An investigation details how M23/AFC raises revenue through taxes and Congolese minerals, including coltan trade linked to routes through Rwanda. An investigation By The New Humanitarian describes a parallel taxation and financial system across M23/AFC-controlled eastern DRC, while tracing Congolese coltan and other trade across the border into Rwanda. By XTRAfrica Analysis Desk September 15, 2026 The war economy operating in parts of eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo is not sustained by minerals alone. It is also built on checkpoints, commercial fees, transport levies, compulsory registrations and payments collected from people attempting to continue ordinary life under rebel control. That is the central finding of a September 14 investigation by The New Humanitarian , reported by journalist Patricia Huon with contributions from a Congolese researcher working anonymously because of security concerns. The investigation describes how the M23 and its political coalition, the Alliance Fleuve Congo, have embedded revenue collection into the economy of territories they control. According to the report, the money helps pay fighters, operate a parallel administration and reinforce control over captured Congolese territory. Its findings also show the limits of that system. The rebellion is extracting revenue from communities already weakened by conflict, disrupted trade, business closures, cash shortages and declining purchasing power. The result is a structure capable of financing armed control while offering little economic recovery to the civilians living beneath it. A tax system built around daily survival According to The New Humanitarian’s interviews, M23/AFC revenue collection reaches across several layers of economic activity. Trucks carrying goods reportedly pay at checkpoints. Motorcycle taxis moving between towns are charged. Shops, warehouses, informal traders and cross-border businesses face levies or registration demands. Fuel, agricultural products, timber, charcoal and manufactured goods moving through rebel-held territory can also become sources of revenue. The investigation further reports that civilians pay for services and administrative documents in areas where the rebellion has imposed its authority. Some residents described demands for money, goods, labour or a portion of their harvest. Continue Reading Full Article WAR IN DR CONGO How Taxes and Congolese Minerals Finance the M23 Rebellion By Neema Asha Mwakalinga Travel & Culture Expert Neema Asha Mwakalinga Home Comment Sep 15, 2026 Sep 15, 2026 13 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: An investigation By The New Humanitarian describes a parallel taxation and financial system across M23/AFC-controlled eastern DRC, while tracing Congolese coltan and other trade across the border into Rwanda. By XTRAfrica Analysis Desk September 15, 2026 The war economy operating in parts of eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo is not sustained by minerals alone. It is also built on checkpoints, commercial fees, transport levies, compulsory registrations and payments collected from people attempting to continue ordinary life under rebel control. That is the central finding of a September 14 investigation by The New Humanitarian , reported by journalist Patricia Huon with contributions from a Congolese researcher working anonymously because of security concerns. The investigation describes how the M23 and its political coalition, the Alliance Fleuve Congo, have embedded revenue collection into the economy of territories they control. According to the report, the money helps pay fighters, operate a parallel administration and reinforce control over captured Congolese territory. Its findings also show the limits of that system. The rebellion is extracting revenue from communities already weakened by conflict, disrupted trade, business closures, cash shortages and declining purchasing power. The result is a structure capable of financing armed control while offering little economic recovery to the civilians living beneath it. A tax system built around daily survival According to The New Humanitarian’s interviews, M23/AFC revenue collection reaches across several layers of economic activity. Trucks carrying goods reportedly pay at checkpoints. Motorcycle taxis moving between towns are charged. Shops, warehouses, informal traders and cross-border businesses face levies or registration demands. Fuel, agricultural products, timber, charcoal and manufactured goods moving through rebel-held territory can also become sources of revenue. The investigation further reports that civilians pay for services and administrative documents in areas where the rebellion has imposed its authority. Some residents described demands for money, goods, labour or a portion of their harvest. These individual payments may appear small when examined separately. Together, however, they can create a regular stream of income from transport, markets, trade and basic services. That predictability is important: a rebellion that can collect money every day is less dependent on occasional outside transfers or the sale of a single mineral shipment. The burden ultimately falls on ordinary Congolese. A transport fee can raise the price of food before it reaches a market. A charge on a trader can be passed to customers. Repeated checkpoint payments can make local production less competitive and reduce the already-thin margins of small businesses. This is the defining contradiction of the system described in the investigation. M23/AFC needs economic activity in order to tax it, but excessive extraction risks closing businesses and deepening the poverty of the population from which it collects revenue. A parallel administration with financial ambitions The New Humanitarian reports that M23/AFC has moved beyond collecting money at checkpoints. It has also attempted to construct institutions that resemble parts of a state administration. ADVERTISEMENT The investigation identifies a rebel-created body known as the Autorité de Régulation du Secteur Économique, Financier et des Assurances, or AREFA. The body reportedly requires financial-sector operators to register or obtain licences and is presented as a regulator in areas controlled by the movement. The report also describes efforts to use branches of the Caisse Générale d’Épargne du Congo in Goma and Bukavu. Yet those branches remain disconnected from the national banking network and cannot access the SWIFT system required for many international transfers. AREFA cannot issue Congolese francs and lacks the reserves of a legitimate central bank. These limitations matter. A movement can compel registration and collect fees, but it cannot easily recreate public confidence, monetary authority or international banking access. Residents interviewed by The New Humanitarian expressed fear that money deposited under the rebel-controlled arrangement might not be secure. The parallel system therefore appears stronger as an instrument for extracting and supervising revenue than as a mechanism capable of restoring normal economic life. Rubaya and the value of coltan taxation The Rubaya mining area in North Kivu is central to understanding the mineral side of the war economy. Its coltan contains tantalum, a metal used in capacitors and electronic equipment worldwide. M23 seized Rubaya in 2024. A United Nations Group of Experts report subsequently described rebel control over production, transport and trade around the mines. The experts estimated that M23 collected approximately $800,000 per month from levies on Rubaya’s coltan production and commerce—nearly $10 million a year if sustained at the same level. Reuters reporting on the UN findings said at least 150 tonnes of coltan were fraudulently exported to Rwanda after M23 took the area. The UN experts described the resulting contamination of regional mineral supply chains as unprecedented in scale over the preceding decade. The New Humanitarian’s investigation adds detail to the financial mechanism. People involved in the trade told the publication that coltan loads are weighed at checkpoints west of Goma and charged per kilogram. The report says payments connected to shipments are made through Rwanda, while access to mining and trading opportunities increasingly depends on acceptance by the rebel movement. The important distinction is that M23 does not need to own every mine or personally export every shipment. Control of territory, roads, checkpoints and market access allows the group to collect revenue at multiple stages of the chain—from extraction to transport and cross-border sale. From Congolese mines to Rwanda-linked export routes The investigation describes minerals from M23/AFC-controlled territory moving across the border into Rwanda, where their Congolese origin may become obscured before they reach international markets. This pattern is supported by sources beyond the September 14 report. The UN Group of Experts documented coltan from Rubaya entering Rwanda and mixing with Rwandan production. Rwanda has limited domestic coltan resources compared with the volumes it exports, a discrepancy that has intensified scrutiny of the country’s mineral trade. A 2026 Global Witness investigation examined trade records and traced Rwanda-labelled coltan through exporters, processors and the international tantalum supply chain. Its analysis warned that minerals originating in M23-controlled Congolese territory could reach global manufacturers after passing through Rwanda-linked commercial networks. ADVERTISEMENT Trending Now Kindu Nurses’ Strike Disrupts Care and Childhood Vaccination . Healthcare System EAC Preparedness Plan: What Must Be Ready Before Floods . Regional Blocs (AU, SADC, EAC, ECOWAS) DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba Seeks to Reshape the Francophonie . Francophone River Offin Girls’ Rights Decision: What Must Change? . Education Popular Today Policy and Reforms US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . War in Eastern DRC Muyaya: Congo's War Has Nothing to Do With the Constitution . Justice & Crime Trump Moves to Remove Rwanda and South Africa From AGOA . Justice & Crime Rwanda Accused of Deporting Congolese Civilians in South Kivu . Diplomacy Tshisekedi, Putin Seal Three DRC- Russia Cooperation Deals . The findings do not establish that every mineral exported from Rwanda comes from the DRC, nor do they prove that every finished electronic device contains conflict-linked material. They do, however, expose a serious traceability problem: once Congolese minerals are mixed, relabelled or processed through several intermediaries, downstream companies may struggle—or fail—to determine their true origin. The International Tin Supply Chain Initiative has suspended certification procedures for minerals from M23/AFC-controlled territory and investigated suspected false declarations of Rwandan origin, according to The New Humanitarian. Yet the continued flow described by journalists, UN experts and investigators suggests that paper-based controls can be defeated when armed actors control the physical routes. Gold expands the economic picture Coltan is the most visible example, but it is not the only mineral connected to the rebellion’s financing. The New Humanitarian points to the capture of mining sites and transport corridors across North and South Kivu. In a separate case, Twangiza Mining alleged that approximately $70 million in gold had been removed from its South Kivu operation after the area fell under rebel control. That figure remains a company claim, but it illustrates the potential scale of revenue associated with access to a major industrial gold site. International authorities have also acted on alleged Rwanda-linked gold networks. In June 2026, the U.S. Treasury sanctioned Gasabo Gold Refinery and associated executives and companies . Treasury said the network worked with M23 to move illegally sourced gold from eastern DRC into Rwanda and described mineral trafficking and unlawful taxation as direct sources of rebel financing. The European Union had previously sanctioned Gasabo Gold Refinery , saying it was responsible for illegally importing gold from M23-controlled parts of the DRC. The EU also sanctioned M23 officials, including an individual it identified as the movement’s deputy head of finance and production. These measures reinforce the wider conclusion that the war economy does not stop at the front line. It depends on commercial actors, transport routes, financial intermediaries and export channels capable of moving Congolese resources into the international marketplace. Rwanda’s role and its denial The New Humanitarian describes Rwanda as M23’s principal external backer and reports that Rwanda-linked businesses and traders have gained prominence in commerce connected to rebel-held areas. Kigali denies directly supporting M23 and has framed its regional security posture around threats posed by armed groups connected to perpetrators of the 1994 genocide. Those denials remain part of Rwanda’s official position. They stand against findings and decisions issued by several international bodies. The UN Group of Experts has repeatedly documented Rwandan military support for M23. In February 2025, the UN Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 2773 , demanding that M23 end its offensives and that the Rwanda Defence Force cease support for the movement and withdraw from Congolese territory. The resolution also condemned illicit exploitation and trafficking of the DRC’s natural resources. The United States and European Union have since used sanctions to target individuals, military structures and commercial entities they say enable the rebellion or benefit from conflict-linked mineral trade. Why the tax system matters as much as the mines The focus on coltan and gold is understandable. Mineral values can be estimated, export records can be examined and international buyers can be identified. But The New Humanitarian’s investigation shows why the taxation system deserves equal attention. ADVERTISEMENT Mineral income can fluctuate with production, prices and access to trade routes. Daily taxes on transport, markets, businesses and services provide a broader financial base. They also help transform territorial occupation into an administrative system that can monitor economic activity and compel compliance. This means that disrupting conflict-mineral exports alone may not eliminate the rebellion’s income. Effective pressure must also address the collection points, transport corridors, commercial intermediaries and financial channels that turn control of Congolese territory into cash. Congo’s wealth and the question of sovereignty The deepest issue is not simply where coltan or gold is sold. It is who has the lawful authority to benefit from resources extracted inside the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Congolese minerals should finance Congolese development: schools, hospitals, roads, electricity, legitimate employment and services for mining communities. When an armed movement imposes taxes, controls routes and channels minerals through external markets, the country loses more than export revenue. Its sovereignty over territory, commerce and public administration is directly challenged. The evidence assembled by The New Humanitarian, UN experts, U.S. and European sanctions authorities and Global Witness points to a system with several connected layers: compulsory local taxation, parallel economic administration, control over mining and transport, cross-border movement into Rwanda and eventual access to global supply chains. That chain explains how occupation can become financially self-reinforcing. Territory creates access to taxpayers and minerals. Revenue supports fighters and administration. Those structures then help preserve control over the territory that produces the next cycle of revenue. Breaking that cycle requires enforcement beyond eastern Congo. Mineral traders must verify origin rather than relying only on documents produced after goods cross a border. Refiners and manufacturers must examine unusual changes in national export volumes. Sanctions must reach the commercial and financial facilitators who convert illicit minerals into internationally tradable products. Above all, international policy must begin from a clear principle: the natural wealth of the Democratic Republic of the Congo belongs to the Congolese people. Any system that finances armed control by diverting that wealth is not ordinary regional trade. It is a direct economic assault on Congolese sovereignty. Source Credit and Further Reading This article is based principally on Patricia Huon and a Congolese researcher’s investigation for The New Humanitarian: “How Rwanda-backed M23 rebels finance their war in DR Congo” , published September 14, 2026. XTRAfrica independently reviewed the supporting materials linked below and has clearly attributed allegations, estimates and investigative findings. UN Group of Experts report on the Democratic Republic of the Congo — S/2024/969 UN Security Council Resolution 2773 coverage U.S. Treasury sanctions targeting a Rwanda-linked conflict-minerals network European Union sanctions related to M23 and illicit natural-resource trade Global Witness investigation into the international journey of Rwanda-labelled coltan ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Policy and Reforms US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty Will Democrats support Kagame after the 2026 midterms? Blinken's statements, Biden's Rwanda policy . War in Eastern DRC Muyaya: Congo's War Has Nothing to Do With the Constitution In London, the DRC government spokesperson rejects constitutional politics as a cause of the eastern . Justice & Crime Trump Moves to Remove Rwanda and South Africa From AGOA Trump plans to remove Rwanda and South Africa from AGOA trade benefits starting January 1, 2027 . Justice & Crime Rwanda Accused of Deporting Congolese Civilians in South Kivu South Kivu accuses Rwandan forces and M23 of forcibly displacing civilians in Katogota, . Tags DRC Conflict & Security DRC Conflict & Security Rwanda Rwanda Peace For DRC Now Peace For DRC Now DR.Congo DR.Congo

Wazalendo fighters recaptured strategic positions from M23-RDF forces in Masisi, raising pressure on rebel-controlled Rubaya mining areas. Masisi, North Kivu — Wazalendo fighters have regained control of multiple strategic positions from M23 rebels and their Rwandan Defense Forces (RDF) allies following intense fighting over the weekend, dealing a notable setback to the rebels in the Masisi territory. According to local and security sources, violent clashes erupted between May 23 and 24, 2026, in several villages within the Buabo and Nyamaboko I groupings of the Osso Banyungu sector. After hours of heavy combat, Wazalendo forces successfully recaptured the positions of Ntete, Shoa, and Burora, forcing M23-RDF elements to retreat from forward lines. The advances come amid a broader offensive by the young Congolese volunteers, who have intensified pressure on M23 positions since May 17. In the Katoyi sector and Mupfunyi Kibabi grouping, Wazalendo fighters have launched repeated attacks, creating significant concern in Rubaya, a key mining town that serves as a major revenue source for the rebels’ war economy. A sense of panic is now reported in Rubaya as residents brace for further escalation. In the neighboring Walikale territory, Wazalendo forces have also dislodged M23 rebels from two additional villages, securing those areas. In response to the deteriorating situation, M23-RDF commanders are urgently reorganizing their troops. On Monday morning, May 25, five trucks carrying RDF elements withdrawn from positions including Shonyi, Mashango, Lubwe Sud, Kojo, Rubona, and Kashavu were observed gathering near Kitshanga before heading toward Rubaya to bolster embattled fighters who have been under sustained pressure for over a week in the Katoyi sector and Mupfunyi Kibabi grouping. Control of mining areas remains a central driver of the fighting. Wazalendo gains around Rubaya could disrupt M23 supply lines and financing, potentially altering the balance of power in the Masisi region in the coming days. WAR IN DR CONGO Wazalendo Capture Several M23-RDF Positions Near Rubaya By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment May 25, 2026 May 25, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Masisi, North Kivu — Wazalendo fighters have regained control of multiple strategic positions from M23 rebels and their Rwandan Defense Forces (RDF) allies following intense fighting over the weekend, dealing a notable setback to the rebels in the Masisi territory. According to local and security sources, violent clashes erupted between May 23 and 24, 2026, in several villages within the Buabo and Nyamaboko I groupings of the Osso Banyungu sector. After hours of heavy combat, Wazalendo forces successfully recaptured the positions of Ntete, Shoa, and Burora, forcing M23-RDF elements to retreat from forward lines. ADVERTISEMENT The advances come amid a broader offensive by the young Congolese volunteers, who have intensified pressure on M23 positions since May 17. In the Katoyi sector and Mupfunyi Kibabi grouping, Wazalendo fighters have launched repeated attacks, creating significant concern in Rubaya, a key mining town that serves as a major revenue source for the rebels’ war economy. A sense of panic is now reported in Rubaya as residents brace for further escalation. In the neighboring Walikale territory, Wazalendo forces have also dislodged M23 rebels from two additional villages, securing those areas. ADVERTISEMENT Trending Now Kindu Nurses’ Strike Disrupts Care and Childhood Vaccination . Healthcare System EAC Preparedness Plan: What Must Be Ready Before Floods . Regional Blocs (AU, SADC, EAC, ECOWAS) DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba Seeks to Reshape the Francophonie . Francophone River Offin Girls’ Rights Decision: What Must Change? . Education Popular Today Healthcare System Kindu Nurses’ Strike Disrupts Care and Childhood Vaccination . Francophone DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba Seeks to Reshape the Francophonie . Policy and Reforms US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . War in Eastern DRC Muyaya: Congo's War Has Nothing to Do With the Constitution . Infrastructure DRC Signs Contracts to Modernise 13 Airports, First Deliveries in 2028 . In response to the deteriorating situation, M23-RDF commanders are urgently reorganizing their troops. On Monday morning, May 25, five trucks carrying RDF elements withdrawn from positions including Shonyi, Mashango, Lubwe Sud, Kojo, Rubona, and Kashavu were observed gathering near Kitshanga before heading toward Rubaya to bolster embattled fighters who have been under sustained pressure for over a week in the Katoyi sector and Mupfunyi Kibabi grouping. Control of mining areas remains a central driver of the fighting. Wazalendo gains around Rubaya could disrupt M23 supply lines and financing, potentially altering the balance of power in the Masisi region in the coming days. ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Healthcare System Kindu Nurses’ Strike Disrupts Care and Childhood Vaccination Patients face interrupted services as the labour dispute continues in Maniema. . Francophone DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba Seeks to Reshape the Francophonie DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba proposes nine reforms for the Francophonie, challenging Rwanda's Louise . Policy and Reforms US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty Will Democrats support Kagame after the 2026 midterms? Blinken's statements, Biden's Rwanda policy . War in Eastern DRC Muyaya: Congo's War Has Nothing to Do With the Constitution In London, the DRC government spokesperson rejects constitutional politics as a cause of the eastern . Tags DR.Congo DR.Congo Wazalendo DRC Wazalendo DRC M23 Rebels News M23 Rebels News M23 Conflict Updates M23 Conflict Updates M23 Rebels M23 Rebels

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Tanzania is preparing appliance-efficiency enforcement. Understand the reported dates, covered products, labels and questions for buyers and importers. DAR ES SALAAM, Tanzania — 28 October 2026 . Tanzania is preparing phased enforcement of appliance energy-efficiency requirements, with officials outlining rules for manufacturers, importers and sellers. The Guardian’s 27 October report gives 17 November and 8 December 2026 as the two enforcement dates. For buyers, the change is intended to make electricity consumption easier to compare. For traders, the immediate task is to establish which standard, label and commencement provision applies to each product. What are Tanzania’s appliance energy standards? Minimum energy-performance standards set efficiency requirements for covered products, while labels help buyers compare models. Officials have described enforcement in November and December 2026. Businesses should confirm the applicable notice and product category with TBS, particularly where goods were ordered or shipped before the changes. Which appliances are covered? The Citizen’s account lists eight categories: televisions, electric motors, household fans, air conditioners, refrigerators, electric pressure cookers, rice cookers and induction cookers. The two dates should not be applied indiscriminately across that list. The Guardian places the three electric-cooking categories in the first phase and identifies motors, refrigerators, fans and televisions in the second. It includes air conditioners in the wider programme without clearly assigning them to a phase in that report. Air-conditioner suppliers should obtain a category-specific answer from TBS. The table summarises the reported timetable; it does not replace the relevant government notice or the technical scope of a standard. A minimum threshold and a comparison label do different jobs Minimum standards are designed to prevent covered products below an efficiency threshold from entering the regulated market. Labels help customers distinguish the performance of models that are offered for sale. An earlier Guardian report on gazetting the standards described requirements for five appliance categories and the introduction of a national reference label. It also placed the measures within Tanzania’s wider energy-efficiency programme. Continue Reading Full Article TECHNOLOGY AND INNOVATION Tanzania Appliance Standards: Dates, Labels and Buyer Guide By Kamau Bahati Entertainment Editor Kamau Bahati Home Comment Oct 28, 2026 Oct 28, 2026 5 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: DAR ES SALAAM, Tanzania — 28 October 2026 . Tanzania is preparing phased enforcement of appliance energy-efficiency requirements, with officials outlining rules for manufacturers, importers and sellers. The Guardian’s 27 October report gives 17 November and 8 December 2026 as the two enforcement dates. For buyers, the change is intended to make electricity consumption easier to compare. For traders, the immediate task is to establish which standard, label and commencement provision applies to each product. What are Tanzania’s appliance energy standards? Minimum energy-performance standards set efficiency requirements for covered products, while labels help buyers compare models. Officials have described enforcement in November and December 2026. Businesses should confirm the applicable notice and product category with TBS, particularly where goods were ordered or shipped before the changes. Which appliances are covered? The Citizen’s account lists eight categories: televisions, electric motors, household fans, air conditioners, refrigerators, electric pressure cookers, rice cookers and induction cookers. The two dates should not be applied indiscriminately across that list. The Guardian places the three electric-cooking categories in the first phase and identifies motors, refrigerators, fans and televisions in the second. It includes air conditioners in the wider programme without clearly assigning them to a phase in that report. Reported enforcement date Categories expressly assigned in the Guardian report 17 November 2026 Electric pressure cookers, rice cookers and induction cookers 8 December 2026 Electric motors, refrigerators, fans and televisions ADVERTISEMENT Air-conditioner suppliers should obtain a category-specific answer from TBS. The table summarises the reported timetable; it does not replace the relevant government notice or the technical scope of a standard. A minimum threshold and a comparison label do different jobs Minimum standards are designed to prevent covered products below an efficiency threshold from entering the regulated market. Labels help customers distinguish the performance of models that are offered for sale. An earlier Guardian report on gazetting the standards described requirements for five appliance categories and the introduction of a national reference label. It also placed the measures within Tanzania’s wider energy-efficiency programme. Shoppers should compare equivalent appliances: similar capacity, function and conditions of use. A purchase price alone cannot establish the cost of owning an appliance. Equally, a label is not a promise that every household will receive the same reduction in its electricity bill. The 27 October Guardian report says regulated appliances will carry efficiency labels with QR codes intended to support checks against TBS product information. A buyer should match any displayed record to the actual model being sold and retain the receipt and warranty details. ADVERTISEMENT Trending Now Kindu Nurses’ Strike Disrupts Care and Childhood Vaccination . Healthcare System EAC Preparedness Plan: What Must Be Ready Before Floods . Regional Blocs (AU, SADC, EAC, ECOWAS) DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba Seeks to Reshape the Francophonie . Francophone River Offin Girls’ Rights Decision: What Must Change? . Education Popular Today Healthcare System Kindu Nurses’ Strike Disrupts Care and Childhood Vaccination . Regional Blocs (AU, SADC, EAC, ECOWAS) EAC Preparedness Plan: What Must Be Ready Before Floods . Education River Offin Girls’ Rights Decision: What Must Change? . Justice & Human Rights Ghana Court Staff Strike: What Court Users Should Check . | Appointments Museveni's 13 Senior Nominees: Full List and PSC Review . Importers need a product-specific compliance answer The Citizen quotes TBS officials describing a 60-day period linked to publication of the relevant notices before enforcement. It also reports an intention not to apply requirements retrospectively to completed transactions, including concerns about goods already shipped. That account does not establish a blanket exemption for every existing order, consignment or item on a retailer’s shelf. Businesses should request written clarification covering the product’s standard number, technical scope, required evidence and treatment of goods already in transit. A useful compliance file should identify the exact model, supplier, shipment date, supporting test documents and any correspondence with the regulator. Traders should also establish whether additional testing or certification is needed and who bears the cost before making promises to customers. Neither the reporting nor the dates alone establish a universal testing charge, a single penalty amount or an automatic right to sell remaining stock. Those details depend on the applicable instrument and the circumstances of the product. The policy is about using electricity more effectively Appliance efficiency sits within a longer programme. UNDP’s September 2025 account places work on efficient appliances and other solutions within the Energy Efficiency Action Plan and the National Energy Efficiency Strategy 2024–2034. ADVERTISEMENT That programme also supported local innovation: UNDP reported TZS250 million in seed funding for ten innovators. This is a separate, dated innovation allocation, not the cost of the October 2026 appliance rules, a consumer subsidy or a new disbursement for enforcement. Efficiency measures can complement electricity supply investment by reducing the energy needed to provide a service. Their actual value will depend on compliance, product quality, purchasing decisions and how equipment is used. The available announcements do not establish a measured nationwide reduction in consumption from these rules. XTRAfrica’s reporting on Tanzania’s energy portfolio provides wider policy context. For the appliance programme, the practical tests are narrower: clear notices, reliable product information, functioning verification and consistent enforcement. Before ordering or buying a covered appliance, establish its exact model and category, ask for the relevant efficiency information and confirm any disputed requirement with TBS. The next useful public clarification would set out the category-by-category dates, transitional arrangements and consumer verification process in one accessible notice. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Healthcare System Kindu Nurses’ Strike Disrupts Care and Childhood Vaccination Patients face interrupted services as the labour dispute continues in Maniema. . Regional Blocs (AU, SADC, EAC, ECOWAS) EAC Preparedness Plan: What Must Be Ready Before Floods Regional coordination is announced; funded actions and current local warnings determine readiness. . Education River Offin Girls’ Rights Decision: What Must Change? A rights finding puts safe crossings and practical school access at the centre of the response. . Justice & Human Rights Ghana Court Staff Strike: What Court Users Should Check Unions maintain their walkout, leaving litigants needing court-specific instructions. . Tags Breaking News Breaking News Tanzania Tanzania

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Highlights from Tshisekedi’s UNGA80 speech: justice for Congo, recognition of GENOCOST, exposing Rwanda’s lies, and a call for Pan-African unity Speaking before world leaders at the 80th United Nations General Assembly in New York, President Félix Antoine Tshisekedi Tshilombo delivered one of his most forceful speeches yet. He combined a call for justice over Congo’s long-silenced tragedy with a direct rebuke of Rwanda and a bold affirmation of Africa’s rightful place on the global stage. On GENOCOST and Congo’s Long-Silenced Tragedy This is not only a conflict, it is a silent genocide that has struck the Congolese people for more than 30 years. All the markers of a project of extermination are present.” I call on this Assembly: recognize the Congolese genocide , support our fight for truth and justice, and help us finally build a lasting peace at the heart of Africa.” Tshisekedi urged the UN to support an independent international commission of inquiry and impose sanctions on those financing war through blood minerals. He made clear that Congo is not asking for charity: The Democratic Republic of Congo does not ask for charity or pity. It demands justice, truth, and dignity.” On Rwanda’s Deception and M23 Atrocities The president directly exposed Rwanda’s role in fueling conflict: “In July, more than 300 civilians, including 48 women and 19 children, were massacred in Rutshuru by M23 with the support of Rwandan defense forces. These crimes are not isolated; they form part of a macabre continuity.” He accused Kigali of false gestures of withdrawal while continuing to back M23: Continue Reading Full Article UN GENERAL ASSEMBLY Tshisekedi at UNGA80: Highlights on Justice, Rwanda & Africa By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Sep 24, 2025 May 15, 2026 4 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Speaking before world leaders at the 80th United Nations General Assembly in New York, President Félix Antoine Tshisekedi Tshilombo delivered one of his most forceful speeches yet. He combined a call for justice over Congo’s long-silenced tragedy with a direct rebuke of Rwanda and a bold affirmation of Africa’s rightful place on the global stage. On GENOCOST and Congo’s Long-Silenced Tragedy This is not only a conflict, it is a silent genocide that has struck the Congolese people for more than 30 years. All the markers of a project of extermination are present.” I call on this Assembly: recognize the Congolese genocide , support our fight for truth and justice, and help us finally build a lasting peace at the heart of Africa.” Tshisekedi urged the UN to support an independent international commission of inquiry and impose sanctions on those financing war through blood minerals. He made clear that Congo is not asking for charity: The Democratic Republic of Congo does not ask for charity or pity. It demands justice, truth, and dignity.” ADVERTISEMENT On Rwanda’s Deception and M23 Atrocities The president directly exposed Rwanda’s role in fueling conflict: “In July, more than 300 civilians, including 48 women and 19 children, were massacred in Rutshuru by M23 with the support of Rwandan defense forces. These crimes are not isolated; they form part of a macabre continuity.” He accused Kigali of false gestures of withdrawal while continuing to back M23: Rwanda pretends to have withdrawn its troops, but in reality they remain on Congolese soil and continue to support their auxiliaries. These maneuvers are designed to delay peace and worsen the crisis.” On Africa’s Place in the World Tshisekedi used the global platform to demand reforms in the UN Security Council: ADVERTISEMENT Trending Now Kindu Nurses’ Strike Disrupts Care and Childhood Vaccination . Healthcare System EAC Preparedness Plan: What Must Be Ready Before Floods . Regional Blocs (AU, SADC, EAC, ECOWAS) DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba Seeks to Reshape the Francophonie . Francophone River Offin Girls’ Rights Decision: What Must Change? . Education Popular Today Francophone DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba Seeks to Reshape the Francophonie . Policy and Reforms DRC Assembly Backs $625m for Schools, Businesses and Health . Economic Policies DRC Creates Deposit Guarantee Fund to Protect Bank Customers . Social Service DRC Moves to Bring More Public Workers Onto the Payroll . Development DRC Plans $440 Million for Rural Water, Electricity and Infrastructure . “With 54 states and more than 1.2 billion inhabitants, Africa cannot remain on the sidelines of decisions that affect global peace and security. Africa must have permanent seats, with all the rights and responsibilities, including the veto.” On Minerals and Sovereignty Tshisekedi tied Congo’s mineral wealth to dignity and national development: “This is not a sell-off of our minerals for the interests of a few individuals. It is an exchange of minerals for the development of our country — for infrastructure, energy, industrialization, and education.” He demanded global reforms to break the toxic link between resource plunder and war: “We must cut off illicit mineral supply chains that finance decades of war and human tragedy in Congo. Silence and inaction are complicity.” ADVERTISEMENT On Pan-African Unity Congo’s leader praised African-led processes in Luanda, Nairobi, Lomé, and Doha that converge toward peace: Together, these initiatives have laid the foundations of a unified regional mechanism. Our goal remains unchanged: a just, lasting, and verifiable peace not a false calm that deceives our people.” He framed Congo’s struggle as part of Africa’s collective destiny: “We extend our hand for peace, but we will never accept peace built on impunity and oblivion. History will judge us by our courage to recognize mass crimes, including genocide, and to end impunity.” Conclusion: Congo at the Center of Global Conscience Tshisekedi’s address went beyond diplomacy. It was a rallying cry for truth, justice, and Pan-African dignity. By naming Rwanda’s duplicity, demanding recognition of GENOCOST, and tying Congo’s mineral wealth to sovereignty, Tshisekedi reminded the world that Congo is not a victim but a nation determined to shape Africa’s future. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Francophone DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba Seeks to Reshape the Francophonie DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba proposes nine reforms for the Francophonie, challenging Rwanda's Louise . Policy and Reforms DRC Assembly Backs $625m for Schools, Businesses and Health Lawmakers back four financing bills supporting entrepreneurs, primary education, maternal health . Economic Policies DRC Creates Deposit Guarantee Fund to Protect Bank Customers DRC approves FGADEC, a national deposit-guarantee fund designed to protect eligible savings, . Social Service DRC Moves to Bring More Public Workers Onto the Payroll DRC plans to make salary inclusion a 2027 budget priority, aiming to progressively bring eligible . Tags DRC Politics DRC Politics DR.Congo DR.Congo Felix Tshisekedi Felix Tshisekedi

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Fresh forensic findings in the Phala Phala scandal suggest at least R15 million may have been stolen, raising new questions about President Ramaphosa’s account The 2020 Phala Phala farm burglary at President Cyril Ramaphosa’s private game farm in Limpopo remains one of South Africa’s most politically charged scandals. While President Ramaphosa and official statements have consistently maintained that $580,000 (roughly R9–10 million at the time) in US dollars was stolen, a fresh police forensic investigation now suggests a significantly higher amount, at least R15 million, may have been taken. Official Version vs. Emerging Evidence Ramaphosa’s account: The cash (hidden in a sofa) came from a legitimate December 2019 sale of 20 buffaloes to Sudanese businessman Hazim Mustafa. It was not declared to the authorities in the standard way because it was kept on a private farm. The president has said he did not immediately report the February 9, 2020, burglary to the regular police to avoid alarming the farming community; instead, his Presidential Protection Unit handled the initial response. Court and NPA position: Ongoing trials of the accused (Imanuwela David and siblings Floriana and Ndilinasho Joseph) charge them with stealing $580,000. This figure has been repeatedly referenced in official documents, NPA statements, and witness testimony. New twist (May 10, 2026): Evidence presented in the trial of Imanuwela David, backed by police forensic financial analysis, shows far more money flowing through accounts linked to the suspects shortly after the break-in. Key findings: A forensic probe linked R8.2 million in deposits to David’s bank accounts starting days after the theft. In total, police connected David to cash deposits, transactions, and dollar-linked spending amounting to nearly R15 million in 2020–2021 alone. This includes luxury purchases and other spending that exceeds the declared stolen amount. This has cast “further doubt” on the president’s version, according to reporting on the forensic details emerging in court. Continue Reading Full Article POLITICAL SCANDALS How Much Money Was Stolen from Phala Phala? Latest Forensic Updates By Neema Asha Mwakalinga Travel & Culture Expert Neema Asha Mwakalinga Home Comment May 11, 2026 May 15, 2026 4 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: The 2020 Phala Phala farm burglary at President Cyril Ramaphosa’s private game farm in Limpopo remains one of South Africa’s most politically charged scandals. While President Ramaphosa and official statements have consistently maintained that $580,000 (roughly R9–10 million at the time) in US dollars was stolen, a fresh police forensic investigation now suggests a significantly higher amount, at least R15 million, may have been taken. Official Version vs. Emerging Evidence Ramaphosa’s account: The cash (hidden in a sofa) came from a legitimate December 2019 sale of 20 buffaloes to Sudanese businessman Hazim Mustafa. It was not declared to the authorities in the standard way because it was kept on a private farm. The president has said he did not immediately report the February 9, 2020, burglary to the regular police to avoid alarming the farming community; instead, his Presidential Protection Unit handled the initial response. Court and NPA position: Ongoing trials of the accused (Imanuwela David and siblings Floriana and Ndilinasho Joseph) charge them with stealing $580,000. This figure has been repeatedly referenced in official documents, NPA statements, and witness testimony. ADVERTISEMENT New twist (May 10, 2026): Evidence presented in the trial of Imanuwela David, backed by police forensic financial analysis, shows far more money flowing through accounts linked to the suspects shortly after the break-in. Key findings: A forensic probe linked R8.2 million in deposits to David’s bank accounts starting days after the theft. In total, police connected David to cash deposits, transactions, and dollar-linked spending amounting to nearly R15 million in 2020–2021 alone. This includes luxury purchases and other spending that exceeds the declared stolen amount. This has cast “further doubt” on the president’s version, according to reporting on the forensic details emerging in court. ADVERTISEMENT Trending Now Kindu Nurses’ Strike Disrupts Care and Childhood Vaccination . Healthcare System EAC Preparedness Plan: What Must Be Ready Before Floods . Regional Blocs (AU, SADC, EAC, ECOWAS) DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba Seeks to Reshape the Francophonie . Francophone River Offin Girls’ Rights Decision: What Must Change? . Education Popular Today Elections Monitoring South Africa Declares Election Results: What Comes Next? . Elections Monitoring South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Business Trends Killarney Mall Transfer Completed in R397.5 Million Deal . Elections Monitoring South Africa Election 2026: ANC Leads, MK Wins KZN Councils . Elections Monitoring South Africa Election Results: How to Read the Count . Broader Allegations (Unproven) Whistleblower Arthur Fraser (former SSA head) originally claimed that $4 million+ (around R60–62 million) in undeclared foreign currency was hidden and stolen, accusing Ramaphosa of a cover-up involving bribery, kidnapping of suspects, and off-books recovery operations. A 2022 Section 89 Independent Panel found prima facie evidence that more than $580,000 was probably stolen (one suspect reportedly claimed around $800,000) and raised questions about Ramaphosa’s truthfulness to Parliament. Namibian links and cross-border money flows have been investigated, but no conclusive higher figure has been proven in court beyond the forensic R15 million indications. ADVERTISEMENT Current Status (May 2026) The trial continues in the Modimolle Regional Court. Recent Constitutional Court rulings have revived parliamentary impeachment processes against Ramaphosa related to how the matter was handled (misleading Parliament, failure to report properly, etc.), but these focus more on procedural and constitutional issues than on definitively settling the exact theft amount. Bottom line: The officially charged and acknowledged stolen amount remains $580,000 (≈ R10 million). However, police forensic evidence now strongly indicates that at least R15 million was taken and laundered/spent by the suspects. The discrepancy continues to fuel political controversy, calls for deeper probes, and skepticism about the full story. No final judicial determination on the “true” amount has been made; it will likely depend on the outcome of the ongoing criminal trial and any further forensic disclosures. This remains a developing story with major political implications. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Elections Monitoring South Africa Declares Election Results: What Comes Next? The IEC’s declaration moves attention to council leadership, coalition talks and unresolved contests. . Elections Monitoring South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances Gauteng's DA lead and other council results show why the municipal count remains unsettled. . Business Trends Killarney Mall Transfer Completed in R397.5 Million Deal Octodec confirms the sale, while AJP’s plans include support for two black women entrepreneurs. . Elections Monitoring South Africa Election 2026: ANC Leads, MK Wins KZN Councils Early results show MK Party victories in KwaZulu-Natal and a Service Delivery Party breakthrough. . Tags South Africa South Africa Cyril Ramaphosa Cyril Ramaphosa