Ibrahim Mbaye’s biography: age, parents, PSG rise, Senegal choice, World Cup record and permanent Aston Villa transfer. Ibrahim Mbaye is an 18-year-old Senegal international whose rise has already carried him from neighbourhood football around Paris to the Premier League. Aston Villa signed the right-footed forward from Paris Saint-Germain on a permanent transfer on 1 September 2026. He arrived with 42 PSG first-team appearances, eight club trophies and two age records on major African and global stages. Born in Trappes, France, to a Senegalese father and Moroccan mother, Mbaye represented France throughout the youth levels before choosing Senegal in 2025. Within months, he had become Senegal’s youngest Africa Cup of Nations scorer. At the 2026 World Cup, his goal against France made him the youngest African to score in the men’s tournament. Who is Ibrahim Mbaye? Ibrahim Mbaye is a Senegal international forward born in Trappes, France, on 24 January 2008. A PSG academy graduate, he became the club’s youngest Ligue 1 debutant, scored for Senegal at AFCON and the World Cup, and joined Aston Villa permanently in September 2026. Aston Villa Move Opens Mbaye’s Premier League Chapter Aston Villa’s signing of Mbaye ended an eight-year association with Paris Saint-Germain and moved one of Senegal’s youngest internationals into English football. Villa announced the transfer on 1 September 2026, while PSG’s official farewell confirmed a permanent deal and reviewed his journey from its academy to the senior team. The clubs did not publish a transfer fee, contract length or buy-back clause. Sky Sports reported a £47 million valuation , but described that figure as its own information rather than a term disclosed by either club. The distinction matters: Mbaye’s move is official, while the detailed finances remain reported rather than club-confirmed. For Villa, the transfer is an investment in a forward who has already experienced Ligue 1, the UEFA Champions League, the Club World Cup, AFCON and the World Cup. For Mbaye, it offers a path away from the intense competition for attacking places in Paris and into a league where his development will be measured through regular senior football. The move also makes this biography different from XTRAfrica’s deadline-day report on Mbaye’s Aston Villa transfer . The transfer explains why his name returned to the headlines; his longer story begins in Trappes and runs through three national identities, PSG’s academy and a sequence of records achieved before his 19th birthday. Early Life in Trappes and First Football Steps Ibrahim Mbaye was born on 24 January 2008 in Trappes, in the Yvelines department west of Paris. The French Football Federation’s official profile records the same date and birthplace, lists him at 1.85 metres and identifies him as a right-footed attacker. PSG’s archived player biography independently records the same birth details and academy path. Continue Reading Full Article BIOGRAPHY Ibrahim Mbaye Biography: Age, Career and Aston Villa Move By Witty Pascal Entertainment Editor Witty Pascal Home Comment Sep 2, 2026 Sep 2, 2026 16 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Ibrahim Mbaye is an 18-year-old Senegal international whose rise has already carried him from neighbourhood football around Paris to the Premier League. Aston Villa signed the right-footed forward from Paris Saint-Germain on a permanent transfer on 1 September 2026. He arrived with 42 PSG first-team appearances, eight club trophies and two age records on major African and global stages. Born in Trappes, France, to a Senegalese father and Moroccan mother, Mbaye represented France throughout the youth levels before choosing Senegal in 2025. Within months, he had become Senegal’s youngest Africa Cup of Nations scorer. At the 2026 World Cup, his goal against France made him the youngest African to score in the men’s tournament. Who is Ibrahim Mbaye? Ibrahim Mbaye is a Senegal international forward born in Trappes, France, on 24 January 2008. A PSG academy graduate, he became the club’s youngest Ligue 1 debutant, scored for Senegal at AFCON and the World Cup, and joined Aston Villa permanently in September 2026. Aston Villa Move Opens Mbaye’s Premier League Chapter Aston Villa’s signing of Mbaye ended an eight-year association with Paris Saint-Germain and moved one of Senegal’s youngest internationals into English football. Villa announced the transfer on 1 September 2026, while PSG’s official farewell confirmed a permanent deal and reviewed his journey from its academy to the senior team. The clubs did not publish a transfer fee, contract length or buy-back clause. Sky Sports reported a £47 million valuation , but described that figure as its own information rather than a term disclosed by either club. The distinction matters: Mbaye’s move is official, while the detailed finances remain reported rather than club-confirmed. For Villa, the transfer is an investment in a forward who has already experienced Ligue 1, the UEFA Champions League, the Club World Cup, AFCON and the World Cup. For Mbaye, it offers a path away from the intense competition for attacking places in Paris and into a league where his development will be measured through regular senior football. The move also makes this biography different from XTRAfrica’s deadline-day report on Mbaye’s Aston Villa transfer . The transfer explains why his name returned to the headlines; his longer story begins in Trappes and runs through three national identities, PSG’s academy and a sequence of records achieved before his 19th birthday. Early Life in Trappes and First Football Steps Ibrahim Mbaye was born on 24 January 2008 in Trappes, in the Yvelines department west of Paris. The French Football Federation’s official profile records the same date and birthplace, lists him at 1.85 metres and identifies him as a right-footed attacker. PSG’s archived player biography independently records the same birth details and academy path. His football education began early. PSG says Mbaye first played organized football at five with ES Guyancourt. The FFF’s registration history places him there from November 2013 to June 2015. He then spent three seasons with FC Versailles, a club in the same wider Paris region, before PSG recruited him in 2018 at the age of ten. That sequence is important because Mbaye did not appear fully formed at France’s richest club. His foundation was built through local football: first learning the game at Guyancourt, then developing at Versailles, and finally entering an elite academy where each age group narrowed the distance between youth promise and professional demands. Trappes has produced athletes and artists from families with roots across Africa and the wider diaspora. Mbaye’s own background connects France, Senegal and Morocco. CAF reported that his father is Senegalese, while his mother is Moroccan. His parents have generally remained outside the public spotlight, although both spoke about their pride around the 2025 AFCON final. Their names and private lives are not necessary to understand the sporting path they helped him navigate. Eight Years in the Paris Saint-Germain System Mbaye joined PSG in July 2018 and spent the next six years moving through its youth teams before his senior breakthrough. The academy’s challenge was not simply to sharpen his speed or technique. A young forward at PSG must learn how to operate in teams expected to dominate the ball, break down compact defences and compete with highly recruited prospects from France and abroad. His development included the 2023–24 French national under-19 championship. By 2024 he had won the Titi d’Or, an award associated with PSG’s leading academy prospect. The recognition placed him in a line of home-grown players celebrated before they became established first-team names. Youth awards can be misleading when they are treated as guarantees. Mbaye’s more meaningful progress came through senior trust. Luis Enrique brought him into the first-team environment during the summer of 2024, and the teenager’s versatility gave the coach options across the attack. Mbaye could start wide, run behind a full-back, receive between the lines or enter from the bench against a tiring defence. His PSG career never became a simple story of immediate stardom. He moved between youth football, first-team training and selected senior appearances. That gradual route supplied high-level experience without requiring him to carry an elite club’s attack while still in his mid-teens. PSG’s Youngest Ligue 1 Debutant Mbaye made his senior league debut away to Le Havre on 16 August 2024. He was 16 years, six months and 23 days old. PSG’s records identify him as the youngest player to start a Ligue 1 match for the club, a distinction he still held when he left for Aston Villa. ADVERTISEMENT The milestone attracted attention because of the age, but the assignment itself was more revealing. Starting a league match for PSG meant being trusted to function in a senior tactical structure alongside experienced internationals. It was evidence that Mbaye’s development had advanced beyond academy reputation. He remained involved around the first team and signed his first professional contract in 2025. On 29 March that year, he scored his first senior PSG goal in a 6–1 victory over Saint-Étienne. The club says the strike made him its third-youngest goalscorer. Mbaye added a second professional goal against Rennes on 6 December 2025. The official Ligue 1 match report describes a right-footed effort curled into the far top corner from outside the penalty area. PSG’s own statistical review called it the second professional goal of his career, resolving any confusion between the Saint-Étienne breakthrough and his first Ligue 1 goal of the following season. Those moments displayed two useful qualities: the confidence to attack space and the composure to finish. They did not yet make him a high-volume scorer, but they showed that his threat could survive the step from youth football to senior opposition. Champions League Experience and Eight PSG Trophies Mbaye’s first two senior seasons coincided with one of PSG’s most successful periods. He was selected for the 2025 FIFA Club World Cup in the United States and was part of the squad that reached the final. During the 2025–26 season, he made his UEFA Champions League debut in a 4–0 win over Atalanta. On 1 October 2025, Luis Enrique started him on the right wing against Barcelona. PSG won 2–1 in Catalonia. For a 17-year-old, that match offered a demanding education: playing away against elite European opposition, following a structured pressing plan and making decisions under pressure rather than only relying on pace. PSG credits Mbaye with 42 first-team appearances and eight team trophies before his departure. The club lists two Champions League titles, two UEFA Super Cups, two Ligue 1 championships, one Coupe de France and one FIFA Intercontinental Cup. Those honours need to be read correctly. Mbaye was a member of winning squads and gained access to the highest levels of club football, but he was still an emerging player rather than the central figure in every campaign. His value at this stage lies in the combination of achievement and remaining potential: he has trained and competed inside a championship environment without yet reaching the natural ceiling of his role or output. The FFF record also shows the breadth of his youth career. Across France’s under-16, under-17, under-18, under-19 and under-20 teams, it records 31 appearances and nine goals. He had therefore accumulated both club and international development experience before making a final senior choice. Why Ibrahim Mbaye Chose Senegal Mbaye’s international decision was shaped by birth, upbringing and family heritage. He was born and developed in France, played through the French youth system and remained eligible through his family background for Senegal and Morocco. In November 2025, he committed his senior future to Senegal, the country of his father. The FFF records his Senegal switch on 15 November 2025, when he featured against Brazil. CAF later described the decision as a choice of heart. Senegal coach Pape Thiaw said Mbaye had long wanted to represent the Lions of Teranga, while the player spoke about the significance of joining established figures such as Sadio Mané, Kalidou Koulibaly and Idrissa Gana Gueye. His choice should not be framed as a rejection of the French system that developed him. France provided his birthplace, club pathway and youth international education. Senegal offered the senior national connection he chose to make permanent. Morocco remains part of his maternal heritage, even though he did not select the Atlas Lions. That layered identity is common across African football. Players raised in European academies may hold genuine ties to more than one country. Mbaye’s decision became especially visible because he moved quickly from youth international football into decisive moments for Senegal. AFCON Breakthrough at 17 Mbaye entered the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations as one of the youngest players in Senegal’s squad. He was not initially asked to control entire matches. Pape Thiaw used him as a change-of-pace option, and the teenager repeatedly influenced games through direct running. Against the Democratic Republic of Congo, he created the move that allowed Sadio Mané to equalise. Against Benin, he won a penalty. Then, in the round of 16 against Sudan, Mbaye scored Senegal’s third goal in a 3–1 victory. ADVERTISEMENT Trending Now Ibrahim Mbaye Joins Aston Villa From PSG . Sports Trends Birame Diop Biography: Senegal General Leading ECOWAS . Biography Who Was Babacar Mbaye Ndaak? Life, Career and Death . Biography African Teams Seek Redemption in Key Second World Cup Matches . Sports Trends Popular Today Biography Ibrahim Mbaye Biography: Age, Career and Aston Villa Move . Sports Trends Ibrahim Mbaye Joins Aston Villa From PSG . Biography Birame Diop Biography: Senegal General Leading ECOWAS . Biography Who Was Babacar Mbaye Ndaak? Life, Career and Death . Sports Trends African Teams Seek Redemption in Key Second World Cup Matches . The Confederation of African Football’s tournament profile records that he was 17 years and 344 days old. The goal made him Senegal’s youngest AFCON scorer and the youngest scorer in the competition during the 21st century. The finish captured the qualities teammates and opponents had begun to identify. Mbaye accelerated into open space, separated from the defence and completed the move calmly. DRC coach Sébastien Desabre highlighted his speed and technique, while Senegal players praised the fearlessness with which he entered high-pressure matches. Senegal beat Morocco 1–0 after extra time in the final on 18 January 2026, with Mbaye entering as a substitute. However, the title’s official status later changed. On 17 March, the CAF Appeal Board declared Senegal to have forfeited the final and recorded a 3–0 result for Morocco because of Senegal’s temporary walk-off during the match. Senegal appealed, and XTRAfrica has separately covered the case taken to the Court of Arbitration for Sport . As of 2 September 2026, the CAF ruling remains the operative decision while the appeal is pending. That later dispute does not erase Mbaye’s individual tournament record. His goal against Sudan, his age and his influence during the competition remain established achievements. Youngest African Goalscorer at the World Cup Seven months after his senior Senegal debut, Mbaye reached the men’s World Cup. He began Senegal’s opening match against France on the bench at MetLife Stadium in New Jersey on 16 June 2026 and entered for Ismaïla Sarr with approximately 15 minutes remaining. France led 2–0 when Mbaye attacked from the right in stoppage time and drove a powerful finish beyond goalkeeper Mike Maignan. Kylian Mbappé scored again almost immediately, giving France a 3–1 victory, but Mbaye’s goal created a record independent of the result. According to PSG’s official match account , he was 18 years and 142 days old and became the youngest African player to score at a men’s World Cup. The moment also made him Senegal’s youngest scorer in the tournament. FIFA’s tournament profile later examined how the teenager’s directness strengthened his case for a larger Senegal role during the competition. The goal was significant for more than its age statistic. Mbaye had represented France at five youth levels, then scored against France on his World Cup debut for Senegal. The sequence condensed his international story into one match: French development, Senegalese commitment and the confidence to attack familiar opponents on football’s largest stage. The remainder of Senegal’s tournament was less celebratory, but the goal established Mbaye as more than an academy prospect. He had now produced decisive actions at both AFCON and the World Cup before turning 19. How Ibrahim Mbaye Plays Mbaye is primarily a forward who can operate on either wing. He is right-footed, stands about 1.85 metres tall and is most dangerous when he can face the defence and accelerate. His game is based on quick changes of pace, direct carries and runs into space behind the back line. CAF’s analysis of his AFCON performances emphasized speed, technique and the ability to change a match from the bench. His goal against Sudan came from a vertical run into open space. His World Cup goal against France showed a similar willingness to attack the penalty area and shoot decisively. He can also contribute without scoring. His assist for Mané against DR Congo and the penalty he won against Benin showed that his directness can create outcomes for teammates. Wide forwards are often judged only by goals, but Mbaye’s early senior value has included stretching defences, carrying the ball forward and introducing a different tempo. There are still clear development areas. He must turn explosive moments into consistent production across a full season. Premier League defenders will test his first touch under contact, off-ball positioning and choices near the penalty area. He will also need to meet the defensive demands of a coach who expects his wide players to work within an organised structure. That is normal for an 18-year-old. Villa have not signed a finished attacker; they have signed a player whose major-tournament experience is far ahead of most footballers his age. What Aston Villa Have Signed Mbaye arrives at Villa as both a senior international and a development project. His PSG background means he understands possession-heavy football, positional responsibilities and competition inside a high-level squad. His Senegal experience shows he can enter tense matches and play alongside older leaders without appearing overwhelmed. The Premier League presents a different weekly test. Space closes quickly, full-backs combine speed with strength, and opponents will study how he receives the ball. Success will depend on more than highlight moments. He must stay available, absorb tactical instruction and build reliable combinations with Villa’s midfielders and overlapping defenders. ADVERTISEMENT The opportunity is substantial. Consistent minutes could turn his flashes of elite pace into a repeatable attacking weapon. A move to England may also broaden how Senegal use him. If he develops as both a starter and an impact substitute, the national team will gain a forward capable of changing games in multiple roles. Villa have also bought time. Mbaye turned 18 in January 2026 and remains in the earliest stage of his senior career. His record already includes landmark achievements, but his next challenge is more ordinary and more difficult: producing week after week when the novelty of being the youngest has passed. Ibrahim Mbaye’s Parents, Relationship and Children Mbaye was born to a Senegalese father and Moroccan mother. Public reporting around the AFCON final identified the two national backgrounds and carried comments from his parents, but the footballer has kept most family details private. This biography does not publish unverified names, occupations or private allegations involving relatives. At 18, Mbaye’s public profile is centred on football. Reports about a past personal relationship have circulated, but they do not establish a current partner, marriage or family status. His private life should not be filled with assumptions simply because his sporting profile has expanded quickly. Ibrahim Mbaye Career Timeline Frequently Asked Questions Who is Ibrahim Mbaye? Ibrahim Mbaye is a professional footballer who plays as a forward for Aston Villa and the Senegal national team. He developed at Paris Saint-Germain and transferred permanently to Villa in September 2026. How old is Ibrahim Mbaye? Mbaye was born on 24 January 2008. He is 18 years old as of 2 September 2026. Where was Ibrahim Mbaye born? He was born in Trappes, Yvelines, France. He began playing football with ES Guyancourt before joining FC Versailles and then PSG. Is Ibrahim Mbaye Senegalese, French or Moroccan? Mbaye was born in France, has a Senegalese father and a Moroccan mother, and represents Senegal in senior international football. He previously played for France from under-16 through under-20 level. Which position does Ibrahim Mbaye play? He is a forward who can play on either wing. He is right-footed and is known for pace, direct running and attacking defenders in space. When did Ibrahim Mbaye join Aston Villa? Aston Villa and PSG confirmed his permanent transfer on 1 September 2026. The clubs did not publish the fee or contract length. What record did Ibrahim Mbaye set for PSG? At 16 years, six months and 23 days, he became PSG’s youngest player to start a Ligue 1 match when he faced Le Havre on 16 August 2024. What is Ibrahim Mbaye’s World Cup record? Mbaye scored against France on 16 June 2026 at 18 years and 142 days old, becoming the youngest African goalscorer in the history of the men’s World Cup. Did Ibrahim Mbaye win AFCON with Senegal? Senegal won the 2025 AFCON final on the field, but CAF’s Appeal Board later recorded a 3–0 forfeiture in Morocco’s favour. Senegal has appealed the decision. Mbaye’s individual record as Senegal’s youngest AFCON scorer remains unaffected. Is Ibrahim Mbaye married or does he have children? His marital status, current partner status and whether he has children are not publicly confirmed as of September 2026. Credible football profiles focus on his career rather than making private-life claims. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Sports Trends Ibrahim Mbaye Joins Aston Villa From PSG The Senegal winger moves to the Premier League after eight years in Paris. . Biography Birame Diop Biography: Senegal General Leading ECOWAS The Senegalese pilot and general rose through the armed forces, the UN and regional diplomacy. . Biography Who Was Babacar Mbaye Ndaak? Life, Career and Death The Senegalese storyteller devoted his life to protecting and teaching Africa’s oral heritage. . Sports Trends African Teams Seek Redemption in Key Second World Cup Matches Senegal, Algeria, Tunisia and South Africa seek responses as others build momentum . 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21 years after the Gatumba Massacre, justice is still denied. Investigate how Rwanda exploits Banyamulenge's suffering to justify M23 and block accountability. Remembering the Gatumba Massacre 21 years on On the night of 13 August 2004 , armed fighters, many of them members of the Burundian National Liberation Front (FNL) , surrounded the Gatumba refugee camp on the Burundi-DRC border. By dawn, at least 152 Congolese Banyamulenge were dead and more than 106 were wounded . Banyamulenge is the local name for Congolese Tutsi families who have lived in South Kivu for generations. The attack occurred inside Burundi, just a few hundred metres from army and United Nations positions, yet soldiers did not intervene. Witnesses say the assailants poured gasoline on plastic shelters and shot people who tried to escape, sparing refugees from other ethnic groups. Twenty‑one years later, survivors and their families gathered in Kinshasa, Bukavu, and other cities to mark the massacre’s anniversary. Alexis Gisaro Muvuni , Congo’s Minister of Urban Planning and a member of the Banyamulenge community, told the crowd that their suffering should never be exploited by foreign powers . “As long as the truth is suppressed, as long as justice is not done, cycles of violence will return,” he said, pointedly mentioning Rwanda. “Our community needs peace; it refuses to allow the suffering it has endured to be instrumentalised or exploited by foreign powers such as Rwanda, or by politicians who justify war in the east of our country.” Government spokesman Patrick Muyaya echoed the sentiment. “Every life lost in Gatumba or today as a result of Rwandan aggression constitutes a wound for the nation,” he told mourners. “From Gatumba to Kishishe , from Binza to countless martyred villages, it is the same blood of Congolese that flows.” Muyaya reaffirmed President Félix Tshisekedi’s commitment to protect all citizens and praised the Banyamulenge community for rejecting armed groups who claim to fight on their behalf. Justice denied – Who protected the killers? The search for justice began almost immediately after the massacre. Human Rights Watch reported in September 2004 that the FNL spokesman Pasteur Habimana publicly claimed responsibility for the attack; arrest warrants were issued for Habimana and FNL leader Agathon Rwasa , but neither was apprehended. Rwanda and Burundi each promised inquiries, and the UN Security Council called for an investigation, but no credible prosecutions followed. Burundian law allowed local courts to try genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes committed on its territory, yet “there have been several apparent war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Burundi since the promulgation of the May 8 statute, but no prosecutions under this law”. This impunity has persisted for two decades. A 2019 Human Rights Watch review noted that the criminal case opened in 2013 stalled the following year. Survivors still await justice and compensation. One of the FNL leaders, Rwasa , remains a prominent opposition politician; he argues that a 2006 ceasefire agreement grants him provisional immunity. The agreement does exclude crimes against humanity, but Burundian authorities have not tested the provision in court. Survivors feel abandoned by national and international jurisdictions. At the 21st commemoration in August 2025, Jules Rutebuka of the Coordination des Mutualités Banyamulenge told Rwandan outlet IGIHE that repeated legal complaints have been ignored. “We filed cases in Burundi against those who admitted responsibility, including Agathon Rwasa and Pasteur Habimana, but they still walk free. The survivors’ organisation Gatumba Refugees Survivors Foundation (GRSF) submitted files to courts in Burundi, Rwanda, and the International Criminal Court (ICC) , but according to lawyer Innocent Nteziryayo , “no court has acted . ” Many Banyamulenge believe political interests in Bujumbura and Kigali have shielded the perpetrators. Exploiting suffering – Kigali’s Banyamulenge card Continue Reading Full Article INVESTIGATIVE Gatumba to Kishishe: Muyaya Warns Rwanda Exploits Pain By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Aug 17, 2025 May 15, 2026 11 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Remembering the Gatumba Massacre 21 years on On the night of 13 August 2004 , armed fighters, many of them members of the Burundian National Liberation Front (FNL) , surrounded the Gatumba refugee camp on the Burundi-DRC border. By dawn, at least 152 Congolese Banyamulenge were dead and more than 106 were wounded . Banyamulenge is the local name for Congolese Tutsi families who have lived in South Kivu for generations. The attack occurred inside Burundi, just a few hundred metres from army and United Nations positions, yet soldiers did not intervene. Witnesses say the assailants poured gasoline on plastic shelters and shot people who tried to escape, sparing refugees from other ethnic groups. Twenty‑one years later, survivors and their families gathered in Kinshasa, Bukavu, and other cities to mark the massacre’s anniversary. Alexis Gisaro Muvuni , Congo’s Minister of Urban Planning and a member of the Banyamulenge community, told the crowd that their suffering should never be exploited by foreign powers . “As long as the truth is suppressed, as long as justice is not done, cycles of violence will return,” he said, pointedly mentioning Rwanda. “Our community needs peace; it refuses to allow the suffering it has endured to be instrumentalised or exploited by foreign powers such as Rwanda, or by politicians who justify war in the east of our country.” Government spokesman Patrick Muyaya echoed the sentiment. “Every life lost in Gatumba or today as a result of Rwandan aggression constitutes a wound for the nation,” he told mourners. “From Gatumba to Kishishe , from Binza to countless martyred villages, it is the same blood of Congolese that flows.” Muyaya reaffirmed President Félix Tshisekedi’s commitment to protect all citizens and praised the Banyamulenge community for rejecting armed groups who claim to fight on their behalf. Justice denied – Who protected the killers? The search for justice began almost immediately after the massacre. Human Rights Watch reported in September 2004 that the FNL spokesman Pasteur Habimana publicly claimed responsibility for the attack; arrest warrants were issued for Habimana and FNL leader Agathon Rwasa , but neither was apprehended. Rwanda and Burundi each promised inquiries, and the UN Security Council called for an investigation, but no credible prosecutions followed. Burundian law allowed local courts to try genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes committed on its territory, yet “there have been several apparent war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Burundi since the promulgation of the May 8 statute, but no prosecutions under this law”. This impunity has persisted for two decades. A 2019 Human Rights Watch review noted that the criminal case opened in 2013 stalled the following year. Survivors still await justice and compensation. One of the FNL leaders, Rwasa , remains a prominent opposition politician; he argues that a 2006 ceasefire agreement grants him provisional immunity. The agreement does exclude crimes against humanity, but Burundian authorities have not tested the provision in court. Survivors feel abandoned by national and international jurisdictions. At the 21st commemoration in August 2025, Jules Rutebuka of the Coordination des Mutualités Banyamulenge told Rwandan outlet IGIHE that repeated legal complaints have been ignored. “We filed cases in Burundi against those who admitted responsibility, including Agathon Rwasa and Pasteur Habimana, but they still walk free. The survivors’ organisation Gatumba Refugees Survivors Foundation (GRSF) submitted files to courts in Burundi, Rwanda, and the International Criminal Court (ICC) , but according to lawyer Innocent Nteziryayo , “no court has acted . ” Many Banyamulenge believe political interests in Bujumbura and Kigali have shielded the perpetrators. ADVERTISEMENT Exploiting suffering – Kigali’s Banyamulenge card Beyond denial of justice, survivors are confronted with a cynical geopolitical narrative. Ever since the Congo wars of the late 1990s, the Rwandan government has portrayed interventions in eastern DRC as necessary to protect Congolese Tutsi/Banyamulenge from genocide. This argument resurfaced with the emergence of the March 23 Movement (M23) , which seized Goma in 2012 and launched a new offensive in 2022. A January 2025 analysis by the Africa Center for Strategic Studies explains that the M23 was formed by ex‑members of the CNDP rebel group who claimed to defend the Banyamulenge. Rwanda’s campaigns in the DRC “ recruited heavily from the Banyamulenge, tapping grievances around nationality and mobilizing kinship ties ” . These historical ties are why officials like Alexis Gisaro are alarmed when Kigali invokes Banyamulenge suffering to justify its military involvement. In the same Africa Center report, analysts noted that the M23 merged with other armed groups to form the Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC) and broaden its ambitions. The group is now better armed, using surface‑to‑air missiles, combat drones, and heavy artillery , evidence of significant state backing. Rwanda denies supporting the rebels, but UN experts, the United States, and several European governments agree that Kigali provides logistical and military support. Amnesty International’s 2023 report on the Kishishe massacre in North Kivu underscores the human cost of this proxy warfare. On 29 November 2022, M23 fighters, “which the UN says is backed by Rwanda,” attacked the village of Kishishe and its surroundings. Amnesty documented that the rebels systematically targeted men, women, and children , killing at least 20 men and raping at least 66 women and girls ; UN estimates suggest as many as 170 people were killed . An Amnesty investigator wrote that survivors were hunted down in their homes and that the violence was “in retaliation for alleged support for the FDLR and other armed groups opposed to the M23.” This pattern of collective punishment mirrors the rhetoric used by Kigali when it accuses Kinshasa of sheltering the FDLR and of refusing to protect Congolese Tutsi. From Gatumba to Kishishe – cycles of massacres Patrick Muyaya’s remark that “ from Gatumba to Kishishe…it is the same blood of the Congolese that flows” encapsulates how unchecked impunity breeds repetition. After Gatumba, human rights advocates warned that failure to prosecute the FNL would embolden armed groups. Human Rights Watch noted that FNL spokesman Habimana linked the massacre to past killings that went unpunished, illustrating how “absence of criminal prosecutions…provides pretexts for those who wish to carry out killing on the other side.” Nearly two decades later, the M23 used similar justifications. The Africa Center report describes how the rebels have appealed to Banyamulenge communities by invoking self-preservation, while simultaneously pursuing broader political goals. Amnesty International found that the Kishishe massacre involved retaliatory killings and rapes targeting civilians accused of supporting the FDLR. A UN human rights report revised the toll to 171 civilians executed by the M23 in Kishishe and nearby Bambo. The massacre provoked outrage in Congo and drew condemnation from UN, EU, and US officials. Yet, like Gatumba, prosecutions remain elusive. M23 denies responsibility, and Rwanda continues to blame Kinshasa for failing to reintegrate its fighters. Memory versus political appropriation Investigative journalists and scholars have documented how the Gatumba massacre was exploited by competing political narratives. In its 2004 briefing paper, Human Rights Watch observed that the attack came at the intersection of faltering peace processes in Burundi and the DRC and that contenders for power on both sides “ tried to appropriate the massacre for their own political ends”. Rwandan and Burundian politicians quickly cast the killings through ethnic lenses, fuelling fears of a regional conflict and distracting from the victims’ quest for justice. ADVERTISEMENT Trending Now Kindu Nurses’ Strike Disrupts Care and Childhood Vaccination . Healthcare System EAC Preparedness Plan: What Must Be Ready Before Floods . Regional Blocs (AU, SADC, EAC, ECOWAS) DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba Seeks to Reshape the Francophonie . Francophone River Offin Girls’ Rights Decision: What Must Change? . Education Popular Today Francophone DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba Seeks to Reshape the Francophonie . Policy and Reforms DRC Assembly Backs $625m for Schools, Businesses and Health . Economic Policies DRC Creates Deposit Guarantee Fund to Protect Bank Customers . Social Service DRC Moves to Bring More Public Workers Onto the Payroll . Development DRC Plans $440 Million for Rural Water, Electricity and Infrastructure . This pattern continues today. A 2024 essay by the Center on International Cooperation critiques the “war of narratives” between Rwanda and the DRC. The piece describes how Congolese conspiracy theorist Charles Onana spreads the false claim that the Banyamulenge are recent immigrants with no rights in Congo , while Rwandan officials use references to the 1994 genocide to justify interventions and accuse Kinshasa of collaborating with Hutu genocidaires. Both sides overlook historical research showing that Banyamulenge communities have lived in the highlands of South Kivu since the nineteenth century and that multiple Congolese ethnic groups, not just Tutsi-commit abuses in the ongoing conflict. The essay argues that Rwanda’s military intervention in support of M23 is a self‑fulfilling prophecy , exacerbating anti‑Tutsi sentiment and reigniting collaboration between the Congolese army and Hutu rebels. Banyamulenge at a crossroads Despite decades of victimisation, many Banyamulenge are rejecting both victimhood and Kigali’s appropriation of their pain. In Kinshasa, Alexis Gisaro praised his community for saying “no to those who think they can use its protection as a pretext to kill members of another community.” This stance aligns with President Tshisekedi’s broader agenda of national cohesion, even as Rwanda accuses Kinshasa of neglecting its Tutsi citizens. Young Banyamulenge activists are increasingly engaging in civic and political life, promoting social cohesion and dialogue. Their rejection of M23’s narrative undercuts Kigali’s claim to be the sole protector of Congolese Tutsi. International law and accountability Under international law, both the Burundian state and the international community bear responsibility for investigating and prosecuting atrocities like Gatumba and Kishishe. Human Rights Watch’s 2004 report urged Burundi to seek assistance from the International Criminal Court ; the May 8 law allows for ICC jurisdiction. Yet the Burundian government never completed its membership in the ICC, and no state party referred the case under Article 12(3). Fifteen years on, HRW urged Burundian authorities to guarantee judicial independence and deliver justice. The United Nations and the African Union also share blame. UN peacekeepers in Gatumba were informed of the attack only after it ended, and the UN’s subsequent investigations led nowhere. In Kishishe, UN officials condemned the killings and revised the death toll, but they have not facilitated prosecutions. Regional bodies, including the East African Community and the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region , have issued statements but avoided confronting Rwanda for its support of M23. International justice mechanisms could still act. As Amnesty International noted, the ICC opened a preliminary examination into North Kivu in June 2023. Survivors hope Gatumba can be included in a comprehensive case against regional actors. However, the court’s track record in Central Africa is mixed. An ICC warrant for FDLR military commander Sylvestre Mudacumura remains unexecuted, and the court has not pursued charges against Rwandan or Burundian officials. ADVERTISEMENT Toward truth and reconciliation The scars of Gatumba and Kishishe run deep. Survivors mourn loved ones who were burned, shot, or raped; children have grown up with memories of watching family members die. Impunity has allowed perpetrators to regroup under new banners, FNL, CNDP, M23, while regional leaders manipulate narratives of genocide, self‑defence, and sovereignty. The Banyamulenge community and the broader Congolese public refuse to forget. Their annual commemorations keep the names of the victims alive and remind the world that justice delayed is justice denied . For justice to prevail, Burundi must finish its accession to the Rome Statute , cooperate with the ICC, and prosecute the FNL leaders who confessed to the massacre. Rwanda must end its covert support for M23 and stop weaponising the Banyamulenge cause to justify incursions into the DRC. The international community must sanction those who fuel violence and provide resources for impartial investigations. And Congo’s government must ensure that all communities, Banyamulenge, Hutu, Tutsi, Havu, Nande, and others, are protected and represented. As Alexis Gisaro said, acknowledging and healing the wounds of Gatumba is essential to breaking the cycle: “Our community needs peace; it refuses to allow the suffering it has endured to be instrumentalised or exploited.” If justice is finally delivered for Gatumba, it may stem the tide of violence from Uvira to Kishishe. Until then, the blood of innocent Congolese continues to stain the soil of the Great Lakes. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Francophone DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba Seeks to Reshape the Francophonie DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba proposes nine reforms for the Francophonie, challenging Rwanda's Louise . Policy and Reforms DRC Assembly Backs $625m for Schools, Businesses and Health Lawmakers back four financing bills supporting entrepreneurs, primary education, maternal health . Economic Policies DRC Creates Deposit Guarantee Fund to Protect Bank Customers DRC approves FGADEC, a national deposit-guarantee fund designed to protect eligible savings, . Social Service DRC Moves to Bring More Public Workers Onto the Payroll DRC plans to make salary inclusion a 2027 budget priority, aiming to progressively bring eligible . Tags DRC Politics DRC Politics DR.Congo DR.Congo

Nigeria suspended Niger State's NSCDC commandant after dozens of mining suspects died in custody. Investigations and autopsies are under way. MINNA, Nigeria — 18 September 2026: Nigeria's federal government has suspended the Niger State commandant of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps, Suberu Siyaka Aniviye, after dozens of suspected illegal miners died while in the agency's custody in Minna. Interior Minister Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo also ordered a full investigation, while medical examinations and autopsies are expected to establish how the detainees died. The suspension became a major new development on Friday morning after the Interior Ministry's action was reported nationally and internationally. The exact death toll is still being reconciled: Niger State authorities say 37 people died, while Reuters said its journalists filmed 33 bodies at Minna General Hospital. Dozens of suspected illegal miners died after being detained by the NSCDC in Minna. The federal government suspended the state commandant and ordered a full investigation. Authorities have not established the medical cause of death, and autopsies are under way. Commandant suspended as federal investigation begins The federal intervention was reported by TheCable , which said Tunji-Ojo ordered Aniviye's immediate suspension while investigators examine the circumstances surrounding the deaths. The detainees had been arrested during NSCDC operations against suspected illegal mining on 15 and 16 September in the Wushishi-Lukoto area around Minna. A separate Channels Television report said NSCDC Commandant-General Ahmed Abubakar Audi directed the state commandant and senior officers responsible for operations, mining, legal, intelligence and investigation to report to a panel of inquiry. A replacement commandant was also ordered to take charge in Niger State. The suspension is an administrative step while the inquiry proceeds. It does not establish that Aniviye or any other officer caused the deaths. The investigation is expected to examine detention conditions, medical attention, the condition of the suspects when they were arrested and what happened before they were found dead. The incident adds another major public-safety issue in Niger State, where XTRAfrica recently reported on the federal rescue operation after the Borgu mass abduction . The two cases are unrelated, but both have placed federal security agencies under close public scrutiny in the state. Authorities report 37 deaths while Reuters documented 33 bodies Niger State Governor Mohammed Umaru Bago said 37 suspected illegal miners died in NSCDC custody. Channels Television reported that the governor announced a committee of inquiry and said forensic examinations and autopsies would be conducted. Continue Reading Full Article CRIME PREVENTION Nigeria Suspends NSCDC Commandant After Custody Deaths By Kamau Bahati Entertainment Editor Kamau Bahati Home Comment Sep 18, 2026 Sep 18, 2026 5 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: MINNA, Nigeria — 18 September 2026: Nigeria's federal government has suspended the Niger State commandant of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps, Suberu Siyaka Aniviye, after dozens of suspected illegal miners died while in the agency's custody in Minna. Interior Minister Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo also ordered a full investigation, while medical examinations and autopsies are expected to establish how the detainees died. The suspension became a major new development on Friday morning after the Interior Ministry's action was reported nationally and internationally. The exact death toll is still being reconciled: Niger State authorities say 37 people died, while Reuters said its journalists filmed 33 bodies at Minna General Hospital. Dozens of suspected illegal miners died after being detained by the NSCDC in Minna. The federal government suspended the state commandant and ordered a full investigation. Authorities have not established the medical cause of death, and autopsies are under way. Commandant suspended as federal investigation begins The federal intervention was reported by TheCable , which said Tunji-Ojo ordered Aniviye's immediate suspension while investigators examine the circumstances surrounding the deaths. The detainees had been arrested during NSCDC operations against suspected illegal mining on 15 and 16 September in the Wushishi-Lukoto area around Minna. A separate Channels Television report said NSCDC Commandant-General Ahmed Abubakar Audi directed the state commandant and senior officers responsible for operations, mining, legal, intelligence and investigation to report to a panel of inquiry. A replacement commandant was also ordered to take charge in Niger State. The suspension is an administrative step while the inquiry proceeds. It does not establish that Aniviye or any other officer caused the deaths. The investigation is expected to examine detention conditions, medical attention, the condition of the suspects when they were arrested and what happened before they were found dead. ADVERTISEMENT The incident adds another major public-safety issue in Niger State, where XTRAfrica recently reported on the federal rescue operation after the Borgu mass abduction . The two cases are unrelated, but both have placed federal security agencies under close public scrutiny in the state. Authorities report 37 deaths while Reuters documented 33 bodies Niger State Governor Mohammed Umaru Bago said 37 suspected illegal miners died in NSCDC custody. Channels Television reported that the governor announced a committee of inquiry and said forensic examinations and autopsies would be conducted. Associated Press also reported at least 37 deaths, citing state authorities. Reuters, however, said its journalists filmed 33 bodies at Minna General Hospital after the detainees were found dead. Those figures should not be treated as contradictory final counts until authorities complete identification and reconciliation. The confirmed point is that dozens of detainees died after being taken into custody. A final official register of the dead and their families is still being compiled. Nigeria has faced other recent incidents where early casualty figures differed before investigators established a firmer record. XTRAfrica took the same evidence-first approach in its report on the Okrika jetty fume deaths , where police confirmed fatalities but initially did not validate competing public totals. ADVERTISEMENT Trending Now Kindu Nurses’ Strike Disrupts Care and Childhood Vaccination . Healthcare System EAC Preparedness Plan: What Must Be Ready Before Floods . Regional Blocs (AU, SADC, EAC, ECOWAS) DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba Seeks to Reshape the Francophonie . Francophone River Offin Girls’ Rights Decision: What Must Change? . Education Popular Today Sports Trends After the Flamingos’ World Title, What Comes Next for Girls’ Football? . Business Trends Lwazi Bam Named to MTN Nigeria Board From 1 December . | Appointments Dapo Akande Elected ICJ Judge: UK-Nigerian Lawyer's 2026 Win . Biography Dapo Akande Biography: Nigerian-British Lawyer Elected to ICJ . Energy and Power Africa Energy Bank Explained: Funding, Purpose and Projects . Cause of death has not been established The Niger State NSCDC command initially referred to a suspected disease outbreak after detainees were found dead. That explanation has not been medically confirmed. A survivor quoted by AP described an overcrowded and poorly ventilated detention space and suggested suffocation. Governor Bago has also said investigators are considering several possibilities, including overcrowding and exposure to hazardous substances associated with mining. These remain lines of inquiry rather than established causes. The national NSCDC has cautioned against drawing conclusions before medical and laboratory examinations are completed. Premium Times reported that Niger State ordered forensic examinations and autopsies to determine the exact cause. That distinction is central to the case. Disease, suffocation, toxic exposure, neglect or another cause cannot be presented as settled until medical evidence and the official investigations establish what happened. Protests followed the deaths in Minna The deaths triggered anger in Minna. Reuters reported that residents protested overnight, demanding justice, and that some vehicles were damaged. By Friday morning, the city was reported calm, with security forces deployed in parts of the state capital. The protests add pressure for a transparent investigation because the people who died were detainees under state control. They had been arrested on suspicion of illegal mining; none of the available reports establishes that the detainees had been convicted of an offence before their deaths. ADVERTISEMENT Illegal mining is a long-running enforcement and security problem in Nigeria, but detention deaths raise a separate question about the treatment and protection of people in custody. XTRAfrica has also covered the wider strain on public safety through Nigeria's rising kidnapping and ransom burden , where official responses and independent data similarly require careful separation from unverified claims. What happens next The most important next steps are the autopsy findings, a reconciled list of the dead, the NSCDC panel's conclusions and the outcome of investigations by other security agencies. Niger State has said it is identifying the deceased and contacting their families. Investigators will also need to establish how many people were detained, how long they remained in custody, whether they received medical care, how the detention facility was managed and whether any law or professional standard was breached. Until those findings are published, the confirmed position is narrower: dozens of suspected illegal miners died in NSCDC custody in Minna; the Niger State commandant has bebeen suspended pending investigation; and the medical cause of death has not yet been established. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Sports Trends After the Flamingos’ World Title, What Comes Next for Girls’ Football? Nigeria’s breakthrough puts regular competition, education and player welfare in focus. . Business Trends Lwazi Bam Named to MTN Nigeria Board From 1 December MTN Group's chief risk officer joins four other appointees in a November board announcement. . | Appointments Dapo Akande Elected ICJ Judge: UK-Nigerian Lawyer's 2026 Win Oxford professor Dapo Akande wins a nine-year ICJ term as Britain returns to the World Court. . Biography Dapo Akande Biography: Nigerian-British Lawyer Elected to ICJ Dapo Akande’s Nigerian education, Oxford career, international cases and 2026 ICJ election. . Tags Nigeria News Nigeria News Breaking News Breaking News Nigeria Nigeria

Makerere has directed Dr Faisal Buyinza to leave leadership duties during an inquiry. Here is the committee’s mandate, deadline and what remains unresolved. KAMPALA, 8 October 2026 — Makerere University has directed Dr Faisal Buyinza to step aside from leadership and administrative responsibilities while a committee investigates allegations against him, according to Nile Post’s report on a university letter dated 7 October . The inquiry concerns allegations of sexual harassment, abuse of office and domestic violence. The temporary arrangement does not establish that any allegation is true. What has Makerere decided about Dr Faisal Buyinza? Makerere has ordered him to step aside from leadership and administrative duties while a six-member committee examines allegations. Its report is due on 6 November 2026. The university says these are administrative measures, rather than a disciplinary sanction or a finding of guilt. What stepping aside means Buyinza heads the Department of Economic Theory and Analysis in Makerere’s College of Business and Management Sciences. CampusBee’s account of Acting Vice-Chancellor Prof Sarah N. Ssali’s letter says the Dean of the School of Economics will oversee the department during the inquiry. The letter also directs Buyinza not to contact, influence or interfere with complainants or witnesses. Those restrictions protect the process while the committee gathers evidence. Nile Post quotes the university’s explanation: “These are administrative measures. They are not a disciplinary sanction and do not pre-judge the outcome.” That wording matters. The decision concerns leadership and administrative responsibilities. It should not be described as dismissal or proof of wrongdoing. A final disciplinary outcome has not been announced in the correspondence described by the reports. Who is leading the inquiry? The six-member committee is chaired by Eng. Assoc. Prof. Dorothy K. Okello, Dean of Makerere’s School of Engineering, according to CampusBee. Its membership draws on academic, legal and human-resources expertise. Continue Reading Full Article JUSTICE & CRIME Makerere Orders Buyinza to Step Aside as Inquiry Begins By Otieno kevin News Editor Otieno kevin Home Comment Oct 8, 2026 Oct 8, 2026 5 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: KAMPALA, 8 October 2026 — Makerere University has directed Dr Faisal Buyinza to step aside from leadership and administrative responsibilities while a committee investigates allegations against him, according to Nile Post’s report on a university letter dated 7 October . The inquiry concerns allegations of sexual harassment, abuse of office and domestic violence. The temporary arrangement does not establish that any allegation is true. What has Makerere decided about Dr Faisal Buyinza? Makerere has ordered him to step aside from leadership and administrative duties while a six-member committee examines allegations. Its report is due on 6 November 2026. The university says these are administrative measures, rather than a disciplinary sanction or a finding of guilt. What stepping aside means Buyinza heads the Department of Economic Theory and Analysis in Makerere’s College of Business and Management Sciences. CampusBee’s account of Acting Vice-Chancellor Prof Sarah N. Ssali’s letter says the Dean of the School of Economics will oversee the department during the inquiry. The letter also directs Buyinza not to contact, influence or interfere with complainants or witnesses. Those restrictions protect the process while the committee gathers evidence. Nile Post quotes the university’s explanation: “These are administrative measures. They are not a disciplinary sanction and do not pre-judge the outcome.” That wording matters. The decision concerns leadership and administrative responsibilities. It should not be described as dismissal or proof of wrongdoing. A final disciplinary outcome has not been announced in the correspondence described by the reports. ADVERTISEMENT Who is leading the inquiry? The six-member committee is chaired by Eng. Assoc. Prof. Dorothy K. Okello, Dean of Makerere’s School of Engineering, according to CampusBee. Its membership draws on academic, legal and human-resources expertise. The committee is expected to hear complainants and witnesses and give Buyinza an opportunity to respond. CampusBee reports that its findings and recommendations must reach the Vice-Chancellor by Friday, 6 November 2026 . New Vision’s report on the university’s 7 October announcement says the process will follow Makerere’s Safeguarding Policy, Sexual Harassment Policy and staff disciplinary procedures. It also emphasises that the university had made no finding of wrongdoing. For students and staff, the immediate questions are how evidence will be received, whether people can participate without intimidation, and what the committee ultimately recommends. Its formation establishes a process for answering those questions; it does not supply the answers in advance. Why the university is investigating now The action follows renewed public allegations involving Buyinza. Reports identify his former wife, Hanifah Nakiryowa, as a person whose recent public statements brought the matter back into discussion. Sunrise’s account of the announcement describes allegations concerning an earlier acid attack and alleged misconduct involving students. These remain allegations. The inquiry must assess evidence rather than treat public circulation of a claim as proof. ADVERTISEMENT Trending Now 4 Patients Recover from Ebola in Uganda as Monitoring Continues . Health News WHY Uganda Marked Martyrs Day in Parish Churches . Public Health Alerts Canada, Bahamas Target DRC, Uganda in Ebola Travel restrictions . Health News Museveni Warns Against Arsenal fan Hype Despite Poverty Struggles . Political Commentary Popular Today | Appointments Museveni's 13 Senior Nominees: Full List and PSC Review . Investment Uganda’s €12.75m PRISMA Project: Funding and Patient Care . Political Appointments Muhoozi Clarifies Uganda CDF Exit Plan: Has He Resigned? . Industry UDC Breaks Ground on Shs29bn Packaging Plant at Namanve . Energy and Power Kenya Power Maintenance: Areas Affected on 5 November . Makerere had already issued an official statement on 1 October about concerns circulating over an unnamed member of academic staff. That statement reaffirmed its policies against sexual harassment, gender-based violence and misconduct, together with confidentiality and natural justice. The 1 October statement did not name Buyinza or announce findings. The subsequent correspondence described in current reporting provides the more specific committee and temporary leadership arrangements. What happened to the earlier criminal case? The university inquiry needs to be distinguished from the earlier prosecution. In a contemporaneous report published on 23 July 2014 , Uganda Radio Network reported that the Director of Public Prosecutions discontinued attempted-murder charges against Buyinza . The report said the prosecution had failed to produce further witnesses and that the court discharged him. Buyinza denied the charges. That history must remain part of any accurate account. The old allegations cannot be presented as a conviction, and his denial of that charge must not be repackaged as a newly issued response to the current university inquiry. Sunrise reports that Makerere’s institutional process is separate from the earlier criminal proceedings. Nothing in the university action described here establishes that the discontinued criminal case has been reopened. ADVERTISEMENT How students and staff can report concerns Makerere’s 1 October statement directs people with relevant concerns to the Gender Mainstreaming Directorate, the Dean of Students and its safeguarding platform. It also identifies counselling support through the university’s Counselling and Guidance Centre. The official Mak Safe Space platform accepts anonymous or confidential reports and allows supporting evidence to be submitted. Its published contact options include call or WhatsApp on +256 791 908 171 and email at safeguardingliaison@mak.ac.ug . These are standing university reporting channels. They should not be confused with any separate submission arrangements announced by the inquiry committee. CampusBee reports that the committee secretary will communicate its contact details. What happens after the report? If the inquiry establishes a case to answer, the matter would proceed to Makerere’s Appointments Board through the relevant disciplinary process, according to Nile Post. Buyinza would retain the right to a fair hearing. The next substantive development is therefore the committee’s findings and any resulting institutional decision. Until then, reporting should preserve the distinction between an allegation, an administrative safeguard and an established finding. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Elections Monitoring Museveni Inauguration Set for May 12 at Kololo Security agencies intensify preparations ahead of Uganda’s presidential swearing-in . International Relations U.S. Embassy Plans Freedom 250 Activities in Uganda Campaign will feature public events, exhibitions and education programmes through 2026 . Civil Society Religious Leaders Call for Talks After Sovereignty Bill passed Odama warns Uganda’s Sovereignty Bill could deepen divisions . Investigations Uganda activists move to curb fake dog rescue scams Coalition pushes legal action after investigative journalist exposes animal abuse-linked fundraising . Tags Uganda Uganda

Addis Ababa, June 8, 2024 - Ethiopia and Tanzania are reinforcing their longstanding partnership to address multifaceted peace and security challenges, according to Tanzania's Defense and National Service Minister, Stergomena Lawrence Tax. Minister Tax emphasized the enduring cooperation between the two nations and their commitment to enhancing their strategic partnership. She revealed that both countries have signed and are actively implementing a memorandum of understanding and action plan on peace and security. "As two friendly nations, we collaborate not only at the national level but also contribute to continental and international initiatives," Minister Tax stated. Her recent discussions with Ethiopian Defense Minister Aisha Mohammed were described as "very fruitful." The minister highlighted various joint efforts, including training programs and educational exchanges. "We are satisfied with our collaboration. We conduct joint training; some of our officers are in Ethiopia, and we have pilots studying here. Similarly, Ethiopian officers are also receiving training in Tanzania," she added. Despite the progress, Minister Tax acknowledged that there is more work to be done. "We have assessed the progress and are satisfied, but we recognize that this is not enough," she concluded. This ongoing partnership between Ethiopia and Tanzania underscores their shared commitment to addressing regional security challenges and contributing to broader peace initiatives. Keywords: Ethiopia, Tanzania, peace and security, collaboration, memorandum of understanding, training programs, continental initiatives, international cooperation. By Author Name Author Name Home Comment Jun 9, 2024 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Addis Ababa, June 8, 2024 - Ethiopia and Tanzania are reinforcing their longstanding partnership to address multifaceted peace and security challenges, according to Tanzania's Defense and National Service Minister, Stergomena Lawrence Tax. Minister Tax emphasized the enduring cooperation between the two nations and their commitment to enhancing their strategic partnership. She revealed that both countries have signed and are actively implementing a memorandum of understanding and action plan on peace and security. ADVERTISEMENT "As two friendly nations, we collaborate not only at the national level but also contribute to continental and international initiatives," Minister Tax stated. Her recent discussions with Ethiopian Defense Minister Aisha Mohammed were described as "very fruitful." The minister highlighted various joint efforts, including training programs and educational exchanges. ADVERTISEMENT Trending Now Kindu Nurses’ Strike Disrupts Care and Childhood Vaccination . Healthcare System EAC Preparedness Plan: What Must Be Ready Before Floods . Regional Blocs (AU, SADC, EAC, ECOWAS) DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba Seeks to Reshape the Francophonie . Francophone River Offin Girls’ Rights Decision: What Must Change? . Education Popular Today "We are satisfied with our collaboration. We conduct joint training; some of our officers are in Ethiopia, and we have pilots studying here. Similarly, Ethiopian officers are also receiving training in Tanzania," she added. Despite the progress, Minister Tax acknowledged that there is more work to be done. "We have assessed the progress and are satisfied, but we recognize that this is not enough," she concluded. ADVERTISEMENT This ongoing partnership between Ethiopia and Tanzania underscores their shared commitment to addressing regional security challenges and contributing to broader peace initiatives. Keywords: Ethiopia, Tanzania, peace and security, collaboration, memorandum of understanding, training programs, continental initiatives, international cooperation. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Tags

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Read Dan Orbih’s biography, political career, PDP leadership, AAU role, family record and legacy after his death in 2026. Chief Dan Orbih was a Nigerian politician, businessman and party organiser whose influence extended from Edo State into the wider South-South zone of the Peoples Democratic Party. Known publicly as Dan Orbih, he spent more than a decade leading the Edo PDP, later became the party’s national vice chairman for the South-South and chaired the governing council of Ambrose Alli University. His family announced that he died on Monday, 31 August 2026. The announcement ended a career marked by persistent opposition politics, strong grassroots organisation, internal party battles and alliances that often crossed factional and party lines. Orbih was not an elected governor, senator or federal minister, yet he became one of the most durable political organisers of his generation in Edo. His power came from party structure: congresses, campaigns, mobilisation, negotiation and the ability to remain relevant through repeated changes in government. Who was Dan Orbih? Dan Orbih was a Nigerian political organiser who led the Peoples Democratic Party in Edo State for more than a decade, later served as the party’s South-South national vice chairman and chaired Ambrose Alli University’s governing council. His family announced his death on 1 September 2026. Dan Orbih’s death and the family announcement The Orbih family announced his death in a statement signed by Francis Udukhomoi Orbih and released publicly on Tuesday, 1 September 2026. The statement said Orbih had died the previous day, Monday, 31 August. It described him as a brother, husband, father and uncle and asked relatives, friends and political associates to remember the family in their prayers. PUNCH reproduced the family statement and reported that it had been shared by Lere Olayinka, spokesperson to Federal Capital Territory Minister Nyesom Wike. The family said burial arrangements would be announced later. It did not disclose a medical cause of death. Early coverage was inconsistent about Orbih’s age and the location of his death. Several reports placed his birth on 27 October 1961 and described him as 64, while another early report gave a different age. Some outlets said he died in London, but the family statement quoted by PUNCH did not specify a place. The confirmed facts are therefore narrower: Orbih died on 31 August 2026, his family announced the death the next day, and funeral details were still pending. The public response reflected the breadth of his political relationships. Wike described him as a close friend and committed political ally. Former Edo governor Godwin Obaseki, with whom Orbih had experienced a long and public political rupture, also issued condolences and recognised his contribution to the PDP and Edo’s political history. Those tributes illustrated a central feature of Orbih’s career: rivalry could be intense, but his organisational importance was rarely disputed. Early life in Ogbona and the influence of political family history Biographical accounts connect Orbih to Ogbona in Etsako Central Local Government Area of Edo State. He was commonly identified as a son of Chief M.C.K. Orbih, a politician associated with the First Republic and federal representation from the old Afenmai area. That family background placed politics close to his early life, although Orbih’s own career would develop in a very different democratic era. Continue Reading Full Article BIOGRAPHY Dan Orbih Biography: Edo PDP Leader and Political Legacy By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Sep 2, 2026 Sep 2, 2026 18 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Chief Dan Orbih was a Nigerian politician, businessman and party organiser whose influence extended from Edo State into the wider South-South zone of the Peoples Democratic Party. Known publicly as Dan Orbih, he spent more than a decade leading the Edo PDP, later became the party’s national vice chairman for the South-South and chaired the governing council of Ambrose Alli University. His family announced that he died on Monday, 31 August 2026. The announcement ended a career marked by persistent opposition politics, strong grassroots organisation, internal party battles and alliances that often crossed factional and party lines. Orbih was not an elected governor, senator or federal minister, yet he became one of the most durable political organisers of his generation in Edo. His power came from party structure: congresses, campaigns, mobilisation, negotiation and the ability to remain relevant through repeated changes in government. Who was Dan Orbih? Dan Orbih was a Nigerian political organiser who led the Peoples Democratic Party in Edo State for more than a decade, later served as the party’s South-South national vice chairman and chaired Ambrose Alli University’s governing council. His family announced his death on 1 September 2026. Dan Orbih’s death and the family announcement The Orbih family announced his death in a statement signed by Francis Udukhomoi Orbih and released publicly on Tuesday, 1 September 2026. The statement said Orbih had died the previous day, Monday, 31 August. It described him as a brother, husband, father and uncle and asked relatives, friends and political associates to remember the family in their prayers. PUNCH reproduced the family statement and reported that it had been shared by Lere Olayinka, spokesperson to Federal Capital Territory Minister Nyesom Wike. The family said burial arrangements would be announced later. It did not disclose a medical cause of death. Early coverage was inconsistent about Orbih’s age and the location of his death. Several reports placed his birth on 27 October 1961 and described him as 64, while another early report gave a different age. Some outlets said he died in London, but the family statement quoted by PUNCH did not specify a place. The confirmed facts are therefore narrower: Orbih died on 31 August 2026, his family announced the death the next day, and funeral details were still pending. The public response reflected the breadth of his political relationships. Wike described him as a close friend and committed political ally. Former Edo governor Godwin Obaseki, with whom Orbih had experienced a long and public political rupture, also issued condolences and recognised his contribution to the PDP and Edo’s political history. Those tributes illustrated a central feature of Orbih’s career: rivalry could be intense, but his organisational importance was rarely disputed. Early life in Ogbona and the influence of political family history Biographical accounts connect Orbih to Ogbona in Etsako Central Local Government Area of Edo State. He was commonly identified as a son of Chief M.C.K. Orbih, a politician associated with the First Republic and federal representation from the old Afenmai area. That family background placed politics close to his early life, although Orbih’s own career would develop in a very different democratic era. The name by which he was known also appears in more than one form in public records. The family announcement used Chief Daniel Osi Orbih. Other political profiles and appointment reports used Daniel Osikheme Orbih. “Dan Orbih” remained the stable public identity across campaigns, party documents and news coverage. Profiles of his early years say he studied business administration at the University of Benin before entering business. Details about his private commercial activities are less consistently documented than his political record, so his enduring public significance rests primarily on the party structures he built and led. Orbih belonged to a generation shaped by the return to civilian rule in 1999. Nigerian parties were expanding quickly, former military-era political networks were reorganising, and Edo’s politics was becoming a contest among powerful regional figures. Orbih learned politics in that environment: coalition building mattered, ward-level organisation mattered and access to national party leaders could determine local outcomes. The path into party organisation One detailed career profile published by Politics Digest traced Orbih’s early political activity to the late 1990s. It reported that he sought the deputy-governorship ticket of the All Peoples Party during the transition period, later moved into PDP politics and worked on party committees at state and national level. His political development was closely associated with Chief Tony Anenih, the influential Edo politician and former PDP Board of Trustees chairman. Anenih represented an older school of Nigerian party management built around organisation, negotiation and detailed knowledge of electoral structures. Orbih’s later career showed the same emphasis. He was rarely defined by a single policy office; he was defined by the machinery that selected candidates, ran campaigns and sustained a party through defeat. Before becoming Edo PDP chairman, Orbih served on finance, campaign and electoral committees. Such positions can appear secondary beside elected office, but they are where political parties build operational strength. Finance committees determine whether campaigns can function. Electoral panels shape internal legitimacy. Campaign committees convert a party’s national message into ward and local-government activity. That experience prepared Orbih for the role that would make his name nationally recognisable: leading the PDP in Edo State after it lost control of the governorship. ADVERTISEMENT Leading the Edo PDP through opposition Orbih became Edo State PDP chairman in 2008 and remained in the position until 2019, according to widely cited party profiles. His tenure covered one of the most difficult periods in the chapter’s history. Adams Oshiomhole took office after a court decision ended the PDP administration, and the Action Congress of Nigeria later part of the All Progressives Congress became the governing force in Edo. For Orbih, that change transformed the job of state chairman. The PDP was no longer managing the advantages of incumbency. It had to maintain local structures, recruit candidates, contest elections and hold the state government to account from opposition. Orbih adopted an assertive public style and became one of Oshiomhole’s most persistent political critics. His supporters saw that confrontation as the reason the PDP remained competitive. They credited him with keeping party offices active, sustaining mobilisation across Edo’s three senatorial districts and ensuring that national PDP candidates could still draw substantial support in the state. Critics regarded his style as combative and believed that the same firmness sometimes made compromise more difficult. Both views point to the same fact: Orbih was not a passive administrator. He treated a party chairmanship as a political command post. Press conferences, campaign tours, internal meetings and responses to the state government all became tools for keeping the PDP visible. During the 2015 general election, the PDP lost the presidency nationally but performed strongly in Edo. A contemporary political profile credited Orbih’s state organisation with helping the party win significant parliamentary representation and outpoll the APC in the presidential vote in the state. Election outcomes always reflect many actors candidates, national campaigns, local leaders and voter sentiment but the result strengthened Orbih’s reputation as an organiser who could keep an opposition structure alive. From state chairman to South-South leadership After leaving the Edo chairmanship, Orbih moved into the PDP’s zonal leadership. He became national vice chairman for the South-South, a region that had long been one of the party’s strongest bases. The role required coordination across Edo, Delta, Bayelsa, Rivers, Akwa Ibom and Cross River states. Zonal leadership widened both his influence and his exposure to internal conflict. The South-South PDP contained governors, former governors, national lawmakers and presidential aspirants with competing interests. Orbih’s alliances especially his relationship with Nyesom Wike—placed him at the centre of disputes over who controlled the party and how its constitution should be applied. In 2021, Orbih and his zonal team began visits across the region. The programme was intended to engage state executives and reinforce the party’s organisation after the defection of Cross River governor Ben Ayade. Orbih presented the South-South as essential to the PDP’s national future and argued that discipline and constitutional procedure were necessary for rebuilding. His approach placed party rules at the centre of his public language. Yet the practical meaning of those rules was often disputed by rival factions. That tension became one of the defining themes of his later career: nearly every side claimed constitutional legitimacy, while congresses, suspensions and court cases revealed a party struggling to maintain a single chain of authority. The Edo PDP split and conflict with Godwin Obaseki The arrival of Governor Godwin Obaseki in the PDP before the 2020 Edo election changed Orbih’s political environment. Obaseki had been elected governor under the APC but crossed to the PDP after losing the governing party’s nomination. The PDP gave him its ticket, and he won re-election. The victory created a difficult integration problem. Long-standing PDP members expected influence in the new administration, while the governor arrived with his own political network. Orbih became associated with the “Legacy Group,” which argued that the party’s established structures and members were being marginalised. The dispute developed into rival congresses, competing claims to party offices and court cases. It was not merely a personal quarrel between Orbih and Obaseki. It reflected a recurring problem in Nigerian politics: what happens when a powerful incumbent joins an opposition party shortly before an election and then seeks to reshape the organisation that received him. Orbih’s faction insisted that the party should protect internal democracy and the rights of existing members. Obaseki’s allies argued that the governor’s electoral mandate and leadership position required a party structure capable of supporting his administration. The resulting division weakened the Edo PDP and continued beyond the 2020 election. When Obaseki issued his condolence after Orbih’s death, he described him as a prominent Edo son whose years in public affairs had earned him a place in the state’s political history. P.M. News reported the tribute , which acknowledged Orbih’s service as state chairman and South-South vice chairman despite their earlier conflict. ADVERTISEMENT Trending Now Kindu Nurses’ Strike Disrupts Care and Childhood Vaccination . Healthcare System EAC Preparedness Plan: What Must Be Ready Before Floods . Regional Blocs (AU, SADC, EAC, ECOWAS) DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba Seeks to Reshape the Francophonie . Francophone River Offin Girls’ Rights Decision: What Must Change? . Education Popular Today Sports Trends After the Flamingos’ World Title, What Comes Next for Girls’ Football? . Technology and Innovation Mauritius, South Africa, Nigeria Clear Youth AI Benchmark . Business Trends Lwazi Bam Named to MTN Nigeria Board From 1 December . | Appointments Dapo Akande Elected ICJ Judge: UK-Nigerian Lawyer's 2026 Win . Biography Dapo Akande Biography: Nigerian-British Lawyer Elected to ICJ . Suspension, reinstatement and the disputed Calabar congress Orbih’s later years in the PDP were shaped by disciplinary and constitutional battles. In July 2024, the party’s National Working Committee suspended him from its activities over allegations of anti-party conduct. The allegations remained party matters rather than criminal findings. A later letter dated 7 October 2024 said the suspension had been lifted and Orbih reinstated with his privileges. A News Agency of Nigeria report carried by MetrowatchXtra quoted the letter as saying an investigative committee had cleared him. The episode nevertheless deepened mistrust inside the party. In February 2025, a South-South congress in Calabar returned Orbih and other zonal officers. P.M. News reported that Orbih received another mandate at the meeting and called on members to rebuild the party through its constitution. The PDP national leadership disputed the gathering and said it had not authorised a South-South congress. Orbih’s allies maintained that the zonal body had acted lawfully. The disagreement meant that his title was politically consequential but institutionally contested. Any account of his final years must preserve that distinction: he was treated by his supporters and many reports as the South-South vice chairman, while rival party authorities challenged the legitimacy of the congress that returned him. The controversy did not diminish his visibility. It confirmed his place in the central struggle over the PDP’s direction ahead of the 2027 election cycle. The alliance with Nyesom Wike Orbih’s partnership with Wike became one of the most prominent relationships in his later career. Wike, a former Rivers governor and later FCT minister, built a network of allies who resisted sections of the PDP national leadership. Orbih brought long experience in Edo and zonal organisation to that alliance. Their relationship was political and personal. After the death announcement, PUNCH reported Wike’s tribute , in which he described Orbih as a true friend, a committed ally and a major figure in Edo politics. Orbih’s closeness to Wike was frequently used by opponents to define him. Yet reducing his career to that alliance would overlook the years he spent building the Edo PDP before Wike became a national power broker. The partnership was important because it gave Orbih influence in national disputes, but it rested on an already established reputation for organisation and political resilience. The alliance also showed Orbih’s willingness to maintain relationships across conventional lines. He remained publicly identified with the PDP while accepting a university appointment from an APC governor in Edo. To supporters, that was pragmatic public service; to critics, it blurred party loyalty. Orbih defended association and cooperation as matters that a party could not always dictate. Chairman of Ambrose Alli University’s governing council On 31 December 2024, Edo governor Monday Okpebholo appointed Orbih chairman of the governing council of Ambrose Alli University in Ekpoma. Daily Post reported the official state announcement , which named a seven-member council and made the appointment effective immediately. The position took Orbih beyond party administration into governance of a major public university. AAU had faced financial, administrative and infrastructure challenges, including disputes over funding, staffing and student welfare. The council’s role was to provide oversight and help restore stable institutional leadership. In a March 2025 interview, Orbih described education as essential to the future and said the council wanted the university to produce more nationally influential graduates. He discussed hostel fees, staffing arrangements and the need to place qualified officials in substantive positions. The interview published by Niger Delta Today showed a different side of his public work: less focused on party combat and more concerned with institutional repair. His appointment was politically unusual. An APC governor selected a prominent PDP organiser who had opposed the PDP candidate during the 2024 Edo governorship struggle. The decision illustrated the realignment taking place in Edo and reinforced the view that Orbih’s political network could operate beyond formal party boundaries. Personal and family life The family statement identified Orbih as the husband of Florence Orbih and the father of Winifred Anwosiobor Orbih and Mildred Omonemi Orbih. The names were deliberately included in the family’s public announcement, which makes the limited record appropriate for an obituary. No additional private family details are necessary to understand his public life. Personal & Family Status Details Marital status Married until his death in 2026 Spouse or partner Florence Orbih, identified by the family as his wife Children Two daughters publicly named by the family: Winifred and Mildred Orbih’s family asked for prayers and said funeral arrangements would follow. That request defined the public boundary around the immediate period of mourning. The family did not publish a cause of death, and there is no basis for medical speculation. ADVERTISEMENT Dan Orbih’s political style and influence Orbih’s political importance came from endurance. He survived the loss of state power, changes in national government, a damaging split in the Edo PDP, suspension from party activities and disputes over zonal legitimacy. Through each phase, he retained a recognisable constituency and access to national figures. His method combined direct public criticism with behind-the-scenes organisation. He understood that opposition parties need more than speeches: they need ward executives, candidates, campaign finance, legal teams and people willing to remain active after defeat. That practical knowledge made him valuable to allies and difficult for opponents to ignore. His record was also polarising. The same firmness praised as loyalty by supporters was described as factionalism by critics. His alliance with Wike placed him on one side of a bitter national contest inside the PDP. His Legacy Group’s decisions in Edo contributed to the weakening of the party’s unified front. A balanced biography must recognise both the strength of the structures he built and the cost of prolonged internal conflict. Orbih’s career therefore offers a study of party power outside elected office. Nigerian politics is often narrated through presidents, governors and legislators, but organisers like Orbih shape who receives nominations, how parties survive opposition and which alliances become possible. His influence was institutional even when he held no public mandate. Career timeline Year Event Significance 1961 Reported birth in Ogbona, Edo State Began the life of a future South-South political organiser 1998 Sought a deputy-governorship ticket during the transition era Entered high-level partisan politics 2006–2007 Served on PDP finance, electoral and campaign structures Built experience in party operations 2008 Became Edo State PDP chairman Took charge of the party during a transition into opposition 2008–2019 Led the Edo PDP Sustained the chapter through elections and changes of government 2020 Became central to the Legacy Group dispute Led a major faction during the party’s integration with Governor Obaseki 2021 Served in South-South zonal leadership Expanded his influence across six states 2024 Suspended and later reinstated by the PDP NWC Became part of a wider struggle over discipline and party control 2024 Appointed AAU governing council chairman Moved into oversight of a state university 2025 Returned by supporters at a disputed South-South congress Reinforced his influence while exposing institutional divisions 2026 Died on 31 August Prompted tributes from family, allies and former rivals Frequently asked questions Who was Dan Orbih? Dan Orbih was a Nigerian politician and party organiser best known for leading the Edo State PDP for more than a decade and later serving in the party’s South-South zonal leadership. What was Dan Orbih’s full name? The family announcement used Chief Daniel Osi Orbih. Other public and appointment records used Daniel Osikheme Orbih. He was consistently known in politics as Dan Orbih. When did Dan Orbih die? His family said he died on Monday, 31 August 2026. The death was announced publicly on Tuesday, 1 September. What was Dan Orbih’s cause of death? The family did not disclose a medical cause of death in its announcement. No reliable official diagnosis had been released by 1 September 2026. How old was Dan Orbih? Several reports gave a birth date of 27 October 1961 and described him as 64. Because an early report gave a conflicting age and the family statement did not specify one, the age should be treated with caution until the family record is clarified. How long was Dan Orbih Edo PDP chairman? Widely cited political profiles place his tenure from 2008 to 2019, a period of about eleven years during which the party spent much of its time in opposition in Edo State. What role did Dan Orbih hold in the South-South PDP? He served as national vice chairman for the South-South. A 2025 Calabar congress returned him to the role, although the PDP national leadership disputed that congress. Was Dan Orbih married? Yes. The family statement identified Florence Orbih as his wife. Did Dan Orbih have children? The family statement publicly named two daughters, Winifred Anwosiobor Orbih and Mildred Omonemi Orbih. What was Dan Orbih’s role at Ambrose Alli University? Governor Monday Okpebholo appointed him chairman of the university’s governing council effective 31 December 2024. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Sports Trends After the Flamingos’ World Title, What Comes Next for Girls’ Football? Nigeria’s breakthrough puts regular competition, education and player welfare in focus. . Technology and Innovation Mauritius, South Africa, Nigeria Clear Youth AI Benchmark Only three African Commonwealth countries meet the new 53-point readiness line . Business Trends Lwazi Bam Named to MTN Nigeria Board From 1 December MTN Group's chief risk officer joins four other appointees in a November board announcement. . | Appointments Dapo Akande Elected ICJ Judge: UK-Nigerian Lawyer's 2026 Win Oxford professor Dapo Akande wins a nine-year ICJ term as Britain returns to the World Court. . Tags Nigeria Nigeria

Moses Adejumo, popularly known as Baba Sala, pioneered modern Nigerian comedy, reshaping theatre, film and television from the 1960s onward. Moses Olaiya Adejumo, widely known by his stage name Baba Sala, remains one of the most influential figures in the evolution of Nigerian entertainment, credited with elevating comedy into a central genre within theatre, film and television. Born on May 18, 1936, Adejumo built a career that redefined comic performance in Nigeria. At a time when comedy was largely used as a supporting element in dramatic storytelling, he placed humour at the centre of performance, blending slapstick, satire, exaggerated costumes and witty dialogue to appeal across social classes. Baba Sala first gained recognition through stage and radio performances, often portraying an elderly, naïve yet sharp-tongued character whose quirks resonated with audiences. The persona eventually became inseparable from the man himself, with the nickname “Baba Sala” evolving from a character name into his professional identity. His rise accelerated in the 1960s after founding the Aláwàdà Theatre Group, which won a talent competition organised by Western Nigeria Television (WNTV) in Ibadan. The victory led to a regular television programme, significantly expanding his audience and establishing comedy as a viable television format in Nigeria. Before fully embracing drama, Adejumo began his entertainment career as a highlife musician, leading the Federal Rhythm Dandies in the early 1960s. During this period, he mentored several musicians, including King Sunny Ade, who served as the band’s lead guitarist. In the film industry, Baba Sala transitioned successfully from stage to screen. His feature film debut came in 1982 with Ọ̀run Móoru , which he co-produced and in which he played his signature character. Despite commercial challenges caused by piracy, the film was well received and marked an important moment in indigenous Nigerian cinema. He followed up with Ààrẹ Àgbáyé in 1983 and later Mosebọ́látán , which achieved both artistic and financial success. Through the 1970s to the 1990s, Baba Sala’s work helped move Nigerian comedy from travelling theatre into mainstream film and television, influencing generations of performers, particularly within the Yoruba theatrical tradition. Alongside contemporaries such as Hubert Ogunde and Duro Ladipo, he played a key role in popularising locally produced entertainment nationwide. Moses Adejumo died on October 7, 2018, at the age of 82, following an age-related illness. His legacy endures as one of the foundational architects of modern Nigerian comedy, with his style and innovations continuing to shape the country’s entertainment industry. Source: Tribune Online Continue Reading Full Article NOLLYWOOD UPDATES Moses Adejumo: How Baba Sala Shaped Modern Nigerian Comedy By Witty Pascal Entertainment Editor Witty Pascal Home Comment Dec 19, 2025 May 15, 2026 3 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Moses Olaiya Adejumo, widely known by his stage name Baba Sala, remains one of the most influential figures in the evolution of Nigerian entertainment, credited with elevating comedy into a central genre within theatre, film and television. Born on May 18, 1936, Adejumo built a career that redefined comic performance in Nigeria. At a time when comedy was largely used as a supporting element in dramatic storytelling, he placed humour at the centre of performance, blending slapstick, satire, exaggerated costumes and witty dialogue to appeal across social classes. Baba Sala first gained recognition through stage and radio performances, often portraying an elderly, naïve yet sharp-tongued character whose quirks resonated with audiences. The persona eventually became inseparable from the man himself, with the nickname “Baba Sala” evolving from a character name into his professional identity. ADVERTISEMENT His rise accelerated in the 1960s after founding the Aláwàdà Theatre Group, which won a talent competition organised by Western Nigeria Television (WNTV) in Ibadan. The victory led to a regular television programme, significantly expanding his audience and establishing comedy as a viable television format in Nigeria. Before fully embracing drama, Adejumo began his entertainment career as a highlife musician, leading the Federal Rhythm Dandies in the early 1960s. During this period, he mentored several musicians, including King Sunny Ade, who served as the band’s lead guitarist. ADVERTISEMENT Trending Now Kindu Nurses’ Strike Disrupts Care and Childhood Vaccination . Healthcare System EAC Preparedness Plan: What Must Be Ready Before Floods . Regional Blocs (AU, SADC, EAC, ECOWAS) DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba Seeks to Reshape the Francophonie . Francophone River Offin Girls’ Rights Decision: What Must Change? . Education Popular Today Biography Poco Lee Biography: Age, Real Name, Dance Career and Songs . Biography Eric Omondi Biography: Comedy, Activism and Public Life . Biography Who Is Snit Habteab, Eritrea’s Miss World Trailblazer? . Entertainment Poco Lee UK Case Sparks Consent Debate Among Nigerian Stars . Entertainment FOLA Leads 2026 Headies Nominations Ahead of Toronto . In the film industry, Baba Sala transitioned successfully from stage to screen. His feature film debut came in 1982 with Ọ̀run Móoru , which he co-produced and in which he played his signature character. Despite commercial challenges caused by piracy, the film was well received and marked an important moment in indigenous Nigerian cinema. He followed up with Ààrẹ Àgbáyé in 1983 and later Mosebọ́látán , which achieved both artistic and financial success. Through the 1970s to the 1990s, Baba Sala’s work helped move Nigerian comedy from travelling theatre into mainstream film and television, influencing generations of performers, particularly within the Yoruba theatrical tradition. Alongside contemporaries such as Hubert Ogunde and Duro Ladipo, he played a key role in popularising locally produced entertainment nationwide. ADVERTISEMENT Moses Adejumo died on October 7, 2018, at the age of 82, following an age-related illness. His legacy endures as one of the foundational architects of modern Nigerian comedy, with his style and innovations continuing to shape the country’s entertainment industry. Source: Tribune Online ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Biography Poco Lee Biography: Age, Real Name, Dance Career and Songs Inside the Nigerian dancer’s rise from Ojo street shows to Afrobeats stages, music and global fame. . Biography Eric Omondi Biography: Comedy, Activism and Public Life How Eric Omondi rose through Churchill Show and became a prominent Kenyan activist. . Biography Who Is Snit Habteab, Eritrea’s Miss World Trailblazer? The neuroscientist and educator became Eritrea’s first Miss World entrant and reached the Top 6 . Entertainment Poco Lee UK Case Sparks Consent Debate Among Nigerian Stars The dancer faces five sexual offence charges and returns to court on September 15. . Tags Entertainment Entertainment Nigerian Entertainment Nigerian Entertainment Nigeria Nigeria

Kenya High Court Blocks Police Deployment to Haiti In a landmark ruling, Kenya's High Court has declared the proposed deployment of police officers to Haiti as illegal. The decision came after a petition was filed by concerned citizens, citing the National Security Council's lack of legal authority to send police outside the country. Justice Chacha Mwita, who presided over the case, stated that the National Security Council and the National Police Service do not have the power to deploy police officers to other countries. The judge emphasized that any such decision would contravene the Constitution and the law, rendering it illegal, unconstitutional, and invalid. The ruling has put a stop to the government's plans to deploy a contingent of police officers to Haiti, where they were expected to support a multinational security force aimed at quelling gang violence. The decision has sparked debate among legal experts, with some questioning the government's commitment to upholding the rule of law. Critics of the proposed deployment argue that the government should focus on addressing internal security challenges before sending police officers abroad. On the other hand, proponents of the plan believe that Kenya has an obligation to support international peacekeeping efforts and that the deployment would have been a valuable opportunity for the country to contribute to global security. The government has not yet issued a statement on the High Court's decision, but it is expected to abide by the ruling and explore alternative ways to support the multinational security force in Haiti. [BBC] [REUTERS ] Continue Reading Full Article By Author Name Author Name Home Comment Jan 26, 2024 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Kenya's High Court intervenes in international affairs, blocking police deployment to Haiti. Kenya High Court Blocks Police Deployment to Haiti In a landmark ruling, Kenya's High Court has declared the proposed deployment of police officers to Haiti as illegal. The decision came after a petition was filed by concerned citizens, citing the National Security Council's lack of legal authority to send police outside the country. Justice Chacha Mwita, who presided over the case, stated that the National Security Council and the National Police Service do not have the power to deploy police officers to other countries. The judge emphasized that any such decision would contravene the Constitution and the law, rendering it illegal, unconstitutional, and invalid. ADVERTISEMENT The ruling has put a stop to the government's plans to deploy a contingent of police officers to Haiti, where they were expected to support a multinational security force aimed at quelling gang violence. The decision has sparked debate among legal experts, with some questioning the government's commitment to upholding the rule of law. Critics of the proposed deployment argue that the government should focus on addressing internal security challenges before sending police officers abroad. On the other hand, proponents of the plan believe that Kenya has an obligation to support international peacekeeping efforts and that the deployment would have been a valuable opportunity for the country to contribute to global security. ADVERTISEMENT Trending Now Kindu Nurses’ Strike Disrupts Care and Childhood Vaccination . Healthcare System EAC Preparedness Plan: What Must Be Ready Before Floods . Regional Blocs (AU, SADC, EAC, ECOWAS) DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba Seeks to Reshape the Francophonie . Francophone River Offin Girls’ Rights Decision: What Must Change? . Education Popular Today The government has not yet issued a statement on the High Court's decision, but it is expected to abide by the ruling and explore alternative ways to support the multinational security force in Haiti. [BBC] [REUTERS ] ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Tags

Poco Lee entered no plea at his September UK hearing. The case returns in February 2027, with a trial date listed for March. LONDON, United Kingdom — Nigerian dancer and entertainer Iweh Pascal Odinaka, known professionally as Poco Lee, did not enter a plea when his UK case returned to Snaresbrook Crown Court on September 15, 2026. The plea and trial preparation hearing was adjourned, and the next hearing has been listed for February 8, 2027. The development is a material update to XTRAfrica's earlier coverage, which had reported that the case remained active ahead of the September hearing. Poco Lee has denied the allegations and has not been convicted of an offence. What happened at Poco Lee's September hearing? The September 15 plea and trial preparation hearing did not produce a plea. Reports citing the court proceedings said the charge sheet was unavailable, so the case was adjourned to February 8, 2027. A trial date has also been listed for March 8, 2027. PUNCH reported after the hearing that Snaresbrook Crown Court moved the plea and trial preparation hearing to February 8, 2027. The report, citing BBC News Pidgin's account of the proceedings, said the charge sheet was not available and no plea was entered. TheCable also reported that the September proceeding did not result in a plea and that the case is due back before the Crown Court in February. A trial date has been listed for March 8, 2027, although court timetables can still change before trial. That means the September hearing did not determine whether Poco Lee is guilty or not guilty. It was a procedural stage in an active criminal case, and the allegations remain unresolved. The new court timetable also answers one of the main questions left open in XTRAfrica's earlier report on Poco Lee's public response : the case has not ended, and the September hearing did not produce a final outcome. Poco Lee remains on bail as the case continues Before the September 15 hearing, Snaresbrook Crown Court confirmed to PUNCH that Poco Lee had been granted bail on September 11. That confirmation corrected earlier uncertainty about whether his public appearance meant he had been released and under what status. Bail is not an acquittal and does not mean charges have been withdrawn. It allows a defendant to remain out of custody subject to the court's conditions while proceedings continue. Continue Reading Full Article JUSTICE & CRIME Poco Lee UK Case: What Happened at His September Hearing? By Otieno kevin News Editor Otieno kevin Home Comment Sep 17, 2026 Sep 17, 2026 5 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: LONDON, United Kingdom — Nigerian dancer and entertainer Iweh Pascal Odinaka, known professionally as Poco Lee, did not enter a plea when his UK case returned to Snaresbrook Crown Court on September 15, 2026. The plea and trial preparation hearing was adjourned, and the next hearing has been listed for February 8, 2027. The development is a material update to XTRAfrica's earlier coverage, which had reported that the case remained active ahead of the September hearing. Poco Lee has denied the allegations and has not been convicted of an offence. What happened at Poco Lee's September hearing? The September 15 plea and trial preparation hearing did not produce a plea. Reports citing the court proceedings said the charge sheet was unavailable, so the case was adjourned to February 8, 2027. A trial date has also been listed for March 8, 2027. PUNCH reported after the hearing that Snaresbrook Crown Court moved the plea and trial preparation hearing to February 8, 2027. The report, citing BBC News Pidgin's account of the proceedings, said the charge sheet was not available and no plea was entered. TheCable also reported that the September proceeding did not result in a plea and that the case is due back before the Crown Court in February. A trial date has been listed for March 8, 2027, although court timetables can still change before trial. That means the September hearing did not determine whether Poco Lee is guilty or not guilty. It was a procedural stage in an active criminal case, and the allegations remain unresolved. ADVERTISEMENT The new court timetable also answers one of the main questions left open in XTRAfrica's earlier report on Poco Lee's public response : the case has not ended, and the September hearing did not produce a final outcome. Poco Lee remains on bail as the case continues Before the September 15 hearing, Snaresbrook Crown Court confirmed to PUNCH that Poco Lee had been granted bail on September 11. That confirmation corrected earlier uncertainty about whether his public appearance meant he had been released and under what status. Bail is not an acquittal and does not mean charges have been withdrawn. It allows a defendant to remain out of custody subject to the court's conditions while proceedings continue. Poco Lee's full name is Iweh Pascal Odinaka. Readers looking for his background, career, real name and rise through Nigerian street dance can read XTRAfrica's full Poco Lee biography . What charges does Poco Lee face? Poco Lee faces five sexual-offence charges reported as one count of attempted rape, two counts of rape and two counts of assault by penetration. The allegations have not been determined at trial, and he has denied wrongdoing. ADVERTISEMENT Trending Now Kindu Nurses’ Strike Disrupts Care and Childhood Vaccination . Healthcare System EAC Preparedness Plan: What Must Be Ready Before Floods . Regional Blocs (AU, SADC, EAC, ECOWAS) DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba Seeks to Reshape the Francophonie . Francophone River Offin Girls’ Rights Decision: What Must Change? . Education Popular Today Sports Trends After the Flamingos’ World Title, What Comes Next for Girls’ Football? . Business Trends Lwazi Bam Named to MTN Nigeria Board From 1 December . | Appointments Dapo Akande Elected ICJ Judge: UK-Nigerian Lawyer's 2026 Win . Biography Dapo Akande Biography: Nigerian-British Lawyer Elected to ICJ . Energy and Power Africa Energy Bank Explained: Funding, Purpose and Projects . The Crown Prosecution Service had already told Nigerian media before the September hearing that the case remained live. The legal position therefore remains straightforward: charges are before the court, no plea was entered at the September hearing, and there has been no conviction. The case has also generated a broader discussion in Nigeria's entertainment sector about consent and the legal risks artists may face while travelling abroad. XTRAfrica previously examined that reaction in its report on the Poco Lee case and Nigeria's consent debate . Why the complainant cannot be identified UK law protects the identity of complainants in sexual-offence cases. Crown Prosecution Service guidance states that rape complainants have lifelong anonymity in the media, subject to limited legal exceptions. That means reporting should not publish the complainant's name, photographs, address or other details capable of identifying the person. The restriction applies independently of online speculation about the case. ADVERTISEMENT Snaresbrook Crown Court is an official Crown Court in east London. The HM Courts and Tribunals Service court page confirms that the court handles criminal cases, while HMCTS publishes hearing information through its official court-listing systems. What happens next in Poco Lee's UK case? The next major date currently reported is February 8, 2027, when the case is due to return for a plea and trial preparation hearing. That is the stage at which a formal plea may be entered if the case is ready to proceed. A trial date has also been listed for March 8, 2027. The safest way to describe that date is as the current court timetable rather than a guaranteed start date, because criminal case schedules can be changed by further directions from the court. Reports differ on whether Poco Lee was physically present in the courtroom during the September 15 proceeding. That disagreement does not change the core verified outcome: no plea was recorded, the hearing was adjourned, and the next procedural date is in February 2027. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Sports Trends After the Flamingos’ World Title, What Comes Next for Girls’ Football? Nigeria’s breakthrough puts regular competition, education and player welfare in focus. . 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Davido turned a FIFA World Cup performance into a call for the release of abducted schoolchildren and teachers from Oyo State. When most artists step onto a World Cup stage, the focus is usually on music, celebration, and spectacle. Davido had something else on his mind. The Nigerian superstar used his appearance at a FIFA World Cup event to shine a spotlight on the abduction of schoolchildren and teachers from Oyo State, transforming a high-profile performance into a moment of advocacy. According to reports , Davido appeared on stage wearing a custom-made jacket carrying the names of the kidnapped victims alongside a clear message: "Bring Them Home." The gesture immediately caught the attention of fans both inside the venue and online. As photos and videos from the performance spread across social media, many Nigerians praised the singer for using one of the world's biggest entertainment platforms to draw attention to a humanitarian issue unfolding back home. Rather than delivering a direct speech, Davido let the symbolism speak for itself. The message on his outfit served as a public appeal for the safe return of the victims while showing support for families still waiting for answers. The moment added a more serious tone to the World Cup celebrations. While football fans around the world were focused on the tournament , Davido reminded audiences that communities in Nigeria continue to face security challenges that rarely receive sustained international attention. Public reaction has been largely positive. Many supporters described the move as a powerful example of how artists can use their visibility to highlight issues that extend beyond music and entertainment. For Davido, it was more than a performance. It was an opportunity to place a national concern before a global audience and ensure that the voices of affected families were not lost amid the noise of one of the world's largest sporting events. ENTERTAINMENT Davido Uses World Cup Stage to Demand Return of Oyo Pupils By Witty Pascal Entertainment Editor Witty Pascal Home Comment Jun 11, 2026 Jun 11, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: When most artists step onto a World Cup stage, the focus is usually on music, celebration, and spectacle. Davido had something else on his mind. The Nigerian superstar used his appearance at a FIFA World Cup event to shine a spotlight on the abduction of schoolchildren and teachers from Oyo State, transforming a high-profile performance into a moment of advocacy. ADVERTISEMENT According to reports , Davido appeared on stage wearing a custom-made jacket carrying the names of the kidnapped victims alongside a clear message: "Bring Them Home." The gesture immediately caught the attention of fans both inside the venue and online. As photos and videos from the performance spread across social media, many Nigerians praised the singer for using one of the world's biggest entertainment platforms to draw attention to a humanitarian issue unfolding back home. ADVERTISEMENT Trending Now Kindu Nurses’ Strike Disrupts Care and Childhood Vaccination . Healthcare System EAC Preparedness Plan: What Must Be Ready Before Floods . Regional Blocs (AU, SADC, EAC, ECOWAS) DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba Seeks to Reshape the Francophonie . Francophone River Offin Girls’ Rights Decision: What Must Change? . Education Popular Today Biography Poco Lee Biography: Age, Real Name, Dance Career and Songs . Biography Eric Omondi Biography: Comedy, Activism and Public Life . Biography Who Is Snit Habteab, Eritrea’s Miss World Trailblazer? . Entertainment Poco Lee UK Case Sparks Consent Debate Among Nigerian Stars . Entertainment FOLA Leads 2026 Headies Nominations Ahead of Toronto . Rather than delivering a direct speech, Davido let the symbolism speak for itself. The message on his outfit served as a public appeal for the safe return of the victims while showing support for families still waiting for answers. The moment added a more serious tone to the World Cup celebrations. While football fans around the world were focused on the tournament , Davido reminded audiences that communities in Nigeria continue to face security challenges that rarely receive sustained international attention. ADVERTISEMENT Public reaction has been largely positive. Many supporters described the move as a powerful example of how artists can use their visibility to highlight issues that extend beyond music and entertainment. For Davido, it was more than a performance. It was an opportunity to place a national concern before a global audience and ensure that the voices of affected families were not lost amid the noise of one of the world's largest sporting events. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Biography Poco Lee Biography: Age, Real Name, Dance Career and Songs Inside the Nigerian dancer’s rise from Ojo street shows to Afrobeats stages, music and global fame. . Biography Eric Omondi Biography: Comedy, Activism and Public Life How Eric Omondi rose through Churchill Show and became a prominent Kenyan activist. . Biography Who Is Snit Habteab, Eritrea’s Miss World Trailblazer? The neuroscientist and educator became Eritrea’s first Miss World entrant and reached the Top 6 . Entertainment Poco Lee UK Case Sparks Consent Debate Among Nigerian Stars The dancer faces five sexual offence charges and returns to court on September 15. . Tags Entertainment Entertainment Nigerian Entertainment Nigerian Entertainment Nigeria Nigeria