DR Congo has asked FIFA to review ticket refunds after Ebola travel restrictions affected fans before the 2026 World Cup. DR Congo’s football federation has asked FIFA to consider refunding 2026 World Cup tickets bought by supporters affected by Ebola-related travel restrictions, according to a BBC Sport Africa report. Fecofa president Veron Mosengo-Omba said fans should not lose the money spent on tickets after restrictions made it difficult or impossible for some supporters to travel to matches in North America. The request comes after the WHO declared the Ebola outbreak a public health emergency of international concern, affecting DR Congo and Uganda . Canada has also introduced new Ebola-related measures for travelers from affected countries, including Congo, South Sudan and Uganda, according to previous reports . FIFA told reporters it would look into the request, while its normal ticket policy generally favors resale or transfer rather than refunds unless exceptional circumstances apply. DR Congo are returning to the World Cup for the first time since 1974, but the outbreak has already disrupted preparations and fan travel plans. Continue Reading Full Article PUBLIC HEALTH ALERTS Ebola travel limits leave Congolese fans facing World Cup disruption By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment May 27, 2026 May 27, 2026 1 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: DR Congo’s football federation has asked FIFA to consider refunding 2026 World Cup tickets bought by supporters affected by Ebola-related travel restrictions, according to a BBC Sport Africa report. Fecofa president Veron Mosengo-Omba said fans should not lose the money spent on tickets after restrictions made it difficult or impossible for some supporters to travel to matches in North America. The request comes after the WHO declared the Ebola outbreak a public health emergency of international concern, affecting DR Congo and Uganda . ADVERTISEMENT Canada has also introduced new Ebola-related measures for travelers from affected countries, including Congo, South Sudan and Uganda, according to previous reports . FIFA told reporters it would look into the request, while its normal ticket policy generally favors resale or transfer rather than refunds unless exceptional circumstances apply. ADVERTISEMENT DR Congo are returning to the World Cup for the first time since 1974, but the outbreak has already disrupted preparations and fan travel plans. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Policy and Reforms US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . War in Eastern DRC Muyaya: Congo's War Has Nothing to Do With the Constitution . Infrastructure DRC Signs Contracts to Modernise 13 Airports, First Deliveries in 2028 . Economic Reports DRC and IMF Reach Staff-Level Deal on Programme Reviews . | Economy DRC Opens London Forum Seeking Partnerships, Not Aid . ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Policy and Reforms US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty Will Democrats support Kagame after the 2026 midterms? Blinken's statements, Biden's Rwanda policy . War in Eastern DRC Muyaya: Congo's War Has Nothing to Do With the Constitution In London, the DRC government spokesperson rejects constitutional politics as a cause of the eastern . Infrastructure DRC Signs Contracts to Modernise 13 Airports, First Deliveries in 2028 Four firms will rebuild runways and terminals from Kalemie to Muanda under a Treasury-funded plan . Economic Reports DRC and IMF Reach Staff-Level Deal on Programme Reviews Board vote set for December; minister says up to $771 million could follow if approved . Tags DR.Congo DR.Congo DRC Leopards DRC Leopards DR Congo News DR Congo News Sports Sports

David Harbour was involved in a brief public incident in California, prompting online discussion as attention remains on his personal life. Actor David Harbour has drawn public attention following an unusual incident during a recent night out in Encinitas, California, amid heightened scrutiny surrounding his personal life. According to reports, the 50-year-old Stranger Things star briefly entered and exited the Encinitas Ale House over the weekend, where eyewitnesses described erratic behaviour. Surveillance footage reportedly shows Harbour taking a hat belonging to another patron and shouting before leaving the venue. Video obtained by U.S. entertainment outlet TMZ captured a tense exchange between Harbour and the hat’s owner, though no physical confrontation occurred. Witnesses said the interaction ended without escalation, but several described the actor’s demeanour as surprising. Accounts from those present also noted that Harbour later threw the hat to the ground, spoke emotionally to bystanders, referenced the Iraq war, and knelt briefly in what appeared to be a moment of prayer. The incident comes during a period of increased public focus on Harbour’s private life following developments involving his estranged wife, musician Lily Allen, who recently released new music. An unnamed source familiar with the situation suggested that sustained professional demands and personal attention may be contributing factors, though no official statement has been made by Harbour or his representatives. Harbour has previously spoken openly about being diagnosed with bipolar disorder in his mid-20s and has discussed managing the condition throughout his career. The actor, who has appeared in films including Black Widow and Hellboy , has not publicly commented on the Encinitas incident. Source: Geo News Continue Reading Full Article HOLLYWOOD UPDATES David Harbour draws attention after unusual public incident By Witty Pascal Entertainment Editor Witty Pascal Home Comment Dec 19, 2025 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Actor David Harbour has drawn public attention following an unusual incident during a recent night out in Encinitas, California, amid heightened scrutiny surrounding his personal life. According to reports, the 50-year-old Stranger Things star briefly entered and exited the Encinitas Ale House over the weekend, where eyewitnesses described erratic behaviour. Surveillance footage reportedly shows Harbour taking a hat belonging to another patron and shouting before leaving the venue. Video obtained by U.S. entertainment outlet TMZ captured a tense exchange between Harbour and the hat’s owner, though no physical confrontation occurred. Witnesses said the interaction ended without escalation, but several described the actor’s demeanour as surprising. ADVERTISEMENT Accounts from those present also noted that Harbour later threw the hat to the ground, spoke emotionally to bystanders, referenced the Iraq war, and knelt briefly in what appeared to be a moment of prayer. The incident comes during a period of increased public focus on Harbour’s private life following developments involving his estranged wife, musician Lily Allen, who recently released new music. An unnamed source familiar with the situation suggested that sustained professional demands and personal attention may be contributing factors, though no official statement has been made by Harbour or his representatives. ADVERTISEMENT Harbour has previously spoken openly about being diagnosed with bipolar disorder in his mid-20s and has discussed managing the condition throughout his career. The actor, who has appeared in films including Black Widow and Hellboy , has not publicly commented on the Encinitas incident. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Biography Poco Lee Biography: Age, Real Name, Dance Career and Songs . Biography Eric Omondi Biography: Comedy, Activism and Public Life . Biography Who Is Snit Habteab, Eritrea’s Miss World Trailblazer? . Entertainment Poco Lee UK Case Sparks Consent Debate Among Nigerian Stars . Entertainment FOLA Leads 2026 Headies Nominations Ahead of Toronto . ADVERTISEMENT Source: Geo News ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Biography Poco Lee Biography: Age, Real Name, Dance Career and Songs Inside the Nigerian dancer’s rise from Ojo street shows to Afrobeats stages, music and global fame. . Biography Eric Omondi Biography: Comedy, Activism and Public Life How Eric Omondi rose through Churchill Show and became a prominent Kenyan activist. . Biography Who Is Snit Habteab, Eritrea’s Miss World Trailblazer? The neuroscientist and educator became Eritrea’s first Miss World entrant and reached the Top 6 . Entertainment Poco Lee UK Case Sparks Consent Debate Among Nigerian Stars The dancer faces five sexual offence charges and returns to court on September 15. . Tags Entertainment Entertainment

In Burkina Faso, the ruling military junta has been conscripting its critics, including prominent figures like Arouna Loure, a vocal opponent who was forcibly enlisted into military service. Loure, an anesthesiologist, received a conscription order in September last year. Shortly after, he was abducted from his hospital by armed men and taken to a military camp near Kaya, where he was held for three months. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have reported numerous similar cases, accusing the junta of kidnapping and conscripting dissenters. Despite these allegations, the junta has not publicly responded. Since March 2023, at least 19 such abductions have been verified by Reuters through interviews and public statements. The conscriptions appear to be part of junta leader Ibrahim Traore's strategy to suppress criticism since he seized power in a 2022 coup. Victims have described their conscription as arbitrary and punitive, often involving torture and forced military service. Some, including Loure, were later seen in military uniforms in social media posts. In addition to conscription, the junta has also been accused of extrajudicial killings and other human rights abuses, contributing to an ongoing climate of fear and repression in the country. Despite the junta's efforts, Burkina Faso continues to struggle with security issues and insurgent violence, leading to widespread civilian casualties. By Author Name Author Name Home Comment Jul 2, 2024 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: In Burkina Faso, the ruling military junta has been conscripting its critics, including prominent figures like Arouna Loure, a vocal opponent who was forcibly enlisted into military service. Loure, an anesthesiologist, received a conscription order in September last year. Shortly after, he was abducted from his hospital by armed men and taken to a military camp near Kaya, where he was held for three months. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have reported numerous similar cases, accusing the junta of kidnapping and conscripting dissenters. Despite these allegations, the junta has not publicly responded. Since March 2023, at least 19 such abductions have been verified by Reuters through interviews and public statements. ADVERTISEMENT The conscriptions appear to be part of junta leader Ibrahim Traore's strategy to suppress criticism since he seized power in a 2022 coup. Victims have described their conscription as arbitrary and punitive, often involving torture and forced military service. Some, including Loure, were later seen in military uniforms in social media posts. In addition to conscription, the junta has also been accused of extrajudicial killings and other human rights abuses, contributing to an ongoing climate of fear and repression in the country. Despite the junta's efforts, Burkina Faso continues to struggle with security issues and insurgent violence, leading to widespread civilian casualties. ADVERTISEMENT Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Tags

Kylian Mbappé remains sidelined with a hamstring injury after missing Real Madrid’s El Clásico defeat to Barcelona, though he is pushing for a quick return Kylian Mbappé missed Real Madrid’s crucial El Clásico defeat to Barcelona on Sunday, May 10, 2026, and remains sidelined as the club enters the final stretch of the 2025-26 La Liga season. The French superstar has not featured since April 24 due to a hamstring injury, and while he is pushing hard to return before the campaign ends, the club is proceeding with caution. Here’s the full latest update based on official reports, medical statements, and developments as of May 11. How the Injury Happened Mbappé suffered the injury during Real Madrid’s 1-1 La Liga draw away to Real Betis on April 24. He was substituted in the 81st minute after feeling discomfort and was later diagnosed with an injury to the semitendinosus muscle in his left leg (a key hamstring muscle). Real Madrid’s official medical report on April 27 confirmed the issue but provided no return timeline, stating simply: “Awaiting progress.” Initial assessments suggested it was a relatively mild strain rather than a full tear. Scans ruled out a serious rupture, describing it instead as inflammation consistent with muscle overload during the recovery phase. However, the timing, late in a disappointing season for Madrid, who trail Barcelona in the title race, raised questions about risk management, especially with the 2026 FIFA World Cup on the horizon this summer. Recovery Timeline and the El Clásico Drama Early May: Mbappé was ruled out of the May 3 match against Espanyol. He continued individual rehab work, including gym and pool sessions, while some reports noted he spent part of his recovery in Paris and Sardinia (Italy). His representatives stressed that the trip was fully coordinated with the club’s medical staff and did not reflect any lack of commitment. Mid-May buildup: By early last week, optimism grew. Mbappé reportedly passed medical tests, rejoined group training on Friday (May 8), and was expected to be available for the squad for El Clásico. Reports from Cope and others described him as “back” and in good spirits. Saturday, May 9–10: The situation changed rapidly. Mbappé trained with the group but withdrew in the final minutes of the session after reporting discomfort. Multiple sources indicate he was informed he would not start (or might only be on the bench), after which he felt the issue flare up. He was subsequently excluded from the 21-man squad announced for the May 10 trip to Camp Nou. Real Madrid lost 2-0, allowing Barcelona to clinch the La Liga title. Mbappé watched from home in Madrid and posted an Instagram Story supporting the team (“Hala Madrid”) after the scoreline was already 2-0, sparking mixed fan reactions. Manager Álvaro Arbeloa has been blunt: “I don’t know. Two weeks remain, and depending on how he evolves from the discomfort he currently has, we’ll see if he can play or not.” The club has emphasized it will not rush him. Continue Reading Full Article SPORTS TRENDS Why Is Mbappé Not Playing Today? Latest Injury Update By Serge Kabongo Sports & Entertainment Serge Kabongo Home Comment May 11, 2026 May 15, 2026 5 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Kylian Mbappé missed Real Madrid’s crucial El Clásico defeat to Barcelona on Sunday, May 10, 2026, and remains sidelined as the club enters the final stretch of the 2025-26 La Liga season. The French superstar has not featured since April 24 due to a hamstring injury, and while he is pushing hard to return before the campaign ends, the club is proceeding with caution. Here’s the full latest update based on official reports, medical statements, and developments as of May 11. How the Injury Happened Mbappé suffered the injury during Real Madrid’s 1-1 La Liga draw away to Real Betis on April 24. He was substituted in the 81st minute after feeling discomfort and was later diagnosed with an injury to the semitendinosus muscle in his left leg (a key hamstring muscle). Real Madrid’s official medical report on April 27 confirmed the issue but provided no return timeline, stating simply: “Awaiting progress.” Initial assessments suggested it was a relatively mild strain rather than a full tear. Scans ruled out a serious rupture, describing it instead as inflammation consistent with muscle overload during the recovery phase. However, the timing, late in a disappointing season for Madrid, who trail Barcelona in the title race, raised questions about risk management, especially with the 2026 FIFA World Cup on the horizon this summer. ADVERTISEMENT Recovery Timeline and the El Clásico Drama Early May: Mbappé was ruled out of the May 3 match against Espanyol. He continued individual rehab work, including gym and pool sessions, while some reports noted he spent part of his recovery in Paris and Sardinia (Italy). His representatives stressed that the trip was fully coordinated with the club’s medical staff and did not reflect any lack of commitment. Mid-May buildup: By early last week, optimism grew. Mbappé reportedly passed medical tests, rejoined group training on Friday (May 8), and was expected to be available for the squad for El Clásico. Reports from Cope and others described him as “back” and in good spirits. Saturday, May 9–10: The situation changed rapidly. Mbappé trained with the group but withdrew in the final minutes of the session after reporting discomfort. Multiple sources indicate he was informed he would not start (or might only be on the bench), after which he felt the issue flare up. He was subsequently excluded from the 21-man squad announced for the May 10 trip to Camp Nou. Real Madrid lost 2-0, allowing Barcelona to clinch the La Liga title. Mbappé watched from home in Madrid and posted an Instagram Story supporting the team (“Hala Madrid”) after the scoreline was already 2-0, sparking mixed fan reactions. Manager Álvaro Arbeloa has been blunt: “I don’t know. Two weeks remain, and depending on how he evolves from the discomfort he currently has, we’ll see if he can play or not.” The club has emphasized it will not rush him. ADVERTISEMENT Today’s Update (May 11) and Mbappé’s Determination. Real Madrid gave the squad a day off following the Clásico loss, but Mbappé reported to the Valdebebas training center anyway. He posted an Instagram Story from the gym, signaling his dedication. According to Marca and other outlets, the 27-year-old has explicitly told the medical staff and Arbeloa that he wants to feature in all three remaining La Liga matches to regain match sharpness ahead of the World Cup. Remaining fixtures: Thursday, May 14: Real Madrid vs Real Oviedo (home, 9:30 p.m. CEST) Sunday, May 17: Sevilla vs Real Madrid (away) May 23/24: Real Madrid vs Athletic Club (home) Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Civil Society Miguel Masaisai Funeral Programme: Kinshasa Dates and Times . Gaming Trends The 3,500 years of history behind the dice in modern casino games . Sports Trends Congolese Star Merveille Kanjinga Sends PSG Into Europe . Biography Antoine Semenyo Biography: Age, Family and Career . Sports Congolese Midfielder Jules Ahoka Joins Sunderland in Premier League . ADVERTISEMENT No new injury has been reported. The current issue is residual inflammation and incomplete recovery from the original semitendinosus strain. A recent scan confirmed no tear, just mild overload. Mbappé is described as “close” but not yet at 100%. Why the Caution, and Any Controversy? Real Madrid have nothing left to fight for in the league (title already gone), so protecting their star asset for the World Cup makes sense. Mbappé, La Liga’s top scorer with 24 goals this season, is France’s talisman. Some fans and media criticized his Sardinia trip and the training incident timing, with rumors of tension in the dressing room. However, sources close to the player maintain full coordination with the club, and there is no indication of a rift that would keep him out longer than medically necessary. Outlook Mbappé is expected to continue targeted training this week. A return for the Oviedo match on May 14 is possible but not guaranteed, likely as a substitute if he features at all. The club and player are aligned on prioritizing full fitness for the World Cup over rushed appearances in low-stakes league games. Mbappé’s absence has been felt, but his proactive approach today shows he is determined not to miss the season’s final weeks entirely. Stay tuned, updates from Valdebebas over the next 48 hours will be decisive. Hala Madrid, and get well soon, Kylian. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Civil Society Miguel Masaisai Funeral Programme: Kinshasa Dates and Times The ministry’s schedule sets a 21 October vigil and 22 October national tribute and private burial. . Gaming Trends The 3,500 years of history behind the dice in modern casino games From animal knucklebones to digital RNGs, discover how dice evolved across thousands of years of gaming . Sports Trends Congolese Star Merveille Kanjinga Sends PSG Into Europe DRC star Merveille Kanjinga scores twice as PSG beat Eintracht Frankfurt 5–1 after extra time . Biography Antoine Semenyo Biography: Age, Family and Career Meet the Ghana forward whose academy setbacks led to Manchester City and a historic PFA XI . Tags Sport Sport South Africa South Africa Kylian Mbappé Kylian Mbappé

Research in Tanzania and Kenya documents the killing, abandonment and concealment of disabled Maasai children and efforts to end the abuse. The claim that Maasai communities contain no disabled people is false. Yet field research in northern Tanzania and southern Kenya records testimony about disabled people being killed, abandoned, denied food, exposed to danger or hidden. Some witnesses described past killing; others suspected it continued secretly. The historical record of disability-selective infanticide is incomplete. There is no reliable count of victims, proof of one compulsory procedure across Maasailand or basis for declaring every Maasai family guilty. Yet missing statistics do not erase what participants, disabled people and rehabilitation workers told researchers. The bitter truth is that some disabled Maasai children appear to have died because others judged their lives to be burdens. Was disability-selective infanticide practised in Maasai communities? Yes researchers in specific Tanzanian and Kenyan Maasai areas recorded community admissions of historical killing alongside accounts of abandonment, deliberate underfeeding and lethal exposure. Its scale is unknown, and the evidence does not establish a universal Maasai rule, but the documented testimony is too serious to deny or soften. Who Are the Maasai People Behind This Evidence? The Maasai are Indigenous East Africans whose homeland extends across southern Kenya and northern Tanzania. Maa language, cattle, land, kinship and age-set relationships have historically shaped social life. Today Maasai people are also farmers, teachers, nurses, advocates, business owners and urban professionals, as XTRAfrica’s guide to Maasai history and modern life explains. The evidence in this article comes mainly from Monduli District in northern Tanzania and Loita in southern Kenya. These locations cannot stand for Kajiado, Narok, Laikipia, Arusha, Longido, Ngorongoro or every Maasai section. That limit is not an excuse to avoid the findings. It tells us exactly where the strongest testimony applies and where further investigation is still required. Disabled Maasai people unquestionably exist. Tanzanian researchers interviewed children and adults with physical, visual, intellectual and multiple disabilities. Kenyan Maasai advocate Jemimah Kutata has written publicly about growing up with a physical disability , reaching school and later organising women with disabilities. Their survival disproves the “zero disabled people” myth while exposing how exclusion can make a population appear absent. What 68 Participants Admitted in Northern Tanzania The most direct accessible study was conducted by Sheryl Feinstein and a predominantly Tanzanian research team in Monduli District. Amina Mollel, a Maasai woman, led interviews in Maa or Kiswahili. The study covered Simanjiro, Makyuni and Manyara wards and included 68 Maasai participants: disabled people, relatives, village residents and a rehabilitation-centre director. Researchers conducted 21 individual interviews and five focus groups (Feinstein, 2014, pp. 2–3). Continue Reading Full Article AFRICAN CULTURE Disability-Selective Infanticide: The Hidden History in Maasailand By Neema Asha Mwakalinga Travel & Culture Expert Neema Asha Mwakalinga Home Comment Aug 24, 2026 Aug 25, 2026 14 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: The claim that Maasai communities contain no disabled people is false. Yet field research in northern Tanzania and southern Kenya records testimony about disabled people being killed, abandoned, denied food, exposed to danger or hidden. Some witnesses described past killing; others suspected it continued secretly. The historical record of disability-selective infanticide is incomplete. There is no reliable count of victims, proof of one compulsory procedure across Maasailand or basis for declaring every Maasai family guilty. Yet missing statistics do not erase what participants, disabled people and rehabilitation workers told researchers. The bitter truth is that some disabled Maasai children appear to have died because others judged their lives to be burdens. Was disability-selective infanticide practised in Maasai communities? Yes researchers in specific Tanzanian and Kenyan Maasai areas recorded community admissions of historical killing alongside accounts of abandonment, deliberate underfeeding and lethal exposure. Its scale is unknown, and the evidence does not establish a universal Maasai rule, but the documented testimony is too serious to deny or soften. Who Are the Maasai People Behind This Evidence? The Maasai are Indigenous East Africans whose homeland extends across southern Kenya and northern Tanzania. Maa language, cattle, land, kinship and age-set relationships have historically shaped social life. Maasai chidren Maasai community members photographed in Tanzania’s Ngorongoro Conservation Area Today Maasai people are also farmers, teachers, nurses, advocates, business owners and urban professionals, as XTRAfrica’s guide to Maasai history and modern life explains. The evidence in this article comes mainly from Monduli District in northern Tanzania and Loita in southern Kenya. These locations cannot stand for Kajiado, Narok, Laikipia, Arusha, Longido, Ngorongoro or every Maasai section. That limit is not an excuse to avoid the findings. It tells us exactly where the strongest testimony applies and where further investigation is still required. Disabled Maasai people unquestionably exist. Tanzanian researchers interviewed children and adults with physical, visual, intellectual and multiple disabilities. Kenyan Maasai advocate Jemimah Kutata has written publicly about growing up with a physical disability , reaching school and later organising women with disabilities. Their survival disproves the “zero disabled people” myth while exposing how exclusion can make a population appear absent. What 68 Participants Admitted in Northern Tanzania The most direct accessible study was conducted by Sheryl Feinstein and a predominantly Tanzanian research team in Monduli District. Amina Mollel, a Maasai woman, led interviews in Maa or Kiswahili. The study covered Simanjiro, Makyuni and Manyara wards and included 68 Maasai participants: disabled people, relatives, village residents and a rehabilitation-centre director. Researchers conducted 21 individual interviews and five focus groups (Feinstein, 2014, pp. 2–3). An aerial view of a Maasai village in Tanzania’s Ngorongoro Conservation Area. Research cited in this article concerns particular northern Tanzanian communities; one settlement cannot represent every Maasai family or locality. Credit: Arnold Tibaijuka/Wikimedia Commons.An aerial view of a Maasai village in Tanzania’s Ngorongoro Conservation Area. Research cited in this article concerns particular northern Tanzanian communities; one settlement cannot represent every Maasai family or locality. Credit: Arnold Tibaijuka/Wikimedia Commons. When asked about killing, most participants denied that it continued. Yet they acknowledged that it had happened in the past. One participant dated the change by saying, “The last 15 years brought change.” Because the fieldwork was associated with the researcher’s 2007–2008 period in Tanzania, that recollection points roughly toward change beginning in the 1990s, although it is testimony not a precise historical cutoff (Feinstein, 2014, p. 4). One participant believed disabled people were still killed secretly. More disturbing, a few reportedly called killing sinful while accepting neglect: not feeding a disabled person or abandoning them was considered permissible. That distinction may have allowed a family to deny responsibility while creating conditions in which death was predictable. The rehabilitation-centre director supplied two concrete accounts. A blind boy was reportedly found alone in the Ngorongoro Crater, too afraid of wild animals to move. A girl was found in an abandoned village with only a little water and food. Both had allegedly been left to die (Feinstein, 2014, p. 4). ADVERTISEMENT These cases were reported to researchers rather than reconstructed through official files. They are field testimony, but cannot be reduced to harmless “stigma.” Abandoning a blind child among wild animals or leaving a child with inadequate supplies is potentially lethal violence. Killing Was Not the Only Way a Child Disappeared The Tanzanian study found that migration could become the point at which a disabled person was excluded. Participants repeatedly spoke about the difficulty of moving with someone unable to walk. One woman explained that a donkey was required and was not always safe. Another said, “We hide them in the house and leave them when we migrate” (Feinstein, 2014, p. 4). A wheelchair user travels along a busy street in Nakuru, Kenya. The photograph illustrates how transport conditions and inaccessible environments can restrict mobility and public participation. The subject is not identified as Maasai. Credit: Victor Kibiwott/Wikimedia Commons.A wheelchair user travels along a busy street in Nakuru, Kenya. The photograph illustrates how transport conditions and inaccessible environments can restrict mobility and public participation. The subject is not identified as Maasai. Credit: Victor Kibiwott/Wikimedia Commons. Farther from Arusha, researchers encountered fewer disabled people. They did not establish why. Possible explanations include lower survival, concealment, abandonment, migration patterns, sampling limits or movement toward services. The study’s author speculated that killing and hiding might be more common in remote areas, but the data did not prove a rate. That uncertainty matters because disappearance can have several mechanisms: direct killing; withholding food, milk, water or medical care; abandonment during migration; keeping a person permanently out of public view; sending a child to a distant institution; or preventable death where health care is inaccessible. Only some of these are homicide in a strict legal sense. All can deny a disabled child safety, family membership and the chance to live. Loita Testimony Described Lethal Exposure and Withheld Milk Evidence from Kenya independently points to similar dangers. Nathaniel Hsieh’s study around Ilkerin in the Loita Hills used interviews with teachers, health workers, community leaders, students and families. Interviewees repeatedly described disability through ideas of curses, witchcraft or punishment (Hsieh, 2012, pp. 5–6). A Maasai man with albinism told the researcher that a father disputing paternity could place a disabled baby at the entrance of a livestock enclosure and allow cattle to pass. He also alleged that some mothers withheld breast milk or exposed children to severe conditions to cause death. Hsieh described these responses as occasional and extreme and could not determine how frequently they persisted (Hsieh, 2012, p. 6). The paper also documented disabled children who survived and a Maasai nurse and social worker, Franciska Mukinka, who searched for children hidden by their families. Her fieldwork identified cerebral palsy, hydrocephalus, clubfoot, cleft palate, deafness, serious burns and other impairments. Treatment and education sometimes transformed how families viewed those children (Hsieh, 2012, pp. 7–9). The existence of survivors does not disprove killing. It shows that responses varied and that intervention could change a child’s fate. The Historical Record Is Real but Still Fragmented How far back did the practice go? The strongest direct evidence currently available is retrospective testimony collected in the 2000s, not a complete sequence of nineteenth- and twentieth-century records. Feinstein’s introduction cited a 1995 disability magazine article for a broad claim that Maasai communities historically killed or hid disabled people. That publication was not available for direct examination during this research, so it cannot carry the article’s historical conclusion. ADVERTISEMENT Early European works such as A. C. Hollis’s 1905 The Masai: Their Language and Folklore are valuable but must be used cautiously. Colonial officials, missionaries and travellers often wrote through racial hierarchies, misunderstood local explanations or generalised from limited encounters. In the accessible material reviewed, no sufficiently clear, page-verifiable passage was found that establishes a uniform rule of killing disabled newborns. That leaves an uncomfortable but honest conclusion. Oral-history testimony supports the existence of killing in the remembered past of the Tanzanian communities studied. Modern Kenyan testimony describes lethal methods. The exact origin, period, frequency and territorial spread remain insufficiently documented. A serious article should state both findings rather than replacing missing archives with certainty. Curse, Burden and the Permission to Neglect A visually impaired Kenyan guitarist performs with his instrument, challenging beliefs that disability makes a person incapable of work, creativity or social contribution. The musician is not identified as Maasai. Credit: Calvin Mwanza/Wikimedia Commons. In Monduli, participants most often explained disability through curses, witchcraft or God’s will. A congenital disability could be blamed on misconduct by a parent or grandparent; a later impairment might be attributed to bewitchment. The disabled child then became visible “proof” of a family’s supposed disgrace (Feinstein, 2014, pp. 3–4). Economic ideas reinforced spiritual ones. Participants commonly defined disability through inability to work, migrate or keep pace with age-mates. One boy’s summary of his support was painfully brief: “It’s just me and my mom.” Another wanted the community to see him as a human being, not permanently as a child outside adult status (Feinstein, 2014, pp. 5–6). Pastoral mobility did not cause murder, and poverty does not excuse abuse. Yet long distances, inaccessible transport, limited health services and work-centred measures of belonging could intensify the idea that a person was a burden. When curse beliefs supplied moral blame and service failures supplied practical pressure, abandonment became easier to rationalise. This fuller context complements XTRAfrica’s reporting on modern Maasai professionals : Maasai life has never been limited to the public image most outsiders recognise, and disabled people have been among those most frequently kept outside that image. Maasai People Also Led the Resistance A specialist teacher supports learners who are deafblind at Kabarnet School in Kenya. A Maasai mother with a baby The history is not only about perpetrators. Mothers sustained children when other relatives withdrew. Disabled Maasai people demanded education and adulthood. Franciska Mukinka challenged families who hid children and demonstrated what treatment could make possible. The Namelok-Naretoi programme continues to describe surgery, rehabilitation and education for children with physical disabilities. Jemimah Kutata’s life similarly refuses the idea that disability means inability. Her parents improvised crutches, helped her enter school and supported a path that later made her a disability-rights advocate. These accounts show change arising inside families and communities, not only through outside condemnation. Culture is neither a criminal defence nor collective guilt. XTRAfrica’s coverage of Maasai initiation, law and reform makes the same distinction: communities can preserve relationships, language, teaching and ceremony while rejecting acts that violate bodily safety. Its account of Maasai sacred rites also shows that living heritage changes through the choices of living people. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today African Culture Disability-Selective Infanticide: The Hidden History in Maasailand . African Culture Zee Nxumalo Biography: Age, Real Name, Songs & Amapiano Rise . African Culture Wendy Shay Biography: Age, Nursing Career, Songs & AFRIMA Win . African Culture Vinka Biography: Real Name, Songs, Family & Music Career . African Culture Vestine & Dorcas Biography: Ages, Family, Songs & Career . ADVERTISEMENT Naming the Crime Is Part of Prevention Today, killing, abandoning, starving or concealing a disabled person is not a protected custom. Kenya’s Persons with Disabilities Act 2025 specifically criminalises concealment, harmful practices, abandonment, ritual killing and denial of food or fluids. Kenya’s Children Act 2022 protects children’s survival, development, health and freedom from neglect and abuse. Tanzania also recognises disability rights in national law. Students at Karatina Special School in Kenya work together in the school garden. Inclusive education allows children with intellectual and developmental disabilities to learn, participate and demonstrate their abilities. The students are not identified as Maasai. Credit: Clemo Clemon/Wikimedia Commons. Law will fail if hidden births and deaths remain invisible. Prevention requires confidential reporting, birth and death registration, disability-inclusive community health workers, transport, early treatment, accessible schools, assistive equipment and financial support for caregivers. Investigations should speak separately with women, disabled people and children; the Tanzanian study showed that public group answers could differ from private experience. The warning must extend beyond Maasailand. Disabled children have faced infanticide, abandonment and institutional neglect in many societies. Exposing one community should never become entertainment or ethnic contempt. The purpose is to recognise the chain of beliefs and pressures that permits a child to be treated as disposable and break it wherever it appears. Frequently Asked Questions Did every Maasai community kill disabled babies? No. The evidence documents admissions and allegations in specific Tanzanian and Kenyan locations. It does not establish a compulsory practice across all Maasai sections, families or historical periods. Is there proof that killing happened historically? There is direct retrospective testimony: most participants in the Monduli study acknowledged past killing. Kenyan interviewees described alleged lethal methods. Verified victim totals, dates and a comprehensive archival record remain unavailable. Could killing still happen secretly? One Tanzanian participant believed it did, while others denied continuation. Current prevalence is unknown. Concealment, poor registration and the private nature of abuse make investigation difficult; unsupported claims should not be reported as confirmed current cases. Why are disabled Maasai people sometimes difficult to see? Some were hidden, abandoned, excluded from ceremonies or unable to reach school and health care. Others moved toward rehabilitation services. Some disabilities are not visually obvious. Invisibility is evidence of exclusion, not proof of absence. Sources and Further Reading Feinstein, Sheryl (2014). “A Research Study on Individuals with Disabilities in the Maasai Tribe of Tanzania” , Review of Disability Studies , Vol. 5, No. 4, pp. 1–9. Hsieh, Nathaniel A. (2012). Of Curses and Cows: Barriers to the Realization of Special Needs Education in Kenyan Maasai Communities , especially pp. 5–9. Kutata, Jemimah (2026). “From Writing Letters in the Sand to the Catwalk: A Disabled Maasai Woman Changing Tradition” , Global Disability News Network. Voluntary Service Overseas (2016). Special Needs Education in Kenya: A Baseline Survey , especially pp. 70–76. Hollis, A. C. (1905). The Masai: Their Language and Folklore , Clarendon Press. Consulted as a historical source; no decisive passage supporting a universal disability-infanticide rule was verified. Kenya Law (2022). Children Act, 2022 . Kenya Law (2025). Persons with Disabilities Act, 2025 . Third Ladder (accessed August 23, 2026). Namelok-Naretoi programme profile . ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles African Culture Disability-Selective Infanticide: The Hidden History in Maasailand Field evidence exposes a history of killing, abandonment and neglect and the Maasai resisting it . African Culture Zee Nxumalo Biography: Age, Real Name, Songs & Amapiano Rise Meet Zee Nxumalo: her age, real name, songs, awards and journey from viral covers to amapiano stardom. . African Culture Wendy Shay Biography: Age, Nursing Career, Songs & AFRIMA Win Discover Wendy Shay’s age, Ghana-Germany story, nursing career, albums, songs and awards. . African Culture Vinka Biography: Real Name, Songs, Family & Music Career Discover Vinka’s real name, family, hit songs, awards and journey from dancer to Ugandan star. . Tags African culture African culture Kenya Kenya The Maasai People The Maasai People

Nzanga Mobutu warns of a renewed Rwandan offensive, this time through disinformation. A patriotic call to defend Congo’s truth, unity, and sovereignty In a powerful and urgent message, Nzanga Mobutu , son of former President Mobutu Sese Seko, shared a statement on X (formerly Twitter) : a national call to arms, not with bullets, but with truth. Drawing chilling parallels between the 1996–1997 invasion of Zaire and today’s hybrid warfare of Rwanda-backed M23 in eastern Congo, Mobutu warns that Rwanda’s aggression has evolved. No longer confined to the battlefield, it now thrives through narratives, media spin, and disinformation. Mobutu Nzanga Ngbangawe We must return to an essential fact that many have forgotten. During the invasion of Zaire in 1996 and 1997, Rwanda did not just advance militarily: it also won the communication war in parallel. This media victory shaped international perceptions, blurred responsibilities, weakened our voice, and made the truth of our people inaudible. The propaganda that was deployed at that time prepared world opinion to accept the unacceptable, leaving Zaire isolated and vulnerable. This experience must today serve as a lesson and a warning for us. The mechanisms that weakened us yesterday are returning, in other forms, with other tools. The M23, like the AFDL of old, operates as a true fifth column, combining military actions with sophisticated influence strategies. The confrontation no longer takes place solely in our hills or our cities: it now plays out in international media, on social networks, in fabricated and disseminated narratives designed to manipulate minds. That is why I call on all my compatriots, especially the young people, so present and active online, to exercise absolute vigilance. Pay attention to what you watch, what you share, and what you consider to be true. Disinformation is not background noise: it is a weapon, a silent but formidable weapon, which weakens nations, dilutes cohesion, and paves the way for other forms of aggression. This message is a patriotic call. We must defend our country on the battlefield of ideas as well, where perceptions are built, and legitimacies are forged. We must regain control of our national narrative, refuse to let others speak for us, define us, or pit us against each other. Sovereignty is not protected solely by arms: it is also protected by awareness, clarity, and unity. We paid an extremely heavy price in 1996-1997. We have no right to let history repeat itself. May each of us become a bulwark against manipulation, a relay of truth, and an actor in national cohesion. The future of our country depends on it. Continue Reading Full Article WAR IN EASTERN DRC Mobutu: Rwanda’s War Isn’t Just Military, It’s a War of Narratives By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Dec 11, 2025 May 15, 2026 3 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: In a powerful and urgent message, Nzanga Mobutu , son of former President Mobutu Sese Seko, shared a statement on X (formerly Twitter) : a national call to arms, not with bullets, but with truth. Drawing chilling parallels between the 1996–1997 invasion of Zaire and today’s hybrid warfare of Rwanda-backed M23 in eastern Congo, Mobutu warns that Rwanda’s aggression has evolved. No longer confined to the battlefield, it now thrives through narratives, media spin, and disinformation. Mobutu Nzanga Ngbangawe We must return to an essential fact that many have forgotten. During the invasion of Zaire in 1996 and 1997, Rwanda did not just advance militarily: it also won the communication war in parallel. This media victory shaped international perceptions, blurred responsibilities, weakened our voice, and made the truth of our people inaudible. The propaganda that was deployed at that time prepared world opinion to accept the unacceptable, leaving Zaire isolated and vulnerable. This experience must today serve as a lesson and a warning for us. The mechanisms that weakened us yesterday are returning, in other forms, with other tools. The M23, like the AFDL of old, operates as a true fifth column, combining military actions with sophisticated influence strategies. The confrontation no longer takes place solely in our hills or our cities: it now plays out in international media, on social networks, in fabricated and disseminated narratives designed to manipulate minds. ADVERTISEMENT That is why I call on all my compatriots, especially the young people, so present and active online, to exercise absolute vigilance. Pay attention to what you watch, what you share, and what you consider to be true. Disinformation is not background noise: it is a weapon, a silent but formidable weapon, which weakens nations, dilutes cohesion, and paves the way for other forms of aggression. This message is a patriotic call. We must defend our country on the battlefield of ideas as well, where perceptions are built, and legitimacies are forged. We must regain control of our national narrative, refuse to let others speak for us, define us, or pit us against each other. ADVERTISEMENT Sovereignty is not protected solely by arms: it is also protected by awareness, clarity, and unity. We paid an extremely heavy price in 1996-1997. We have no right to let history repeat itself. May each of us become a bulwark against manipulation, a relay of truth, and an actor in national cohesion. The future of our country depends on it. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Policy and Reforms US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . War in Eastern DRC Muyaya: Congo's War Has Nothing to Do With the Constitution . Infrastructure DRC Signs Contracts to Modernise 13 Airports, First Deliveries in 2028 . Economic Reports DRC and IMF Reach Staff-Level Deal on Programme Reviews . | Economy DRC Opens London Forum Seeking Partnerships, Not Aid . ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Policy and Reforms US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty Will Democrats support Kagame after the 2026 midterms? Blinken's statements, Biden's Rwanda policy . War in Eastern DRC Muyaya: Congo's War Has Nothing to Do With the Constitution In London, the DRC government spokesperson rejects constitutional politics as a cause of the eastern . Infrastructure DRC Signs Contracts to Modernise 13 Airports, First Deliveries in 2028 Four firms will rebuild runways and terminals from Kalemie to Muanda under a Treasury-funded plan . Economic Reports DRC and IMF Reach Staff-Level Deal on Programme Reviews Board vote set for December; minister says up to $771 million could follow if approved . Tags DR.Congo DR.Congo

French MP Aurélien Taché says Kinshasa should be the capital of the Francophone world, highlighting DRC’s demographic weight and growing influence. French MP Aurélien Taché has said Kinshasa should be considered the capital of the Francophone world , following a recent visit to the Democratic Republic of Congo. Speaking after meetings with Congolese officials, including Minister of Human Rights Samuel Mbemba, Taché pointed to the DRC’s demographic weight, noting that it is the country with the largest number of French speakers globally. He also used the visit to promote a proposal for a Francophone academy that could be based in Kinshasa. According to him, the French language should now have a central hub in Africa, reflecting where most of its speakers are located. The proposed academy, he said, would focus not only on the evolution of the French language but also on issues related to values, including peace and human rights. Taché also referred to the situation in eastern DRC, saying the Francophone world is affected by ongoing instability in the region. He raised concerns about the conflict's impact on human rights and the credibility of the Francophone space. His remarks come at a time when the Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie (OIF) is preparing for a new leadership cycle. The Democratic Republic of Congo has put forward Juliana Amato Lumumba as its candidate, positioning her campaign around themes of cultural sovereignty, youth, and Africa’s growing role within the Francophone world. Taché's remarks signal growing support within French political circles for the DRC’s position in the evolving Francophonie elections. He also stressed that the DRC’s position within the Francophone world should go beyond symbolism, calling for stronger institutional recognition in line with its demographic importance FRANCOPHONE French MP Says Kinshasa Should Be Capital of the Francophone World By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Apr 27, 2026 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: French MP Aurélien Taché has said Kinshasa should be considered the capital of the Francophone world , following a recent visit to the Democratic Republic of Congo. Speaking after meetings with Congolese officials, including Minister of Human Rights Samuel Mbemba, Taché pointed to the DRC’s demographic weight, noting that it is the country with the largest number of French speakers globally. He also used the visit to promote a proposal for a Francophone academy that could be based in Kinshasa. According to him, the French language should now have a central hub in Africa, reflecting where most of its speakers are located. ADVERTISEMENT The proposed academy, he said, would focus not only on the evolution of the French language but also on issues related to values, including peace and human rights. Taché also referred to the situation in eastern DRC, saying the Francophone world is affected by ongoing instability in the region. He raised concerns about the conflict's impact on human rights and the credibility of the Francophone space. ADVERTISEMENT His remarks come at a time when the Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie (OIF) is preparing for a new leadership cycle. The Democratic Republic of Congo has put forward Juliana Amato Lumumba as its candidate, positioning her campaign around themes of cultural sovereignty, youth, and Africa’s growing role within the Francophone world. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Policy and Reforms US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . War in Eastern DRC Muyaya: Congo's War Has Nothing to Do With the Constitution . Infrastructure DRC Signs Contracts to Modernise 13 Airports, First Deliveries in 2028 . Economic Reports DRC and IMF Reach Staff-Level Deal on Programme Reviews . | Economy DRC Opens London Forum Seeking Partnerships, Not Aid . ADVERTISEMENT Taché's remarks signal growing support within French political circles for the DRC’s position in the evolving Francophonie elections. He also stressed that the DRC’s position within the Francophone world should go beyond symbolism, calling for stronger institutional recognition in line with its demographic importance ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Policy and Reforms US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty Will Democrats support Kagame after the 2026 midterms? Blinken's statements, Biden's Rwanda policy . War in Eastern DRC Muyaya: Congo's War Has Nothing to Do With the Constitution In London, the DRC government spokesperson rejects constitutional politics as a cause of the eastern . Infrastructure DRC Signs Contracts to Modernise 13 Airports, First Deliveries in 2028 Four firms will rebuild runways and terminals from Kalemie to Muanda under a Treasury-funded plan . Economic Reports DRC and IMF Reach Staff-Level Deal on Programme Reviews Board vote set for December; minister says up to $771 million could follow if approved . Tags DR.Congo DR.Congo Juliana Amato Lumumba Juliana Amato Lumumba

DRC star Merveille Kanjinga scores twice as PSG beat Eintracht Frankfurt 5–1 after extra time to reach the Women's Champions League league phase The 23-year-old Congolese international scored PSG’s opening goal and struck again in extra time to help the French club defeat Eintracht Frankfurt 5–1. PARIS — September 3, 2026 — Congolese football star Merveille Kanjinga delivered a decisive performance as Paris Saint-Germain defeated Eintracht Frankfurt 5–1 after extra time to qualify for the league phase of the UEFA Women’s Champions League. The two clubs entered the return leg level following a 1–1 draw in Germany. PSG therefore needed a victory at home to secure its place in the next stage of the competition. Kanjinga opened the scoring in the 36th minute after breaking through Frankfurt’s defence. However, the German side equalised in the 76th minute, sending the match into extra time. The 23-year-old Congolese forward struck again in the 95th minute, connecting with a free kick from Sakina Karchaoui to restore PSG’s lead. Her second goal proved to be the decisive breakthrough. Karchaoui later scored twice before Rasheedat Ajibade completed the 5–1 victory in added time. According to the official Paris Saint-Germain match report , Kanjinga’s extra-time goal unlocked the match and helped PSG secure qualification for the league phase. The result represents another major European achievement for Kanjinga, whose official UEFA profile identifies her as a Democratic Republic of the Congo international. Speaking after the victory, Kanjinga credited PSG’s determination and the support of the club’s fans for helping the team survive a difficult match. “We didn’t give up until the end,” she said in a post-match reaction published by PSG . Continue Reading Full Article SPORTS TRENDS Congolese Star Merveille Kanjinga Sends PSG Into Europe By Serge Kabongo Sports & Entertainment Serge Kabongo Home Comment Sep 3, 2026 Sep 3, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: The 23-year-old Congolese international scored PSG’s opening goal and struck again in extra time to help the French club defeat Eintracht Frankfurt 5–1. PARIS — September 3, 2026 — Congolese football star Merveille Kanjinga delivered a decisive performance as Paris Saint-Germain defeated Eintracht Frankfurt 5–1 after extra time to qualify for the league phase of the UEFA Women’s Champions League. The two clubs entered the return leg level following a 1–1 draw in Germany. PSG therefore needed a victory at home to secure its place in the next stage of the competition. Kanjinga opened the scoring in the 36th minute after breaking through Frankfurt’s defence. However, the German side equalised in the 76th minute, sending the match into extra time. ADVERTISEMENT The 23-year-old Congolese forward struck again in the 95th minute, connecting with a free kick from Sakina Karchaoui to restore PSG’s lead. Her second goal proved to be the decisive breakthrough. Karchaoui later scored twice before Rasheedat Ajibade completed the 5–1 victory in added time. According to the official Paris Saint-Germain match report , Kanjinga’s extra-time goal unlocked the match and helped PSG secure qualification for the league phase. ADVERTISEMENT The result represents another major European achievement for Kanjinga, whose official UEFA profile identifies her as a Democratic Republic of the Congo international. Speaking after the victory, Kanjinga credited PSG’s determination and the support of the club’s fans for helping the team survive a difficult match. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Scholarships Russia Confirms 100 Scholarships for Congolese Students . Patriotism Tshisekedi Urges Congolese in Russia to Be DRC Ambassadors . Healthcare System Kasa-Vubu Youth Centre Inaugurated in Kinshasa . Business & Investment DRC Urges Diaspora to Invest Skills and Capital at Home . Biography Miguel Masaisai Biography: The Cyclist Who Rode for Peace . ADVERTISEMENT “We didn’t give up until the end,” she said in a post-match reaction published by PSG . Kanjinga’s two-goal performance gives Congolese football supporters another reason to follow the Women’s Champions League as PSG prepares to compete against Europe’s leading clubs. PSG has qualified for the league phase but has not won the competition. The club’s European campaign will continue in the next stage. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Scholarships Russia Confirms 100 Scholarships for Congolese Students Russia confirms 100 government scholarship places for Congolese students, reaffirming education . Patriotism Tshisekedi Urges Congolese in Russia to Be DRC Ambassadors Meeting the Congolese diaspora in Moscow, Tshisekedi calls for patriotism, academic excellence . Healthcare System Kasa-Vubu Youth Centre Inaugurated in Kinshasa A new youth space combines health information and participation, with access details still unclear. . Business & Investment DRC Urges Diaspora to Invest Skills and Capital at Home DiaspoBoost 2026 urges Congolese abroad to invest capital, share expertise and support local businesses . Tags DRC Youths DRC Youths Sport Sport DR.Congo DR.Congo

In a pivotal moment for Rwanda's political arena, President Paul Kagame garners unparalleled endorsement for the upcoming July presidential elections. Seven key political entities, including the venerable Liberal Party (PL) and Social Democratic Party (PSD), have thrown their weight behind Kagame, solidifying his candidacy under the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) banner. This coalition signifies a robust alignment within Rwanda's governance, as both PL and PSD leaders, historically allied with the ruling RPF, continue to hold significant roles within the government. At 66, Kagame's enduring leadership, spanning several victorious elections since 2003, remains a focal point of discussion. While his tenure has been marked by substantial electoral support, surpassing 90% in previous contests, it has not been without controversy. Critics and human rights advocates express concerns over a prevailing environment that potentially curtails freedom of expression and dissent. This development underscores a critical phase in Rwanda's democratic journey, reflecting a complex tapestry of political unity and the challenges of sustaining a vibrant, inclusive political discourse . Continue Reading Full Article By Author Name Author Name Home Comment Apr 2, 2024 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: President Paul Kagame In a pivotal moment for Rwanda's political arena, President Paul Kagame garners unparalleled endorsement for the upcoming July presidential elections. Seven key political entities, including the venerable Liberal Party (PL) and Social Democratic Party (PSD), have thrown their weight behind Kagame, solidifying his candidacy under the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) banner. ADVERTISEMENT This coalition signifies a robust alignment within Rwanda's governance, as both PL and PSD leaders, historically allied with the ruling RPF, continue to hold significant roles within the government. At 66, Kagame's enduring leadership, spanning several victorious elections since 2003, remains a focal point of discussion. ADVERTISEMENT While his tenure has been marked by substantial electoral support, surpassing 90% in previous contests, it has not been without controversy. Critics and human rights advocates express concerns over a prevailing environment that potentially curtails freedom of expression and dissent. This development underscores a critical phase in Rwanda's democratic journey, reflecting a complex tapestry of political unity and the challenges of sustaining a vibrant, inclusive political discourse . Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Tags

Discover the 8 best rooftop bars in Luanda for sunset drinks, stunning bay views and vibrant nightlife vibes. Your perfect golden hour spots await. Luanda has never been shy about its skyline. High‑rise hotels and beach clubs gleam along the bay while neighbourhood rooftops bloom with palms, pools and the promise of golden‑hour cocktails. 2025 has been especially good to the city: swanky new lounges opened and old favourites perfected their sunset swagger. Here are eight rooftops that make sundowners feel like a cultural event. From Talatona to Ilha do Cabo, expect views, vibes and a cheeky dash of Angolan flair. 1. Sky Lounge at InterContinental Luanda Miramar Perched on the 24th floor of the InterContinental Luanda Miramar, Sky Lounge feels like stepping into the clouds. The five‑star hotel’s rooftop pool and cocktail bar overlook downtown and the Atlantic, so you’re sipping rosé while oil platforms and colonial façades glow orange . It’s a ritzy scene: business types unwind after conferences and fashionistas pose against glass balustrades. Expect to pay US$280–350 per room and around US$20 for cocktails and small plates (about CDF 756,000–945,000 for stays and CDF 54,000 per drink). The bar hosts regular events with Standard Bank and local DJs, so there’s a good chance you’ll stumble into a champagne promo or jazz night. InterContinental’s social feeds show bankers clinking glasses at a 2025 corporate takeover see it on the hotel’s Instagram for proof (the skyline looks like liquid gold). Brunch is another draw; a viral reel of the weekend buffet has locals raving about the sushi and pastel de nata watch the crowd swoon on Instagram. Sky Lounge is pricey but makes up for it with service, a temperature‑controlled pool and arguably the best 360° view of Angola’s capital. 2. Kenka Rooftop at Palmeiras Suite Hotel Talatona’s residential towers hide one of Luanda’s coolest sunset spots. Kenka sits above the Palmeiras Suite Hotel with an infinity pool that peers over low‑rise villas . The vibe is tropical‑minimalist: wooden decking, white loungers and DJs spinning Afrobeats as the sun dips behind the suburbs. Rooms here cost US$230–370 per night (about CDF 621,000–999,000 ), but you don’t need to be a guest to enjoy sushi and gin. Expect US$15–25 per person for sushi platters and cocktails (about CDF 40,500–67,500 ). Kenka’s Gin & Jazz sessions made a comeback in 2025, so Thursdays feel like a rooftop supper club . Local families wander up for sunset mocktails, while Talatona’s young professionals network over ceviche. Insider trick: book a day‑bed to avoid the weekend queue. The hotel’s own Instagram feed regularly posts about Gin & Jazz nights and poolside brunch; scroll through their 2025 highlights to see the infinity pool shimmering against pink skies. Fans also love the #explorers_lifestyle reels showing sushi boats arriving just as the sun hits the horizon. It’s a mellow, suburban alternative to the bay’s party beaches. 3. Lookal Beach Club (Ilha do Cabo) Lookal is the poster child for Luanda’s so‑called African Riviera . Located on Ilha do Cabo, this sprawling beach club offers a pool, day‑beds, multiple bars and sushi counter. During the day it feels like a private resort; by sunset the energy shifts as live music and DJs start up . Prices vary: tapas and tacos begin at US$1–60 , mains hover around US$20–40 , and a meal with cocktails will set you back US$30–70 per person (about CDF 81,000–189,000 ). It’s more affordable than you might think for such a glam setting. Continue Reading Full Article LUXURY TRAVEL 8 best rooftop bars in Luanda for sunset drinks By Neema Asha Mwakalinga Travel & Culture Expert Neema Asha Mwakalinga Home Comment Dec 5, 2025 May 15, 2026 11 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Luanda has never been shy about its skyline. High‑rise hotels and beach clubs gleam along the bay while neighbourhood rooftops bloom with palms, pools and the promise of golden‑hour cocktails. 2025 has been especially good to the city: swanky new lounges opened and old favourites perfected their sunset swagger. Here are eight rooftops that make sundowners feel like a cultural event. From Talatona to Ilha do Cabo, expect views, vibes and a cheeky dash of Angolan flair. 1. Sky Lounge at InterContinental Luanda Miramar Sky Lounge Luanda offers luxury rooftop sunsets with panoramic bay views. Perched on the 24th floor of the InterContinental Luanda Miramar, Sky Lounge feels like stepping into the clouds. The five‑star hotel’s rooftop pool and cocktail bar overlook downtown and the Atlantic, so you’re sipping rosé while oil platforms and colonial façades glow orange . It’s a ritzy scene: business types unwind after conferences and fashionistas pose against glass balustrades. Expect to pay US$280–350 per room and around US$20 for cocktails and small plates (about CDF 756,000–945,000 for stays and CDF 54,000 per drink). The bar hosts regular events with Standard Bank and local DJs, so there’s a good chance you’ll stumble into a champagne promo or jazz night. InterContinental’s social feeds show bankers clinking glasses at a 2025 corporate takeover see it on the hotel’s Instagram for proof (the skyline looks like liquid gold). Brunch is another draw; a viral reel of the weekend buffet has locals raving about the sushi and pastel de nata watch the crowd swoon on Instagram. Sky Lounge is pricey but makes up for it with service, a temperature‑controlled pool and arguably the best 360° view of Angola’s capital. 2. Kenka Rooftop at Palmeiras Suite Hotel Kenka Rooftop Talatona blends sushi, skyline views, and stylish Luanda sunsets. Talatona’s residential towers hide one of Luanda’s coolest sunset spots. Kenka sits above the Palmeiras Suite Hotel with an infinity pool that peers over low‑rise villas . The vibe is tropical‑minimalist: wooden decking, white loungers and DJs spinning Afrobeats as the sun dips behind the suburbs. Rooms here cost US$230–370 per night (about CDF 621,000–999,000 ), but you don’t need to be a guest to enjoy sushi and gin. Expect US$15–25 per person for sushi platters and cocktails (about CDF 40,500–67,500 ). Kenka’s Gin & Jazz sessions made a comeback in 2025, so Thursdays feel like a rooftop supper club . Local families wander up for sunset mocktails, while Talatona’s young professionals network over ceviche. Insider trick: book a day‑bed to avoid the weekend queue. The hotel’s own Instagram feed regularly posts about Gin & Jazz nights and poolside brunch; scroll through their 2025 highlights to see the infinity pool shimmering against pink skies. ADVERTISEMENT Fans also love the #explorers_lifestyle reels showing sushi boats arriving just as the sun hits the horizon. It’s a mellow, suburban alternative to the bay’s party beaches. 3. Lookal Beach Club (Ilha do Cabo) Lookal Beach Club delivers oceanfront sunset vibes on Luanda’s iconic island. Lookal is the poster child for Luanda’s so‑called African Riviera . Located on Ilha do Cabo, this sprawling beach club offers a pool, day‑beds, multiple bars and sushi counter. During the day it feels like a private resort; by sunset the energy shifts as live music and DJs start up . Prices vary: tapas and tacos begin at US$1–60 , mains hover around US$20–40 , and a meal with cocktails will set you back US$30–70 per person (about CDF 81,000–189,000 ). It’s more affordable than you might think for such a glam setting. The club’s 2025 social posts show sun‑kissed patrons lounging on day‑beds with champagne buckets and shisha pipes. A November 2025 carousel shows Lagos influencers diving into the ocean between courses check the Lookal Beach Club account for the full vibe. Locals advise arriving mid‑afternoon: you’ll secure a front‑row seat for sunset and avoid the chaotic dinner rush. After dark the place morphs into an open‑air nightclub, with the DJ booth suspended over the pool and Angolan Kizomba dancers teaching visitors a few moves. 4. Malibu Beach Club Malibu Beach Club Luanda serves chilled beach sunsets with cocktails and music Also on Ilha do Cabo, Malibu has matured from a simple sunbathing spot into a go‑to for chilled afternoons that slide into lively evenings . The vibe is laid‑back: pastel‑coloured cabanas, hammocks, rattan chairs and a thatched bar. Prices are kind to the wallet too: expect US$15–30 per person for drinks and tapas (around CDF 40,500–81,000 ). Malibu doesn’t have the glitzy vibe of Lookal but makes up for it with friendly staff and a more intimate crowd. Regulars recommend going on Friday afternoons when the DJ sets are mellow and conversation flows freely . The club’s 2025 Instagram reels feature couples laughing under fairy lights and surfers warming up at sunset. One widely shared clip shows a bartender balancing a cocktail tray while dancing to Kizomba watch the spectacle on Malibu’s Instagram and prepare for some footwork envy. Malibu is perfect if you want to ease into Luanda’s nightlife without the pressure to dress up. ADVERTISEMENT 5. Ushuaia Luanda Beach Club Ushuaia Luanda Beach Club offers premium island sunsets with chic lounge vibes. Opened in 2024, this Mediterranean‑inspired club on the Ilha hit its stride in 2025 . Think pale wood furniture, terracotta cushions and rattan swings that wouldn’t look out of place in Ibiza. Ushuaia focuses on quality over quantity: comfortable sun loungers, attentive staff and a strong cocktail programme. Expect US$20–40 per person (about CDF 54,000–108,000 ) for drinks and tapas. The place fills up on weekends, so weekdays offer a more serene, almost private experience. 2025 reels on their official Instagram show day‑to‑night transitions; watch as families brunch to acoustic guitar sets before the DJ drops deep‑house tunes at dusk. Locals point out that ushers will happily reserve sun loungers if you DM them. If you’re craving a European‑style beach club without the flight to the Balearics, this is your spot. 6. Baía Bar at Hotel Presidente Baia Bar Luanda pairs rooftop bay views with relaxed sunset drinks and charm. Hotel Presidente might not be the newest kid on the block, but its rooftop Baía Bar remains a classic. Located on the 8th floor , the terrace offers one of the best panoramas over Luanda Bay and is open from 9 AM to 1 AM . It’s a relaxed space with wicker armchairs, rattan lanterns and tables positioned to soak in the view. Cocktails here are surprisingly affordable: around US$10–20 (about CDF 27,000–54,000 ). The hotel’s Porto Mare space on the same floor also hosts private cocktail events and wine tastings . Time your visit for sunset and watch fishing boats glide across the bay as skyscrapers glow. Hotel Presidente’s 2025 Instagram grid features live jazz nights and a rooftop fashion show see the beautiful Baía Bar backdrop on the hotel’s official account. Local tip: order the Caipirinha de Maracujá and pair it with grilled squid; the tangy passion fruit cuts through the smoky seafood like a dream. Baía Bar is ideal for travellers who want a more traditional, colonial‑style setting. 7. Rooftop Bar at Protea Hotel (Marriott) Protea Luanda’s rooftop bar features golden hour drinks with Miramar views. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Travel Tips 6 most known rivers of Angola and how to actually experience them . Luxury Travel 8 Best Spots to Watch Movies in Luanda 2026 . Travel Tips How to Tour the Namib Desert Like a Local (Angola Side) . Food and Travel Top 6 Public Libraries in Luanda (City & Suburbs) 2026 . Luxury Travel Top 8 Festivals and Events Celebrated in Luanda, Angola . ADVERTISEMENT Protea Hotel, now operated by Marriott, hides a chic rooftop bar above its central Morro Bento address. The hotel’s dining page boasts that the rooftop offers breathtaking views and an unforgettable atmosphere . The décor is modern think marble tables, steel bar stools and greenery walls and the bar draws both hotel guests and well‑heeled locals. Drinks range from US$10–20 (about CDF 27,000–54,000 ). On weekdays there are after‑work happy hours with two‑for‑one cocktails. A viral Instagram reel from August 2025 shows a crowd dancing to 90s R&B at the after‑work party watch it via Protea Luanda’s account for some serious shoulder shimmies. The hotel’s feed also highlights special events like Father’s Day brunch and rooftop yoga sessions, making this a versatile space. Arrive just before dusk for golden‑hour selfies and stay for the star‑filled sky; the rooftop remains open until midnight on weekends. 8. Botânico Rooftop Bar at Thomson Art House Botanico Rooftop blends art, ocean views, and cosy sunset moments in Luanda. Tucked away in the artistic quarter, Thomson Art House feels more bohemian than boardroom. Its Botânico bar sits on the 4th floor overlooking the ocean and has a lush, garden‑like vibe. With potted plants, cushioned benches and a funky cocktail list, it attracts creatives and international guests. According to the hotel, the bar is available for private events of up to 100 people. Drinks cost around US$15–25 (about CDF 40,500–67,500 ) and tapas lean towards Mediterranean‑Angolan fusion. The Art House’s Instagram occasionally posts 2025 sunset shots with the caption “Sunsets at Botânico come chill with us,” capturing orange skies and gin goblets. Locals suggest visiting on evenings when there’s an exhibition opening downstairs; artists spill onto the rooftop, and conversation flows with caipirinhas. If you appreciate art with your aperitivo, this is the only place in town where you can discuss António Ole while watching the sun sink behind cargo ships. Luanda’s rooftop scene is proof that the city knows how to blend business and pleasure. From the corporate luxe of InterContinental to the beachy bliss of Lookal and the creative charm of Botânico, there’s a sunset perch for every mood and budget. Prices range from US$10 cocktails to US$350 suites, but the real currency here is atmosphere and perhaps a willingness to sway to Kizomba while balancing a gin and tonic. Follow the verified social accounts we’ve linked to catch real‑time updates, events and glimpses of 2025’s best rooftop moments. See you under the Angolan sun. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Travel Tips 6 most known rivers of Angola and how to actually experience them From the Kwanza to the Zambezi, discover Angola’s most famous rivers and how to explore them . Luxury Travel 8 Best Spots to Watch Movies in Luanda 2026 Luanda’s luxe movie spots, from 4DX thrills to velvet VIP lounges your 2026 cinema guide is here. . Travel Tips How to Tour the Namib Desert Like a Local (Angola Side) Tour Angola’s wild side: desert tribes, starlit dunes, and eco-adventures few tourists ever reach. . Food and Travel Top 6 Public Libraries in Luanda (City & Suburbs) 2026 From grand archives to under-bridge gems, Luanda’s libraries are where the city’s soul shelves itself. . Tags Travel Blog Travel Blog Angola Angola Travel Blog Travel Blog Travel Africa Travel Africa Travel & Tourism Travel & Tourism

From child‑labor monitoring to fairer mining deals, President Tshisekedi’s reforms show Congo’s new path toward dignity, safety, and sovereignty. Quick Links Child Labor Reforms Digital monitoring: CISTEMA and CLMRS KoBold’s AI‑powered exploration and compliance Legacy Deals & Infrastructure European and American partnerships The birth of EGC and ethical cobalt Introduction For decades, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) embodied the so‑called “resource curse.” Beneath its rich red soil lie cobalt, copper, and other minerals critical for mobile phones, electric vehicles, and green technologies, yet the benefits rarely reach Congolese families. Instead, images of children hauling sacks of ore and miners toiling in unsafe pits circulated around the world. As exploitation deepened, many citizens began asking: Could our minerals ever deliver dignity rather than misery? Since taking office, President Félix Tshisekedi has promised to break that cycle. His reforms aim to transform how minerals are extracted, traded, and invested, putting people before profits. Continue Reading Full Article HUMAN RIGHTS & LABOR Tshisekedi’s Reforms: Ending Child Labor, Shaping Congo’s Mining By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Aug 28, 2025 May 15, 2026 17 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Quick Links Child Labor Reforms Digital monitoring: CISTEMA and CLMRS KoBold’s AI‑powered exploration and compliance Legacy Deals & Infrastructure European and American partnerships The birth of EGC and ethical cobalt Introduction For decades, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) embodied the so‑called “resource curse.” Beneath its rich red soil lie cobalt, copper, and other minerals critical for mobile phones, electric vehicles, and green technologies, yet the benefits rarely reach Congolese families. Instead, images of children hauling sacks of ore and miners toiling in unsafe pits circulated around the world. As exploitation deepened, many citizens began asking: Could our minerals ever deliver dignity rather than misery? Since taking office, President Félix Tshisekedi has promised to break that cycle. His reforms aim to transform how minerals are extracted, traded, and invested, putting people before profits. President Félix Tshisekedi has promised to change this. His reforms are built on four pillars: A digital child-labor monitoring system to help children leave mines and return to school. Formalisation of artisanal mining into safer, legal cooperatives. Responsible investment deals that demand social and environmental standards. Renegotiation of legacy contracts to fund infrastructure like roads, schools, and water systems. A turning tide Artisanal mining still accounts for roughly 10‑20 % of Congo’s mineral output and employs about two million people, many of them parents or teenagers. Yet a formal sector is emerging. In 2022, the government launched the Child Labor Monitoring and Remediation System (CLMRS), a digital database operated by the inter‑ministerial committee CISTEMA. By December 2023, it had registered 5,346 children at 10 artisanal cobalt sites, giving authorities hard data for the first time. An update from the International Labour Organization in late 2024 reported that the CLMRS had identified over 6,200 children in the Haut‑Katanga and Lualaba provinces. These numbers represent real kids; each entry corresponds to a child who can be assessed for school enrolment or vocational support. President Tshisekedi’s reforms build on this monitoring. They bring ASM cooperatives into a legal framework, invite responsible investors like KoBold Metals to modernize exploration, and overhaul older contracts such as the Sino‑Congolese Sicomines joint venture. Together, these pillars hint at a future where Congolese minerals power the world without exploiting Congolese children. Child Labor Reforms Digital monitoring: CISTEMA and CLMRS Before 2022, there was no systematic way to count or assist children working in cobalt mines. In response to international pressure and local advocacy, Congo’s Ministry of Social Affairs, the Ministry of Mines, and the ILO created CISTEMA, an inter‑ministerial committee tasked with monitoring child labor in artisanal mining. Using a tablet‑based Child Labor Monitoring and Remediation System (CLMRS), local inspectors visit mine sites, register children, record their age and situation, and refer them to services. The U.S. Department of Labor reported that the pilot registered 5,346 children by December 2023 across ten artisanal cobalt sites. An ILO update in November 2024 stated that the system had logged over 6,200 children in Haut‑Katanga and Lualaba and was coordinating with UNICEF, IMPACT Transform, and the PABEA‑Cobalt programme to refer them to education, income‑generating activities, or vocational training These numbers may seem small against the millions of children in Sub‑Saharan Africa’s labour force, 87 million according to the ILO–UNICEF 2024 estimates, but they represent the start of a nationwide registry. For the first time, Congolese authorities know the identities and needs of thousands of mining‑affected children. A child’s voice Human stories bring these statistics to life. Faustin*, 11, worked alongside his mother in a cobalt mine for two years after his father di ed. “I am still a child. This job doesn’t deserve me,” he told Save the Children. “ I regret the time I spent in the mines. I missed out on a lot of subjects. Those who were at the same level as me when I started mining completely passed me by” . Through the organisation’s Catch‑up Clubs,12‑week classes that help primary‑school pupils regain reading and maths skills, Faustin has returned to the classroom. Another boy, Muntosh*, described losing his brother in a landslide and enduring chronic pain from carrying heavy loads; he now says his “intelligence is coming back” thanks to the clubs Greg Ramm, Save the Children’s country director in DRC, underscores the stakes: “We’re seeing a huge need for green energy solutions globally, which heavily relies on cobalt – but it is imperative that what fuels our smartphones, computers, and electric cars doesn’t also fuel child rights violations,” he said. He calls education “a lifeline” and warns that many children work simply to pay school fees. His plea is echoed by Nteba Soumano, the ILO’s country director for Angola, Congo, and Gabon, who described the CLMRS‑linked GALAB project as “a crucial step forward… By strengthening remediation services and engaging the private sector, we can make a real difference in the lives of children and their families and contribute to a more responsible and sustainable mining sector.” From data to action The CLMRS does more than count children; it triggers interventions. When inspectors identify a child, social workers visit the family, determine why the child works, and design a remediation plan. Younger children receive school materials and support to pay fees. ADVERTISEMENT Adolescents may enter vocational training or alternative livelihood programmes. Parents are enrolled in savings groups or given seeds and tools to start small farms. The ILO’s GALAB initiative aims to connect every registered child to appropriate services and train more labour and mining inspectors Contrast with the past: Before 2022, there was no database, meaning children disappeared into the informal mining economy. Without names or ages, authorities could neither prosecute exploiters nor assist victims. Today, each of the 6,000+ entries represents a child with a case file and a path back to school. These are not just numbers; they are futures restored. Formalizing Artisanal Mining The birth of EGC and ethical cobalt Artisanal and small‑scale mining is not going away; mining provides livelihoods for around two million Congolese and 10–20 % of national mineral production. Recognising this, President Tshisekedi created the Entreprise Générale du Cobalt (EGC) in 2019, giving the state a monopoly on purchasing and marketing artisanal cobalt. In 2020, EGC signed a partnership with commodity trader Trafigura to develop controlled artisanal mining zones, build buying stations, and create a transparent supply chain. EGC’s managing director, Jean‑Dominique Takis, said formalisation was essential for Congo to benefit fully from cobalt’s value; he emphasised compliance with OECD standards and broad consultation with stakeholders . Under the Responsible Sourcing Standard, operations must prohibit child labour, guarantee workers’ rights, and provide protective equipment From shadow economy to dignity: The Mutoshi pilot project offers a glimpse of what formalisation can achieve. Launched in 2018 by Chemaf and Trafigura, it provided artisanal miners with mechanically prepared open‑pit sites, safety training, and protective gear. Women were fully integrated, and the extra income they earned allowed families to pay school fees, reducing child labour . Although the project paused during the COVID‑19 pandemic, its legacy demonstrates that dignified working conditions are possible and that inclusive cooperatives can support children’s education. Training cooperatives and miners Formalisation requires education and organisation. Programmes such as Cobalt for Development (C4D), implemented by Germany’s GIZ and Congolese partners, have created interactive training materials and methods. In cooperation with the mining authority SAEMAPE, C4D has trained 14 mining cooperatives in Lualaba province and now offers technical assistance and material support at multiple mine sites Lessons cover legal requirements, health and safety, environmental management, and gender equality. The project emphasises that technical training must be accompanied by continuous coaching and community development, rehabilitating schools, offering agricultural training, and forming savings groups The Alliance for Responsible Mining (ARM) has taken a similar approach in Ituri Province. With support from USAID and local NGOs, ARM reports that more than 830 miners have implemented improved practices and received training on the CRAFT Code, good governance, peacebuilding, gender‑based violence, and ASM formalisation These trainings not only reduce accidents but also empower miners to negotiate better prices and resist exploitation. By teaching miners their rights under the Congolese Mining Code, the programmes help them transition from informal diggers (“creuseurs”) to members of legal cooperatives. Challenges ahead Despite these efforts, many artisanal miners still operate illegally or in unsafe conditions. Only 425 hectares of land were allocated to EGC for artisanal mining in February 2024 far short of what is needed for the estimated 200,000 artisanal miners in the Katanga region. As Mongabay reports , cooperatives lack capital for equipment, and miners sometimes work on concessions belonging to industrial companies. Formalisation has shown promise, but scaling it up will require more zones, more buying stations, and stronger enforcement so that miners have viable alternatives to illegal pits. Responsible Investment KoBold’s AI‑powered exploration and compliance At a time when cobalt and lithium are driving the energy transition, Congo is attracting new types of investors. In July 2025, the government signed a framework agreement with KoBold Metals , a U.S. company backed by Bill Gates’ Breakthrough Energy Ventures and other technology billionaires. The agreement commits KoBold to apply for exploration licences covering more than 1,600 square kilometres by 31 July 2025 and to launch a large‑scale exploration programme using artificial intelligence to locate critical minerals . ADVERTISEMENT Under the deal, KoBold will digitise geological records at the Royal Museum for Central Africa and provide public access to data via Congo’s National Geological Service. Company representative Benjamin Katabuka said the partnership “opens the door to American investment and aligns with the broader vision of U.S.‑Congo collaboration for peace and prosperity.” Why is this significant? Historically, exploration data in Congo has been opaque, benefiting only foreign investors. By digitising archives and making data public, the government aims to level the playing field and attract investors who adhere to compliance requirements, including child‑labour monitoring and environmental standards. The contract is understood to include clauses requiring adherence to the CLMRS and respect for Congolese labour law, though the full terms remain confidential. The partnership also dovetails with the U.S. Lobito Corridor initiative to create secure supply chains and reduce Chinese dominance in critical minerals. Such geopolitical support gives Congo leverage to insist on social clauses. European and American partnerships KoBold is not alone. At the 2025 DRC Mining Week, the European Union highlighted progress on operationalising the EU‑DRC Strategic Partnership on Critical Raw Materials, signed in Brussels in October 2023. A roadmap adopted in December 2024 calls for sustainable local value chains and launched a project to combat child labour in artisanal cobalt mines by strengthening women’s livelihoods In parallel, the U.S. government has financed the International Organization for Migration to train 200 labour inspectors for ASM sites, although they have yet to be fully deployed. These initiatives show that Congo is demanding “no investment without social clauses” and aligning with partners who respect that demand. A new model of profit with responsibility Taken together, these deals suggest a shift from the old model, where foreign companies extracted minerals under murky contracts, to a new one in which investment is conditional on compliance. By requiring digital tracking of child labour, adherence to safety standards, and contributions to local development, Congo seeks to prove that resource wealth can fund a just transition instead of perpetuating exploitation. Investors gain access to vast deposits, while Congolese communities gain schools, health centres, and jobs. Legacy Deals & Infrastructure Renegotiating Sicomines One of President Tshisekedi’s most consequential moves has been renegotiating the Sicomines agreement. The original 2008 “minerals‑for‑infrastructure” deal gave a consortium of Chinese state‑owned companies (Sinohydro and China Railway Group) a 68 % stake in a copper‑cobalt joint venture in exchange for building roads and hospitals financed by mining revenues. A study commissioned by Congo’s EITI group later found the arrangement unbalanced: Chinese firms earned nearly US$10 billion, while Congo received just US$822 million in infrastructure . President Tshisekedi instructed his government to revise the contract, arguing that it was “poorly negotiated.” The January 2024 renegotiation more than doubled the infrastructure budget, from US$3 billion to US$7 billion, and required the consortium to pay 1.2 % royalties annually. Chinese firms also agreed to invest up to US$7 billion in roads, bridges, and power plants. This shift means more money for Congolese roads and less for foreign shareholders. The revised contract has a deadline for repaying infrastructure loans by 2028, offering a pathway to debt relief and economic development if managed transparently Roads that connect communities The impact of renegotiation is already visible. In July 2024, Alexis Gisaro Muvuni, Congo’s minister for infrastructure and public works, climbed into a wheel loader to launch the rehabilitation of the Mbuji Mayi–Nguba road, part of National Road 1 that links Kinshasa to Lubumbashi. The ceremony marked the start of a 900‑km modernisation project funded under the revised China‑DRC “resources for projects” package. “Where the road goes, development follows,” Gisaro Muvuni said, praising the professionalism of the Chinese engineers and noting that the project would “open up new prospects” for cooperation. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Scholarships Russia Confirms 100 Scholarships for Congolese Students . Patriotism Tshisekedi Urges Congolese in Russia to Be DRC Ambassadors . Healthcare System Kasa-Vubu Youth Centre Inaugurated in Kinshasa . Business & Investment DRC Urges Diaspora to Invest Skills and Capital at Home . Biography Miguel Masaisai Biography: The Cyclist Who Rode for Peace . ADVERTISEMENT The South China Morning Post reported that Chinese firms have also begun work on a US$300 million ring road in Kinshasa and other roads connecting resource‑rich regions to the capital, projects made possible by the renegotiated Sicomines deal. These roads will reduce travel times, improve logistics, and connect farmers to markets. For decades, poor roads have isolated towns like Mbuji Mayi and Mbujimayi from national commerce. By paving National Road 1 and building ring roads, the government is turning mineral wealth into physical infrastructure that benefits ordinary people. Redirecting revenues to people Under the revised terms, Sicomines will pay royalties and taxes that flow into Congo’s public treasury. Analysts hope this revenue will fund schools, health clinics, and potable water rather than disappearing into overseas accounts. In his January 2024 inauguration speech, President Tshisekedi said that mining revenues must be “redirected towards the well‑being of our people.” To ensure accountability, civil society organisations are monitoring disbursements through the EITI and publishing citizen‑friendly reports. The message is clear: Congolese resources should build Congolese infrastructure. Outlook Setting a new global standard The combination of digital child‑labour monitoring, formalised artisanal mining, responsible investment, and renegotiated contracts positions Congo as a potential leader in ethical mineral extraction. Few countries in Asia or Latin America have developed a national database of child labourers like Congo’s CLMRS; many still rely on household surveys rather than site‑level tracking By contrast, Congolese inspectors now carry tablets into mine pits, record children’s names, and trigger remediation. This system could serve as a model for other mining‑dependent nations struggling to measure and eliminate child labour. Formalisation also holds promise. Programmes like C4D and ARM show that training cooperatives and miners in safety, governance, and environmental management can improve incomes and reduce accidents. Scaling these initiatives will require more artisanal mining zones, more capital for cooperatives, and stronger enforcement against illegal buyers. Yet the success stories from Mutoshi, where women’s integration allowed families to send children to school, prove that dignified ASM is achievable. Youth empowerment and diasporic pride For Congolese youth, particularly those in the diaspora, these reforms mean that tomorrow’s “miners” could instead become students, engineers, and entrepreneurs. As infrastructure improves and mining revenues fund education, young people will have alternatives to hazardous work. The fact that 6,000+ children have already been identified and are being reintegrated into schools shows that change is tangible When miners enter cooperatives, adopt safety standards, and receive fair prices, their children no longer need to dig for cobalt. When investors are held to strict social clauses, profits flow back into communities. And when roads are paved from Kinshasa to Mbujimayi, remote villages become connected hubs of commerce and learning. The road ahead Challenges remain: the scale of child labour in Sub‑Saharan Africa is immense according to StopChildLabour , and formalised artisanal mining still serves only a fraction of diggers. But President Tshisekedi’s bold reforms have broken a long‑standing inertia. They show that Congo is not condemned to the resource curse; instead, with political will, transparent partnerships, and youth engagement, the country can build a responsible mining future. As Nteba Soumano of the ILO put it, this is just the foundation. Scaling up will require continued vigilance from citizens and diaspora alike. In a world racing toward renewable energy, the minerals powering that transition must not come at the cost of children’s dreams. Congo’s reforms offer a blueprint for balancing economic growth with human rights, a message that resonates far beyond its borders. By 2030, the youths reading this article today could be overseeing modern mining cooperatives, designing lithium‑ion batteries, or paving the next highway. Tshisekedi’s reforms are not just about ending child labor; they are about building a nation where every Congolese child can choose a future of dignity. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Scholarships Russia Confirms 100 Scholarships for Congolese Students Russia confirms 100 government scholarship places for Congolese students, reaffirming education . Patriotism Tshisekedi Urges Congolese in Russia to Be DRC Ambassadors Meeting the Congolese diaspora in Moscow, Tshisekedi calls for patriotism, academic excellence . Healthcare System Kasa-Vubu Youth Centre Inaugurated in Kinshasa A new youth space combines health information and participation, with access details still unclear. . Business & Investment DRC Urges Diaspora to Invest Skills and Capital at Home DiaspoBoost 2026 urges Congolese abroad to invest capital, share expertise and support local businesses . Tags DRC Youths DRC Youths DRC Economy DRC Economy DR.Congo DR.Congo DR Congo News DR Congo News Child Labour Child Labour Felix Tshisekedi Felix Tshisekedi

2025 UN reports expose Rwanda’s deep ties to M23 crimes: cross-border attacks, looting, killings, and silencing the truth in Congo For years, eastern Congo has been on fire. Behind the smoke are bullets, minerals, and silence. But now, the truth is clearer than ever: Paul Kagame’s regime in Rwanda and the M23 rebel group are deeply linked in crimes against the Congolese people. This is not just a local issue. It’s a crisis with international law violations, UN embargo breaches, and countless civilian deaths. Below, we break down the full web of crimes committed by Rwanda and its proxy militia, M23, based on UN expert reports for 2025 and field investigations. Rwanda’s Direct Role in Congo’s Conflict Illegal Deployment of Rwandan Troops Rwanda’s army, the RDF (Rwanda Defence Force), has repeatedly crossed into Congolese territory. They now occupy towns like major cities like Bunagana, Goma, and Bukavu and other parts of North Kivu, directly violating Congo’s sovereignty and international law. UN reports confirm RDF presence on Congolese soil, acting in coordination with M23 fighters. Command and Control Over M23 RDF generals don’t just support M23. They command it. Intercepted communications by the UN reveal that Rwandan generals are in daily contact with M23 field leaders, giving them orders and battlefield strategy. This proves that M23 is not an independent group — it is a shadow army controlled from Kigali. Continue Reading Full Article 2025 UN REPORT ON DRC Rwanda & M23 War Crimes in Congo: Full UN Report 2025 By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Jul 13, 2025 May 15, 2026 6 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: For years, eastern Congo has been on fire. Behind the smoke are bullets, minerals, and silence. But now, the truth is clearer than ever: Paul Kagame’s regime in Rwanda and the M23 rebel group are deeply linked in crimes against the Congolese people. This is not just a local issue. It’s a crisis with international law violations, UN embargo breaches, and countless civilian deaths. Below, we break down the full web of crimes committed by Rwanda and its proxy militia, M23, based on UN expert reports for 2025 and field investigations. Rwanda’s Direct Role in Congo’s Conflict Illegal Deployment of Rwandan Troops Rwanda’s army, the RDF (Rwanda Defence Force), has repeatedly crossed into Congolese territory. They now occupy towns like major cities like Bunagana, Goma, and Bukavu and other parts of North Kivu, directly violating Congo’s sovereignty and international law. UN reports confirm RDF presence on Congolese soil, acting in coordination with M23 fighters. Command and Control Over M23 RDF generals don’t just support M23. They command it. ADVERTISEMENT Intercepted communications by the UN reveal that Rwandan generals are in daily contact with M23 field leaders, giving them orders and battlefield strategy. This proves that M23 is not an independent group — it is a shadow army controlled from Kigali. Mineral Looting and Smuggling In M23-controlled areas, coltan, gold, and cassiterite are stolen, then smuggled through Rwanda using fake documents to make it look like the minerals came from within Rwanda. These stolen resources fuel the war and fund Rwanda’s economy, while Congolese communities suffer and starve. Arms Transfers Despite UN Sanctions Despite a UN arms embargo, Rwanda has supplied M23 with: Anti-aircraft weapons Military drones Ammunition and uniforms This military support breaks international law and fuels one of Africa’s longest-running conflicts. Civilian Killings and Attacks on Peacekeepers RDF and M23 have shelled towns filled with civilians. They have also fired on UN peacekeeping bases (MONUSCO) — an act considered a war crime under international law. Obstructing the UN and Hiding Evidence UN experts sent to investigate atrocities have been threatened, denied access, and even chased away from crime scenes. M23 and RDF forces try to clean up the blood and move the bodies before investigators arrive. M23 Rebel Group: Crimes on the Ground Massacres and Executions M23 has executed civilians, especially Hutus accused of resisting occupation. The Kishishe massacre stands out, where dozens were slaughtered in reprisal killings. ADVERTISEMENT Child Soldiers M23 has recruited children, training them to fight in violation of international child protection laws. These children are taken from villages, forced into camps, and sent to the front lines. Sexual Violence Women in occupied villages live in fear. M23 fighters have used rape as a weapon, attacking women to terrorize whole communities. Forced Taxation and Extortion M23 runs a shadow government in towns it controls. They force locals to pay taxes, demand bribes from transporters, and take money from traders. Those who refuse are beaten or disappear. Attacks on Aid Workers Humanitarian convoys have been blocked or looted. Aid workers have been threatened or killed, worsening the suffering of displaced families. Occupation of Schools and Hospitals Schools and health centers are turned into military bases. Children no longer go to class. Sick people can’t get help. Life stops when M23 arrives. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today War in Eastern DRC Masisi fighting points to renewed pressure in Osso Banyungu . Wild Life Growing Wildlife Trafficking Targets Even Africa’s Smallest Species . Justice & Crime Rubaya drone strikes shift North Kivu battlefield as M23 leader killed . 2025 UN Report on DRC UN: M23 and Rwanda Committed War Crimes in Congo, Says Report . 2025 UN Report on DRC Rwanda’s Secret War Tactics in Congo: Spies, Smuggling, Drones . ADVERTISEMENT Read: Inside M23’s Brutality: Massacres, Child Soldiers, Sex Violence Rwanda’s Secret Web: Intelligence and Propaganda Covert Intelligence Operations Rwandan agents operate inside Congo, disguised as aid workers or civilians. They spy, collect data, and coordinate M23 strategies on the ground. Smuggling Routes Through Uganda and Rwanda Stolen minerals from Congo are routed through Uganda and Rwanda, with border agents often complicit. This smuggling network is what keeps M23 armed and financed. Propaganda and False Narratives Kagame’s government pushes the idea that M23 is a “political movement.” In reality, M23 is a militia guilty of massacres, rape, and war crimes. Rwanda has also used media to discredit UN experts and label dissenters as “genocide deniers”. Use of Rwandan Drones in Congo’s Airspace Rwanda has flown drones and aircraft over Congolese territory to strike Congolese army positions and spy on their movements, another illegal act. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles War in Eastern DRC Masisi fighting points to renewed pressure in Osso Banyungu Fresh AFC/M23-Wazalendo clashes in Masisi highlight a fragile security picture in North Kivu . Wild Life Growing Wildlife Trafficking Targets Even Africa’s Smallest Species Arrest over 2,000 queen ants highlights a growing market for trafficked micro-wildlife. . Justice & Crime Rubaya drone strikes shift North Kivu battlefield as M23 leader killed Local reports say FARDC retook the mining hub; AP confirms M23 spokesman killed nearby . 2025 UN Report on DRC UN: M23 and Rwanda Committed War Crimes in Congo, Says Report UN midterm report exposes war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and atrocities by M23 rebels in eastern DRC . Tags 2025 UN report on Congo conflict 2025 UN report on Congo conflict Kagame Crimes Kagame Crimes M23 Rebels News M23 Rebels News