions were needed after poor compliance with the DRC-Rwanda peace agreement . Washington Peace Accord Trump Administration Blocked Kagame From Re-Entering the US The reported visa issue comes amid rising US pressure over Rwanda’s role in eastern Congo. . War in Eastern DRC Kagame Refuses to Withdraw Troops from Congo, Defying U.S. Pressure Kagame refuses to withdraw Rwandan troops from DR Congo despite U.S. pressure. . Tags Washington Peace Accord Washington Peace Accord DR.Congo DR.Congo

Ruger says a woman's income doesn't matter to him, reveals he's seeking a funny partner and hopes to settle down soon. Afrobeats star Ruger has opened up about what he looks for in a relationship, saying a woman's job or financial status has never influenced his dating choices. According to Daily Post Nigeria , the singer, whose real name is Michael Adebayo Olayinka, shared his views during a recent livestream with content creator Shank, where he spoke about love, money and his plans for the future. Ruger explained that he is financially secure enough not to judge a potential partner by her income. He said he has dated women who were unemployed in the past, including some he described as lazy, but insisted that their financial situation was never a deal-breaker for him. Instead, the "Asiwaju" hitmaker said personality matters much more. For him, a sense of humour tops the list of qualities he wants in a partner, describing his ideal woman as someone who can make him laugh. The singer also revealed that he is thinking seriously about settling down. Ruger joked that constantly ordering takeout meals has made him realise he wants a partner to share everyday life with, including having someone at home. Beyond relationships, the musician shared an update on his career, claiming he has earned more than $2 million so far this year. While he did not provide further details about the figure, the disclosure comes as Ruger continues to build his profile through music releases, performances and international appearances. Ruger's latest comments have already sparked conversation online, with fans debating whether financial independence should matter in modern relationships. His remarks also offer a more personal glimpse into the life of one of Nigeria's biggest Afrobeats stars as he balances career success with thoughts of starting a family. Continue Reading Full Article ENTERTAINMENT Ruger Says He Doesn't Mind Dating Unemployed Women By Witty Pascal Entertainment Editor Witty Pascal Home Comment Jul 24, 2026 Jul 24, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Afrobeats star Ruger has opened up about what he looks for in a relationship, saying a woman's job or financial status has never influenced his dating choices. According to Daily Post Nigeria , the singer, whose real name is Michael Adebayo Olayinka, shared his views during a recent livestream with content creator Shank, where he spoke about love, money and his plans for the future. ADVERTISEMENT Ruger explained that he is financially secure enough not to judge a potential partner by her income. He said he has dated women who were unemployed in the past, including some he described as lazy, but insisted that their financial situation was never a deal-breaker for him. Instead, the "Asiwaju" hitmaker said personality matters much more. For him, a sense of humour tops the list of qualities he wants in a partner, describing his ideal woman as someone who can make him laugh. ADVERTISEMENT The singer also revealed that he is thinking seriously about settling down. Ruger joked that constantly ordering takeout meals has made him realise he wants a partner to share everyday life with, including having someone at home. Beyond relationships, the musician shared an update on his career, claiming he has earned more than $2 million so far this year. While he did not provide further details about the figure, the disclosure comes as Ruger continues to build his profile through music releases, performances and international appearances. ADVERTISEMENT TRENDING NOW How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online . Tax and Revenue Niger TV Shows Soldiers Detained After Niamey Mutiny . Justice & Crime KAA Warns of Flight Delays at Kenyan Airports . Transport and Airlines POPULAR TODAY Entertainment Poco Lee UK Case Sparks Consent Debate Among Nigerian Stars . Entertainment FOLA Leads 2026 Headies Nominations Ahead of Toronto . Entertainment Jub Jub Arrest Warrant Issued After Missed Court Appearance . Entertainment Black Coffee Wins R7 Million Court Battle Against Maserati . Entertainment Funke Akindele Faces Mixed Reactions Over Birthday Post . Ruger's latest comments have already sparked conversation online, with fans debating whether financial independence should matter in modern relationships. His remarks also offer a more personal glimpse into the life of one of Nigeria's biggest Afrobeats stars as he balances career success with thoughts of starting a family. ADVERTISEMENT RELATED ARTICLE Entertainment Poco Lee UK Case Sparks Consent Debate Among Nigerian Stars The dancer faces five sexual offence charges and returns to court on September 15. . Entertainment FOLA Leads 2026 Headies Nominations Ahead of Toronto FOLA earned 10 nominations as The Headies prepares its October ceremony in Toronto . Entertainment Jub Jub Arrest Warrant Issued After Missed Court Appearance The warrant was held over after Jub Jub missed court citing illness and will not be enforced yet. . Entertainment Black Coffee Wins R7 Million Court Battle Against Maserati The High Court ordered Maserati to repay Soulistic Music over an undelivered customised MC20 Cielo. . Tags Entertainment Entertainment Nigerian Entertainment Nigerian Entertainment Nigeria Nigeria

Compare northern and southern Tanzania safaris by wildlife, crowds, costs, activities and access to choose the right circuit for your trip. Northern and southern Tanzania create different kinds of safari. The north links major wildlife areas in an overland route from Arusha. The south spreads fewer camps across large parks commonly reached by light aircraft from Dar es Salaam or Zanzibar. For most first-time visitors, the north is the stronger introduction. It combines the Serengeti, Ngorongoro Crater and Tarangire without requiring several bush flights. The south becomes more compelling when quiet viewing, walking and boat safaris matter more than headline landmarks. Is northern or southern Tanzania better for safari? Choose northern Tanzania for a first safari, the Serengeti migration, Ngorongoro Crater and a flexible road itinerary. Choose southern Tanzania for fewer vehicles, walking and boat safaris, wild-dog country and a more remote fly-in experience. Neither is universally better; access, season and budget decide the winner. Where the Two Safari Circuits Actually Are The northern circuit is organised around Arusha and Kilimanjaro International Airport. Its central route runs through Tarangire, Lake Manyara and the Ngorongoro highlands before reaching the Serengeti. These areas are separated by meaningful distances, but they form a logical road progression. A driver-guide and one safari vehicle can remain with a group for much of the trip. Southern Tanzania is normally planned from Dar es Salaam, although Zanzibar can also be a useful flight gateway. Its best-known safari parks are Nyerere and Ruaha; Mikumi and the Udzungwa Mountains may appear in longer overland plans. The south is not one compact loop. Nyerere lies around the Rufiji River system, while Ruaha is farther inland in south-central Tanzania. Combining them usually makes most sense by air. XTRAfrica's broader Tanzania travel guide explains how both circuits fit alongside Kilimanjaro, the coast and western Tanzania. This comparison focuses only on the decision between the two main safari regions. The North Wins for Tanzania's Best-Known Wildlife Geography The northern circuit contains two places that strongly shape the global image of a Tanzania safari. UNESCO describes the Serengeti as the core of an annual circular migration involving more than a million wildebeest and hundreds of thousands of other hoofed animals. Their location changes with pasture and rainfall, so choosing the north does not guarantee that the large herds will be beside a particular camp. Travellers planning around the migration should use XTRAfrica's guide to tracking Tanzania's wildebeest rather than treating a month-by-month diagram as a timetable. Central Serengeti remains valuable outside the most publicised herd movements because resident lions, leopards, cheetahs, hyenas and herbivores do not disappear when the migration moves elsewhere. Continue Reading Full Article TRAVEL GUIDE Northern vs Southern Tanzania Safari: Which Circuit Is Better? By Witty Pascal Entertainment Editor Witty Pascal Home Comment Aug 10, 2026 Aug 10, 2026 14 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Northern and southern Tanzania create different kinds of safari. The north links major wildlife areas in an overland route from Arusha. The south spreads fewer camps across large parks commonly reached by light aircraft from Dar es Salaam or Zanzibar. For most first-time visitors, the north is the stronger introduction. It combines the Serengeti, Ngorongoro Crater and Tarangire without requiring several bush flights. The south becomes more compelling when quiet viewing, walking and boat safaris matter more than headline landmarks. Is northern or southern Tanzania better for safari? Choose northern Tanzania for a first safari, the Serengeti migration, Ngorongoro Crater and a flexible road itinerary. Choose southern Tanzania for fewer vehicles, walking and boat safaris, wild-dog country and a more remote fly-in experience. Neither is universally better; access, season and budget decide the winner. Where the Two Safari Circuits Actually Are The northern circuit is organised around Arusha and Kilimanjaro International Airport. Its central route runs through Tarangire, Lake Manyara and the Ngorongoro highlands before reaching the Serengeti. These areas are separated by meaningful distances, but they form a logical road progression. A driver-guide and one safari vehicle can remain with a group for much of the trip. Giraffes, warthogs, flamingos and other wildlife occupy the lakeshore in Lake Manyara National Park, demonstrating the northern circuit’s range of habitats. Photo: John Mackenzie Burke/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA 4.0. Southern Tanzania is normally planned from Dar es Salaam, although Zanzibar can also be a useful flight gateway. Its best-known safari parks are Nyerere and Ruaha; Mikumi and the Udzungwa Mountains may appear in longer overland plans. The south is not one compact loop. Nyerere lies around the Rufiji River system, while Ruaha is farther inland in south-central Tanzania. Combining them usually makes most sense by air. XTRAfrica's broader Tanzania travel guide explains how both circuits fit alongside Kilimanjaro, the coast and western Tanzania. This comparison focuses only on the decision between the two main safari regions. The North Wins for Tanzania's Best-Known Wildlife Geography Granite kopjes rise from the Serengeti plains, illustrating the open landscapes associated with Tanzania’s northern safari circuit. Photo: Güldem Üstün/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY 2.0. The northern circuit contains two places that strongly shape the global image of a Tanzania safari. UNESCO describes the Serengeti as the core of an annual circular migration involving more than a million wildebeest and hundreds of thousands of other hoofed animals. Their location changes with pasture and rainfall, so choosing the north does not guarantee that the large herds will be beside a particular camp. Travellers planning around the migration should use XTRAfrica's guide to tracking Tanzania's wildebeest rather than treating a month-by-month diagram as a timetable. Central Serengeti remains valuable outside the most publicised herd movements because resident lions, leopards, cheetahs, hyenas and herbivores do not disappear when the migration moves elsewhere. Ngorongoro provides a different experience: a concentrated crater-floor drive inside a wider conservation area where wildlife, pastoral communities and archaeological sites share the landscape. The Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority prohibits off-road driving and restricts photography of local residents along the road; community photographs require consent and, in designated settings, may require formal permission. Tarangire adds baobab country, the Tarangire River and important dry-season elephant viewing. TANAPA's current park page also lists night drives and walking activities, but these must be arranged through authorised providers rather than assumed to be available with every itinerary. The northern advantage is therefore range. In one road journey, travellers can move from Rift Valley and highland scenery to a volcanic caldera and the Serengeti plains. Its weakness is concentration: the same famous places attract many vehicles, especially at crater bottlenecks, river crossings and predator sightings. The South Wins for Space and a Wider Mix of Activities Southern Tanzania is not a lesser version of the Serengeti. Its dominant miombo woodland, broad river systems and seasonal floodplains produce a different visual rhythm. Wildlife can be less immediately visible in thick vegetation, yet the absence of a dense convoy often gives guides more time to interpret tracks, alarm calls and animal movement. Travellers take a water safari in the Selous–Rufiji landscape, an activity that distinguishes southern Tanzania from the mainly vehicle-based northern circuit. Photo: Digr/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA 3.0. Nyerere National Park combines conventional game drives with authorised walking safaris and boat trips on the Rufiji River and connected lakes. The water-based experience is the southern circuit's clearest distinction: hippos, crocodiles, waterbirds and animals approaching the banks can be observed from a perspective the northern road circuit rarely provides. ADVERTISEMENT Ruaha is the stronger choice for vast inland landscapes, the Great Ruaha River and a mix of eastern and southern African wildlife. TANAPA records both greater and lesser kudu in the park and lists walking and game-drive experiences. Ruaha's scale does not mean animals appear on command; patient guiding and multiple nights matter, particularly when woodland disperses wildlife. An aerial view shows the channels and floodplains of the Rufiji River in the former Selous landscape, much of whose northern section now forms Nyerere National Park. Photo: Rob/Explorer Travel via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY 2.0. African wild dogs are an important southern draw, especially in Nyerere, but no responsible operator should guarantee them. Southern Tanzania is better understood as predator-rich and spatially generous, not as a checklist shortcut. Access Changes the Price and Pace Northern safaris can begin by road from Arusha. A common five- to eight-night plan links Tarangire or Lake Manyara, Ngorongoro and the Serengeti without changing aircraft at every stage. The trade-off is road time. Reaching the central Serengeti overland is a substantial travel day even when wildlife stops make the journey interesting. A light aircraft, safari vehicles and giraffes at Mtemere Airstrip illustrate the fly-in logistics commonly used to reach Tanzania’s southern safari circuit. Photo: Phil Evans/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA 2.0. The southern circuit is more dependent on aviation. Coastal Aviation's current destination schedules show services from Dar es Salaam to Nyerere and Ruaha , as well as connections between Nyerere and Ruaha. Published times are planning references, not promises: bush routes may include stops, use different airstrips or change seasonally. Travellers must reconfirm the operating date, luggage allowance and final airstrip before paying. That flight dependency produces two opposite effects. It saves long road transfers and puts travellers close to remote camps, but it also adds cost and makes the itinerary less forgiving if a connection changes. Light-aircraft luggage limits usually favour soft bags, and passengers requiring mobility assistance should obtain written arrangements from both the airline and camps. A kudu stands in Ruaha National Park, where woodland and river habitats support wildlife associated with both eastern and southern Africa. Photo: Richard Mortel/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY 2.0. For a short safari of three or four nights, the north offers more combinations. A southern trip of the same length should normally concentrate on one park rather than rushing between Nyerere and Ruaha. Six to eight safari nights make the south more convincing because the flight expense and travel effort buy enough time on the ground. Which Circuit Costs More? There is no single circuit price. Accommodation tier, season, group size, vehicle exclusivity, park charges and domestic flights matter more than the label “north” or “south.” XTRAfrica's 2026 Tanzania safari cost guide explains how those components change a quotation. At comparable comfort levels, the north usually offers more ways to control cost. Travellers may share a road vehicle, stay outside some protected areas or choose among a wider range of camps. A private northern safari can still be expensive, especially with premium migration camps or fly-in sectors. ADVERTISEMENT The south often starts higher because scheduled bush flights and remote-camp logistics are central to the trip. However, a quote may include game drives, walks, boat outings, meals and local transfers that another property prices separately. Compare complete packages, not nightly room rates. Ask each operator to itemise: park, conservation and activity fees; road transport and domestic flights; the exact camp and room category; shared versus private vehicles and boats; meals, drinks, laundry and transfers; taxes, concession charges and supplements; baggage, cancellation and flight-change conditions. The Best Season Is Not Identical Across Both Circuits June to October is the simplest shared window. Drier conditions often improve road access, while wildlife in Tarangire, Ruaha and parts of Nyerere becomes more associated with remaining water. It is also a busy and expensive period in northern Tanzania. The Great Ruaha River flows through Ruaha National Park in June, showing the riverine habitat that influences wildlife movement across the southern circuit. Photo: Richard Mortel/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY 2.0. January and February are especially relevant to the southern Serengeti plains and Ndutu area during the broad calving period. The exact herds and weather remain variable. April and May can bring lower prices and greener landscapes in the north, but heavy rain can slow park roads and some accommodation may reduce operationsSouthern Tanzania usually requires more care in the wet season. Green landscapes and birdlife can be excellent, but roads, airstrip conditions and seasonal camp schedules may narrow the practical choices. Consult XTRAfrica's complete best-time guide to Tanzania and then verify the actual camp and flight dates. Choose the Northern Circuit If... Choose the north if this is your first African safari and Serengeti or Ngorongoro would feel like a serious omission. It is also the more straightforward choice for a family wanting several accommodation levels, a traveller adding Kilimanjaro or anyone who prefers one continuous road journey to repeated light-aircraft transfers. Photographers targeting the Great Migration should also begin in the north, but must choose the Serengeti sector according to current herd conditions. Anyone adding a community visit should approach Maasailand as a living region, not a staged attraction; XTRAfrica's guide to visiting Maasai land respectfully explains consent, local ownership and photography etiquette. Choose the Southern Circuit If... Choose the south if quiet viewing and varied safari methods matter more than famous place names. It particularly suits repeat safari travellers, birders, walkers and couples prepared to pay for fly-in logistics. Nyerere is the obvious southern anchor for river and boat experiences, while Ruaha rewards travellers who want extended drives through large, dry-country landscapes. The south is not automatically suitable for every child or traveller with limited mobility. Camps set their own minimum ages for walks and boats, while aircraft, sandy banks, rough tracks and raised lodge structures create different barriers. Request exact vehicle steps, paths, bathroom arrangements and assistance procedures before booking. Can You Combine North and South? Yes, but only when time and budget justify the flight. A sensible combination gives each circuit at least three or four nights and uses an air connection rather than attempting a huge road loop. With fewer than ten safari nights, choosing one circuit usually produces a deeper trip. ADVERTISEMENT TRENDING NOW How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online . Tax and Revenue Niger TV Shows Soldiers Detained After Niamey Mutiny . Justice & Crime KAA Warns of Flight Delays at Kenyan Airports . Transport and Airlines POPULAR TODAY Travel Guide Stone Town Travel Guide: History, Food and a Walking Route . Travel Guide Mafia Island Travel Guide: Diving, Whale Sharks and When to Go . African Culture Nyerere vs Ruaha: Choosing a Southern Tanzania Safari . African Culture Tanzania Visa and Entry Requirements: What Travellers Need . Travel Tips Getting Around Tanzania: Flights, Trains, Buses and Ferries . Do not combine them merely to increase the number of park names. The strongest two-circuit itinerary pairs contrasting experiences for example, Serengeti plains followed by Rufiji boat safaris not two rushed sequences of similar game drives. Final Verdict: Which Tanzania Safari Circuit Is Better? For a first Tanzania safari, choose the northern circuit. Its road logic, landmark parks and wider range of itinerary styles make it the safer all-round decision. Accept that famous sightings can attract more vehicles and allow enough time for the long Serengeti sector. Choose the southern circuit when remoteness is part of the purpose. Nyerere and Ruaha demand more logistical commitment, but return it through space, specialised guiding and activities beyond the vehicle. The south is not “better because it is empty,” and the north is not “better because it is famous.” The right circuit is the one whose transport, pace and wildlife style match the traveller. Before departure, recheck park conditions, flight schedules and a current official advisory such as the UK FCDO Tanzania guidance . As of 9 August 2026, its geographically specific warning concerns areas near Tanzania's border with Cabo Delgado Province in Mozambique, not the entire country; travellers should still read the full advice and obtain suitable insurance. Frequently Asked Questions Is southern Tanzania cheaper than the Serengeti? Not usually at the same comfort level. Southern trips commonly rely on bush flights and remote camps, while northern trips provide more road-based and shared options. Compare what the quotation includes rather than assuming a less visited park is cheaper. Which circuit is better for the Big Five? The north is the more practical choice for travellers whose priority is the traditional Big Five list, particularly because Ngorongoro and the Serengeti can be combined. Sightings, including black rhinoceros and leopard, are never guaranteed. Where are African wild dogs easier to look for? Nyerere is one of Tanzania's important wild-dog landscapes, making the southern circuit the stronger choice for travellers interested in the species. They range widely and can be difficult to locate, so no itinerary should promise a sighting. How many days do you need for each circuit? Allow about five to eight safari nights for a rounded northern route. For the south, three or four nights can work in one park, while six to eight nights allow a more satisfying Nyerere–Ruaha combination by air. Is the southern circuit completely uncrowded? No. Popular camps, airstrips and productive wildlife areas can still bring vehicles together. The circuit generally has lower vehicle density than the northern landmarks, but “private wilderness” should not be treated as a guarantee. Can either circuit be combined with Zanzibar? Yes. Northern travellers can fly from Serengeti or Arusha, while southern schedules may connect Nyerere or Ruaha with Zanzibar. Confirm seasonal routes and baggage rules directly with the airline. ADVERTISEMENT RELATED ARTICLE Travel Guide Stone Town Travel Guide: History, Food and a Walking Route Stone Town occupies the western side of Unguja, the main island in the Zanzibar archipelago . Travel Guide Mafia Island Travel Guide: Diving, Whale Sharks and When to Go Plan Mafia Island by coast and season, with diving, whale sharks, transport, fees and places to stay. . African Culture Nyerere vs Ruaha: Choosing a Southern Tanzania Safari Compare wildlife, activities, access and costs before choosing Tanzania’s southern safari park. . African Culture Tanzania Visa and Entry Requirements: What Travellers Need Check visa eligibility, passport rules, health documents and Zanzibar insurance before travel. . Tags Visit Tanzania Visit Tanzania Tanzania Tanzania Visiting Tanzania Visiting Tanzania

The withdrawal of U.N. peacekeepers from Congo's North Kivu is unlikely while Rwandan troops remain in the region, according to Congolese Foreign Minister Therese Kayikwamba Wagner. The province has been engulfed in a two-year insurgency by the Rwanda-backed M23 militia, displacing over a million people. A recent U.N. report indicates that 3,000-4,000 Rwandan troops are fighting the Congolese army and controlling M23 operations, an allegation Rwanda denies. Congo's government recently stated that conditions for the U.N. mission's departure have not been met. Wagner emphasized the need for an orderly withdrawal when circumstances improve, citing Rwanda's aggression as a significant barrier. Bintou Keita, head of the U.N. mission MONUSCO, confirmed there is no set timeline for the pull-out. MONUSCO's withdrawal, which began with South Kivu's peacekeepers in June, will significantly impact security operations in eastern Congo. Wagner noted growing international awareness of Rwanda's involvement in the conflict and hopes for targeted sanctions against Rwanda's decision-makers. The fighting in North Kivu has displaced over 1.7 million people, contributing to a record 7.2 million Congolese displaced by various conflicts, according to U.N. estimates. By Author Name Author Name Home Comment Jul 14, 2024 May 15, 2026 1 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: The withdrawal of U.N. peacekeepers from Congo's North Kivu is unlikely while Rwandan troops remain in the region, according to Congolese Foreign Minister Therese Kayikwamba Wagner. The province has been engulfed in a two-year insurgency by the Rwanda-backed M23 militia, displacing over a million people. A recent U.N. report indicates that 3,000-4,000 Rwandan troops are fighting the Congolese army and controlling M23 operations, an allegation Rwanda denies. ADVERTISEMENT Congo's government recently stated that conditions for the U.N. mission's departure have not been met. Wagner emphasized the need for an orderly withdrawal when circumstances improve, citing Rwanda's aggression as a significant barrier. Bintou Keita, head of the U.N. mission MONUSCO, confirmed there is no set timeline for the pull-out. MONUSCO's withdrawal, which began with South Kivu's peacekeepers in June, will significantly impact security operations in eastern Congo. ADVERTISEMENT Wagner noted growing international awareness of Rwanda's involvement in the conflict and hopes for targeted sanctions against Rwanda's decision-makers. The fighting in North Kivu has displaced over 1.7 million people, contributing to a record 7.2 million Congolese displaced by various conflicts, according to U.N. estimates. ADVERTISEMENT TRENDING NOW How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online . Tax and Revenue Niger TV Shows Soldiers Detained After Niamey Mutiny . Justice & Crime KAA Warns of Flight Delays at Kenyan Airports . Transport and Airlines POPULAR TODAY ADVERTISEMENT RELATED ARTICLE Tags

Félix Tshisekedi will attend DR Congo's World Cup opener against Portugal as the Leopards return after 52 years President Félix Tshisekedi is expected to travel to Houston, Texas, to support the Democratic Republic of Congo during its opening match of the 2026 FIFA World Cup against Portugal on June 17, according to Sports Minister Didier Budimbu. The visit underscores growing national support for the Leopards as they prepare for their first World Cup appearance in more than five decades as cited by local media . Budimbu announced the president's planned attendance during an exchange on social media platform X, stating that Tshisekedi would travel with an official delegation. The minister said members of the delegation underwent health screening in Kinshasa before departure amid heightened international vigilance linked to the Ebola outbreak affecting eastern DR Congo. The government's support comes as excitement builds around the Leopards' return to football's biggest stage. DR Congo qualified for the World Cup for the first time since the 1974 tournament, when the country, then known as Zaire, made its only previous appearance. Reuters reported that supporters in Houston have created a vibrant atmosphere around the team, with fans expressing confidence that the Leopards can compete strongly against Portugal, Colombia, and Uzbekistan in Group K. Budimbu also announced plans to strengthen support from the Congolese diaspora. According to the minister, 1,150 tickets will be made available to Congolese supporters for each of DR Congo's World Cup matches. The initiative aims to ensure a visible Congolese presence in stadiums throughout the tournament. However, the minister acknowledged that travel restrictions remain a challenge. Speaking during a discussion hosted by ACTUALITE.CD , he said supporters, entertainers, and some organizers have faced difficulties obtaining U.S. and Canadian visas, with Ebola-related concerns complicating approval processes. Despite those obstacles, optimism remains high around the national team. The Leopards have been welcomed by Houston's sizable Congolese community and arrive at the tournament carrying the hopes of a nation eager to make history after a 52-year absence from the World Cup. The match against Portugal will be one of the most anticipated fixtures of the group stage, with global attention focused on whether DR Congo can begin its long-awaited World Cup return with a strong performance against one of Europe's football powers. Continue Reading Full Article FIFA WORLD CUP QUALIFIER DR Congo Plans World Cup Push as Tshisekedi Heads to Houston By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Jun 15, 2026 Jun 15, 2026 3 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: President Félix Tshisekedi is expected to travel to Houston, Texas, to support the Democratic Republic of Congo during its opening match of the 2026 FIFA World Cup against Portugal on June 17, according to Sports Minister Didier Budimbu. The visit underscores growing national support for the Leopards as they prepare for their first World Cup appearance in more than five decades as cited by local media . Budimbu announced the president's planned attendance during an exchange on social media platform X, stating that Tshisekedi would travel with an official delegation. The minister said members of the delegation underwent health screening in Kinshasa before departure amid heightened international vigilance linked to the Ebola outbreak affecting eastern DR Congo. ADVERTISEMENT The government's support comes as excitement builds around the Leopards' return to football's biggest stage. DR Congo qualified for the World Cup for the first time since the 1974 tournament, when the country, then known as Zaire, made its only previous appearance. Reuters reported that supporters in Houston have created a vibrant atmosphere around the team, with fans expressing confidence that the Leopards can compete strongly against Portugal, Colombia, and Uzbekistan in Group K. ADVERTISEMENT Budimbu also announced plans to strengthen support from the Congolese diaspora. According to the minister, 1,150 tickets will be made available to Congolese supporters for each of DR Congo's World Cup matches. The initiative aims to ensure a visible Congolese presence in stadiums throughout the tournament. However, the minister acknowledged that travel restrictions remain a challenge. Speaking during a discussion hosted by ACTUALITE.CD , he said supporters, entertainers, and some organizers have faced difficulties obtaining U.S. and Canadian visas, with Ebola-related concerns complicating approval processes. Despite those obstacles, optimism remains high around the national team. The Leopards have been welcomed by Houston's sizable Congolese community and arrive at the tournament carrying the hopes of a nation eager to make history after a 52-year absence from the World Cup. ADVERTISEMENT TRENDING NOW How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online . Tax and Revenue Niger TV Shows Soldiers Detained After Niamey Mutiny . Justice & Crime KAA Warns of Flight Delays at Kenyan Airports . Transport and Airlines POPULAR TODAY Justice & Crime Niger TV Shows Soldiers Detained After Niamey Mutiny . Transport and Airlines KAA Warns of Flight Delays at Kenyan Airports . Sports Trends Gobena Sets Sydney Record as Jepchirchir Wins Women’s Race . International Justice FBI Sends Tinubu Records to US Judge for Private Review . Justice & Crime Three More Arrested in Dr Victoria Mutiso Murder Probe . The match against Portugal will be one of the most anticipated fixtures of the group stage, with global attention focused on whether DR Congo can begin its long-awaited World Cup return with a strong performance against one of Europe's football powers. ADVERTISEMENT RELATED ARTICLE Justice & Crime Niger TV Shows Soldiers Detained After Niamey Mutiny RTN footage and new reporting add arrests and Russian support to the official Base 101 account. . Transport and Airlines KAA Warns of Flight Delays at Kenyan Airports Passengers should confirm departing flights with airlines as KAA manages disruptions . Sports Trends Gobena Sets Sydney Record as Jepchirchir Wins Women’s Race Ethiopia’s Addisu Gobena broke the course record as Kenya’s Peres Jepchirchir claimed her fourth major . International Justice FBI Sends Tinubu Records to US Judge for Private Review The sealed FOIA filing is not public and makes no new finding against Nigeria’s president. . Tags Breaking News Breaking News Africa Africa DR.Congo DR.Congo FIFA World Cup FIFA World Cup Sports Sports DR Congo Rising DR Congo Rising DR Congo News DR Congo News