Listen to Deborah Fraser songs, MP3 downloads, lyrics, and latest gospel hits from the South African music artist. Deborah Fraser South African Gospel Singer ZAF Gospel, Soul SABC Crown Gospel Best Female Artist; SAMA Best Gospel; Kora Best Gospel Artist Deborah Fraser s' Top Xtrafrica Songs

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The African Development Bank (AfDB) is poised to increase infrastructure funding as Africa's economic growth is projected to accelerate. According to AfDB President Akinwumi Adesina, growth is expected to rise to 3.7% this year and 4.3% next year, up from 3.1% in 2023. Speaking at the bank's annual meeting, Adesina highlighted the resilience of African economies despite challenges such as climate change, geopolitical tensions, global inflation, and rising debt. Over the past nine years, the AfDB has invested more than $50 billion in infrastructure projects across the continent. Adesina also mentioned that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) recently approved the use of Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) by multilateral banks like the AfDB. SDRs are interest-bearing international reserve assets allocated to IMF member countries based on their shareholding. Adesina expressed optimism that channeling the approved $20 billion SDR limit to multilateral development banks could enable the AfDB to leverage up to $80 billion in new financial support. The bank is actively involved in several major infrastructure projects, including raising $3.2 billion for the East Africa standard gauge railway, which will connect Tanzania, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Burundi. Additionally, the AfDB is providing $500 million for the development of the Lobito Corridor, aimed at linking Zambia, Angola, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Continue Reading Full Article By Author Name Author Name Home Comment May 29, 2024 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: AfDB President Akinwumi Adesina The African Development Bank (AfDB) is poised to increase infrastructure funding as Africa's economic growth is projected to accelerate. According to AfDB President Akinwumi Adesina, growth is expected to rise to 3.7% this year and 4.3% next year, up from 3.1% in 2023. Speaking at the bank's annual meeting, Adesina highlighted the resilience of African economies despite challenges such as climate change, geopolitical tensions, global inflation, and rising debt. Over the past nine years, the AfDB has invested more than $50 billion in infrastructure projects across the continent. ADVERTISEMENT Adesina also mentioned that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) recently approved the use of Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) by multilateral banks like the AfDB. SDRs are interest-bearing international reserve assets allocated to IMF member countries based on their shareholding. Adesina expressed optimism that channeling the approved $20 billion SDR limit to multilateral development banks could enable the AfDB to leverage up to $80 billion in new financial support. ADVERTISEMENT The bank is actively involved in several major infrastructure projects, including raising $3.2 billion for the East Africa standard gauge railway, which will connect Tanzania, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Burundi. Additionally, the AfDB is providing $500 million for the development of the Lobito Corridor, aimed at linking Zambia, Angola, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Tags

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Ticketpro’s reported political connections raise governance questions. Here is what the evidence establishes and what a corruption claim still requires. SOUTH AFRICA — 5 October 2026: A Daily Maverick investigation has linked Ticketpro’s new leadership and ownership to Sport, Arts and Culture Minister Gayton McKenzie’s political circle. The report raises governance questions, but expressly says it found no evidence that he intervened in the sale or Ticketpro’s commercial arrangements with sports bodies. That limitation belongs at the centre of any assessment. Political connections can identify relationships worth examining. They do not, by themselves, establish bribery, an improperly awarded contract or an unlawful benefit. Do Ticketpro’s political connections prove corruption? No. Connections can justify scrutiny of ownership, funding and decision-making, but a corruption claim requires evidence of the relevant improper conduct. A conflict-of-interest concern also needs assessment on its own facts. The absence of demonstrated wrongdoing should not be presented as either a conviction or a complete clearance. What the report establishes and its limits It was reported that Bakang Lethoko, McKenzie’s former chief of staff, became Ticketpro’s CEO in June, following a sale to a women-owned empowerment consortium. It identifies politically connected shareholders. McKenzie and the parties concerned denied impropriety, according to the report. Their denials are relevant responses, rather than independent proof that every aspect of the transaction was proper. The distinction works both ways. A relationship chart can show who knows whom, who served in an office and who holds a business role. Establishing that a relationship affected a particular decision requires evidence connecting those people to the decision itself. Readers should distinguish three questions: whether a connection exists, whether it creates a governance risk, and whether someone acted unlawfully. An affirmative answer to the first does not automatically answer the other two. Corruption requires evidence of conduct South Africa’s Prevention and Combating of Corrupt Activities Act defines a broad general corruption offence in section 3. It concerns giving, offering, agreeing to give, accepting or agreeing or offering to accept gratification linked to improper conduct, including abuse of authority, breach of trust or an unjustified result. Continue Reading Full Article AFRICAN POLITICS Ticketpro Political Links: Why They Alone Do Not Establish Corruption By Kamau Bahati Entertainment Editor Kamau Bahati Home Comment Oct 5, 2026 Oct 5, 2026 5 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: SOUTH AFRICA — 5 October 2026: A Daily Maverick investigation has linked Ticketpro’s new leadership and ownership to Sport, Arts and Culture Minister Gayton McKenzie’s political circle. The report raises governance questions, but expressly says it found no evidence that he intervened in the sale or Ticketpro’s commercial arrangements with sports bodies. That limitation belongs at the centre of any assessment. Political connections can identify relationships worth examining. They do not, by themselves, establish bribery, an improperly awarded contract or an unlawful benefit. Do Ticketpro’s political connections prove corruption? No. Connections can justify scrutiny of ownership, funding and decision-making, but a corruption claim requires evidence of the relevant improper conduct. A conflict-of-interest concern also needs assessment on its own facts. The absence of demonstrated wrongdoing should not be presented as either a conviction or a complete clearance. What the report establishes and its limits It was reported that Bakang Lethoko, McKenzie’s former chief of staff, became Ticketpro’s CEO in June, following a sale to a women-owned empowerment consortium. It identifies politically connected shareholders. McKenzie and the parties concerned denied impropriety, according to the report. Their denials are relevant responses, rather than independent proof that every aspect of the transaction was proper. The distinction works both ways. A relationship chart can show who knows whom, who served in an office and who holds a business role. Establishing that a relationship affected a particular decision requires evidence connecting those people to the decision itself. Readers should distinguish three questions: whether a connection exists, whether it creates a governance risk, and whether someone acted unlawfully. An affirmative answer to the first does not automatically answer the other two. ADVERTISEMENT Corruption requires evidence of conduct South Africa’s Prevention and Combating of Corrupt Activities Act defines a broad general corruption offence in section 3. It concerns giving, offering, agreeing to give, accepting or agreeing or offering to accept gratification linked to improper conduct, including abuse of authority, breach of trust or an unjustified result. The benefit need not be a cash bribe. The Act’s definition of gratification includes advantages such as employment, services, loans and other benefits. Sections 12 and 13 address corrupt activities involving contracts and tenders. Accordingly, examining a disputed commercial arrangement means asking what benefit was offered, who made the relevant decision and what evidence connects the benefit to improper conduct. Party membership alone does not supply those elements. Nor should scrutiny depend solely on finding a photograph of money changing hands. A documented offer, agreement or improper inducement may be relevant under the legislation. The precise offence and available evidence must be assessed rather than assumed. Conflict of interest is a separate question A corruption allegation and an ethics concern are different propositions. The latter can warrant examination before a criminal offence has been established. Section 96 of South Africa’s Constitution prohibits Cabinet members and deputy ministers from exposing themselves to a situation involving a risk of conflict between official responsibilities and private interests. It also prohibits using office or entrusted information for personal enrichment or to improperly benefit another person. ADVERTISEMENT Those provisions make the official’s interests, responsibilities and conduct relevant. They do not create a finding against a minister whenever an acquaintance enters a related industry. In the Ticketpro context, useful questions include whether any official had a private interest, participated in a relevant decision, shared privileged information or exercised improper influence. These are questions for evidence and appropriate review, not conclusions supplied by political proximity. Political exposure is a risk category, not a verdict The Financial Action Task Force’s guidance on politically exposed persons makes this distinction explicit. Additional anti-money-laundering measures concerning politically exposed persons are preventive; they do not mean that everyone in that category is involved in crime. The guidance addresses prominent public functions, as well as relevant family members and close associates. It points to ownership transparency and information inconsistent with known income among indicators that can warrant closer examination. That framework supports careful due diligence. It does not justify labelling every party member a politically exposed person, or every politically connected transaction corrupt. Whether someone falls within a particular category also requires an assessment of their role and circumstances. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Elections Monitoring South Africa Election Results: How to Read the Count . Elections Monitoring South Africa Elections 2026: Voting Hours, IDs and Ballots . Justice & Crime Julius Mkhwanazi, Kagiso Lerutla: Court Case Explained . Sports Trends Khanyisa Mayo Return Update: What Da Cruz Has Said . Elections Monitoring South Africa Special Voting: Hours, IDs and Home Visits . ADVERTISEMENT The records that would move the story forward The most useful next evidence would explain how ownership and commercial decisions were made. An evidence-led examination would seek: Ownership and beneficial-interest records identifying who controls and benefits from the business. Sale and financing documents clarifying the purchase terms and source of funds. Applicable procurement rules, bid evaluations and approvals for the specific contract under scrutiny. Conflict disclosures, recusals and communications showing whether interested parties participated in decisions. These are proposed lines of inquiry, not a claim that any such record already demonstrates wrongdoing. A financing arrangement, confidential sale agreement or existing supplier relationship needs examination in context. For the 2027 Cricket World Cup, Daily Maverick said the organising committee had not publicly announced Ticketpro’s appointment when its report was published. Website links should not be substituted for an official explanation of a contract award and its process. For fans seeking tickets to other events, XTRAfrica’s MTN8 final ticket guide provides separate event-specific buying information. The next substantive development would be a documented ownership explanation, procurement disclosure or finding by an authorised body. Until then, political connections support questions that deserve answers; they do not settle the corruption question. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Elections Monitoring South Africa Election Results: How to Read the Count A practical guide to partial tallies, projections, ward winners and municipal council seats. . Elections Monitoring South Africa Elections 2026: Voting Hours, IDs and Ballots South Africans vote on 4 November. Check polling times, voter details, IDs and ballot rules. . Justice & Crime Julius Mkhwanazi, Kagiso Lerutla: Court Case Explained The Ekurhuleni fraud and corruption case returned to the news on 3 November 2026. . Sports Trends Khanyisa Mayo Return Update: What Da Cruz Has Said The Chiefs coach says Mayo is getting closer, but his post-derby comments give no comeback date. . Tags Southern Africa News Southern Africa News Breaking News Breaking News South Africa South Africa

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Banyamulenge groups condemn Tito Rutaremara’s remarks in Kigali, rejecting a Rwandan identity and calls for youth to take up arms against the DRC Banyamulenge voices and advocacy groups have strongly condemned Tito Rutaremara’s remarks at the Gatumba massacre commemoration in Kigali (around 13–14 August 2026), rejecting his framing of the community as “Rwandans” (or “Banyarwanda of Congo”), his dismissal of the name “Banyamulenge,” and his calls for them to take up arms, attack/help liberate Congo (including references linked to supporting M23). These reactions emphasize Congolese identity, oppose instrumentalization for external agendas or armed conflict against the DRC, and stress that justice for Gatumba and community security must occur within the DRC rather than through war or foreign mobilization. Key points from community statements and individuals include: Core criticisms of the speech Denial of distinct Congolese identity: Speakers and groups rejected the claim that Banyamulenge are essentially Rwandans (or should identify primarily as such). They argue this language mirrors long-standing narratives used in the DRC to portray them as foreigners, which has historically fueled discrimination, displacement, and violence. The name “Banyamulenge” is defended as affirming roots and presence in South Kivu (linked to the Mulenge area/high plateaus), not as a rejection of Tutsi heritage or more distant origins. Incitement and lack of respect during mourning: Using a solemn memorial for victims of the 2004 Gatumba attack (where ~166 Banyamulenge refugees were killed) to urge youth to take up arms, “liberate Congo,” or join broader conflict was called provocative, humiliating, and inappropriate. Critics said it treats the community as a tool rather than honoring the dead. Instrumentalization and danger: Remarks are seen as exposing the community further—by reinforcing “foreigner” accusations from some Congolese extremists while pushing recruitment or alignment with groups like M23/proxies—amid ongoing eastern DRC conflict, Rwandan involvement allegations, and civilian risks in areas like Minembwe. Some explicitly note Rwanda’s role in aggression/occupation and reject being used as human shields or proxies. Specific community and individual responses Banyamulenge Global Advocacy (BGA): Issued a clear condemnation. It said Rutaremara denigrated the community by mocking the name “Banyamulenge” (as referring only to a mountain/village) and directing people to call themselves Banyarwanda of Congo. BGA accused him of mobilizing Congolese Banyamulenge youth against their own government under the pretext of “freeing Congo.” It affirmed the Banyamulenge as a Congolese community that stands with the DRC government in condemning what it describes as Rwandan aggression, rejected instrumentalization for Kigali’s interests, and highlighted risks to civilians. GAKONDO (Coordination of Banyamulenge mutualities): Condemned the explicit call for young Banyamulenge to take up arms against the DRC as a violation of the spirit of the Washington peace process (aimed at ending hostilities and respecting sovereignty). It stated firmly: “The Banyamulenge are Congolese. Their future, their security and their legitimate quest for justice must be built within the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and not in a war against their own country.” It called for measures consistent with peace commitments, including addressing foreign forces and support to armed groups. Fidele Sebahizi and others labeling it hate speech: Described the “Rwandans of Congo” framing as pure hate speech that threatens social peace—identical in effect to rhetoric from certain Congolese politicians and armed actors that denies Congolese belonging. He stressed the community has already fought (and shed blood) against forced re-identification as Rwandans and that the Banyamulenge name “is written where it cannot be erased.” He called for a public apology. Continue Reading Full Article JUSTICE & CRIME Banyamulenge Reject Rwanda’s Call to Attack Congo By Neema Asha Mwakalinga Travel & Culture Expert Neema Asha Mwakalinga Home Comment Aug 15, 2026 Aug 18, 2026 5 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Banyamulenge voices and advocacy groups have strongly condemned Tito Rutaremara’s remarks at the Gatumba massacre commemoration in Kigali (around 13–14 August 2026), rejecting his framing of the community as “Rwandans” (or “Banyarwanda of Congo”), his dismissal of the name “Banyamulenge,” and his calls for them to take up arms, attack/help liberate Congo (including references linked to supporting M23). These reactions emphasize Congolese identity, oppose instrumentalization for external agendas or armed conflict against the DRC, and stress that justice for Gatumba and community security must occur within the DRC rather than through war or foreign mobilization. Key points from community statements and individuals include: ADVERTISEMENT Core criticisms of the speech Denial of distinct Congolese identity: Speakers and groups rejected the claim that Banyamulenge are essentially Rwandans (or should identify primarily as such). They argue this language mirrors long-standing narratives used in the DRC to portray them as foreigners, which has historically fueled discrimination, displacement, and violence. The name “Banyamulenge” is defended as affirming roots and presence in South Kivu (linked to the Mulenge area/high plateaus), not as a rejection of Tutsi heritage or more distant origins. Incitement and lack of respect during mourning: Using a solemn memorial for victims of the 2004 Gatumba attack (where ~166 Banyamulenge refugees were killed) to urge youth to take up arms, “liberate Congo,” or join broader conflict was called provocative, humiliating, and inappropriate. Critics said it treats the community as a tool rather than honoring the dead. Instrumentalization and danger: Remarks are seen as exposing the community further—by reinforcing “foreigner” accusations from some Congolese extremists while pushing recruitment or alignment with groups like M23/proxies—amid ongoing eastern DRC conflict, Rwandan involvement allegations, and civilian risks in areas like Minembwe. Some explicitly note Rwanda’s role in aggression/occupation and reject being used as human shields or proxies. Specific community and individual responses Banyamulenge Global Advocacy (BGA): Issued a clear condemnation. It said Rutaremara denigrated the community by mocking the name “Banyamulenge” (as referring only to a mountain/village) and directing people to call themselves Banyarwanda of Congo. BGA accused him of mobilizing Congolese Banyamulenge youth against their own government under the pretext of “freeing Congo.” It affirmed the Banyamulenge as a Congolese community that stands with the DRC government in condemning what it describes as Rwandan aggression, rejected instrumentalization for Kigali’s interests, and highlighted risks to civilians. GAKONDO (Coordination of Banyamulenge mutualities): Condemned the explicit call for young Banyamulenge to take up arms against the DRC as a violation of the spirit of the Washington peace process (aimed at ending hostilities and respecting sovereignty). It stated firmly: “The Banyamulenge are Congolese. Their future, their security and their legitimate quest for justice must be built within the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and not in a war against their own country.” It called for measures consistent with peace commitments, including addressing foreign forces and support to armed groups. Fidele Sebahizi and others labeling it hate speech: Described the “Rwandans of Congo” framing as pure hate speech that threatens social peace—identical in effect to rhetoric from certain Congolese politicians and armed actors that denies Congolese belonging. He stressed the community has already fought (and shed blood) against forced re-identification as Rwandans and that the Banyamulenge name “is written where it cannot be erased.” He called for a public apology. Beatrice Gisaro and similar community voices: Detailed rejections of imposed transborder “Banyarwanda” identity and of any call to “recover/liberate” or conquer the Congo by force. They affirm: “We are Banyamulenge. We are Congolese.” They argue such rhetoric places the community outside its own country (turning citizens into would-be invaders), fuels the very hate used against them, endangers youth, and does not protect the community. The focus should be building the DRC with all Congolese and seeking justice for Gatumba without preparing more deaths. Other notable statements: Researcher/activist Delphin R. Ntanyoma linked the “Rwandans” framing to a long pattern that has justified killings and said it is calculated rather than accidental. Accounts associated with figures like Gen. Pacifique Masunzu and others reiterated that Banyamulenge form a distinct community that should not be misidentified as Banyarwanda. Patrick Bagabo’s statement condemned the rhetoric for denying Congolese identity, echoing extremist claims, and called for withdrawal of the remarks plus recognition of full belonging and rejection of using the community as a geopolitical tool. ADVERTISEMENT Broader context in these reactions Critics consistently distinguish origin/heritage discussions from nationality and political belonging. They argue that justice, security, and recognition of past atrocities (including Gatumba) belong inside Congolese institutions and peaceful processes, not through external mobilization or further war. Many stress resilience of the Banyamulenge identity and refusal to be either rejected as non-Congolese or “reclaimed” for foreign agendas. Rwandan official or media coverage of the same event has often highlighted themes of community self-reliance for justice, historical origins, and the need for active defense of rights, while the more confrontational excerpts (identity denial + arms call) have driven the strongest pushback from the voices above. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Justice & Crime M23 → AFC → FRN: Has Anything Really Changed? . Justice & Crime Tshisekedi's FDLR Diplomacy Challenges Rwanda's Security Case . Justice & Crime Patrick Muyaya Calls for Stronger Sanctions Against Rwanda . Justice & Crime EU Aligns AFC and Four Armed-Group Figures With UN Sanctions . Justice & Crime M23 Spokesman Says Eastern DRC Gold and Coltan Pass Through Rwanda . ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Justice & Crime M23 → AFC → FRN: Has Anything Really Changed? XTRAfrica examines Joseph Kabila's leadership of the FRN, its continuity with AFC/M23 and ... . Justice & Crime Tshisekedi's FDLR Diplomacy Challenges Rwanda's Security Case DRC takes its FDLR disarmament initiative to regional leaders and the UN, pressing for RDF withdrawal . Justice & Crime Patrick Muyaya Calls for Stronger Sanctions Against Rwanda DRC spokesperson says diplomatic agreements need enforcement as Kinshasa presses for implementation . 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Lagos State has endorsed Face of Change Nigeria 2026, a pageant focused on leadership, social impact, and women's empowerment. According to The Guardian Nigeria , the Lagos State Ministry of Tourism, Arts and Culture has officially endorsed the 2026 edition of Face of Change Nigeria, giving a major boost to the pageant's mission of promoting leadership, empowerment, and social impact. Unlike traditional beauty competitions, Face of Change Nigeria positions itself as a platform for women who want to drive change in their communities. The initiative focuses on identifying individuals with the vision, intelligence, and determination to create meaningful social impact. Organisers have unveiled “HER IMPACT” as the theme for the 2026 edition, which is scheduled to take place on October 31, 2026. The theme reflects the pageant's growing emphasis on influence, leadership, and community transformation rather than physical appearance. Speaking on the vision behind the event , Mrs. Darlene Godfrey-Oduh, President of Face of Change Nigeria, said the competition is designed to celebrate what women contribute to society rather than how they look. She explained that the organisation is searching for future leaders capable of inspiring positive change across different sectors and communities. The winner of the competition will be crowned The Impact Queen and will serve as a national representative for the organisation. In addition to the title, the winner will receive a car, a cash reward, and other prizes. The pageant is currently led by Queen Chioma Geraldine, who holds the distinction of being the first and reigning titleholder of Face of Change Nigeria. Beyond the competition itself, the 2026 event will also recognise changemakers through the Face of Change Nigeria Icons Award, honouring individuals whose work has made a notable difference in society. With support from the Lagos State government, Face of Change Nigeria is positioning itself as more than a pageant. The organisation is betting on a new model that blends empowerment, leadership development, and social responsibility, placing impact at the centre of the conversation. FASHION TRENDS Lagos Backs Face of Change Nigeria 2026 Pageant By Witty Pascal Entertainment Editor Witty Pascal Home Comment Jun 13, 2026 Jun 13, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: According to The Guardian Nigeria , the Lagos State Ministry of Tourism, Arts and Culture has officially endorsed the 2026 edition of Face of Change Nigeria, giving a major boost to the pageant's mission of promoting leadership, empowerment, and social impact. Unlike traditional beauty competitions, Face of Change Nigeria positions itself as a platform for women who want to drive change in their communities. The initiative focuses on identifying individuals with the vision, intelligence, and determination to create meaningful social impact. ADVERTISEMENT Organisers have unveiled “HER IMPACT” as the theme for the 2026 edition, which is scheduled to take place on October 31, 2026. The theme reflects the pageant's growing emphasis on influence, leadership, and community transformation rather than physical appearance. Speaking on the vision behind the event , Mrs. Darlene Godfrey-Oduh, President of Face of Change Nigeria, said the competition is designed to celebrate what women contribute to society rather than how they look. She explained that the organisation is searching for future leaders capable of inspiring positive change across different sectors and communities. ADVERTISEMENT The winner of the competition will be crowned The Impact Queen and will serve as a national representative for the organisation. In addition to the title, the winner will receive a car, a cash reward, and other prizes. The pageant is currently led by Queen Chioma Geraldine, who holds the distinction of being the first and reigning titleholder of Face of Change Nigeria. Trending Now US Democrats' Rwanda Record: Peaceful Change and Congo Sovereignty . Policy and Reforms Tanzania Community Grants: Who Benefits and What Comes Next . Government Announcements Ghana–Canada Seafarer Deal Does Not Guarantee Jobs . Job & Opportunity South Africa Elections 2026: DA Leads Gauteng as Count Advances . Elections Monitoring Popular Today Biography Poco Lee Biography: Age, Real Name, Dance Career and Songs . Biography Eric Omondi Biography: Comedy, Activism and Public Life . Biography Who Is Snit Habteab, Eritrea’s Miss World Trailblazer? . Entertainment Poco Lee UK Case Sparks Consent Debate Among Nigerian Stars . Entertainment FOLA Leads 2026 Headies Nominations Ahead of Toronto . ADVERTISEMENT Beyond the competition itself, the 2026 event will also recognise changemakers through the Face of Change Nigeria Icons Award, honouring individuals whose work has made a notable difference in society. With support from the Lagos State government, Face of Change Nigeria is positioning itself as more than a pageant. The organisation is betting on a new model that blends empowerment, leadership development, and social responsibility, placing impact at the centre of the conversation. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Biography Poco Lee Biography: Age, Real Name, Dance Career and Songs Inside the Nigerian dancer’s rise from Ojo street shows to Afrobeats stages, music and global fame. . Biography Eric Omondi Biography: Comedy, Activism and Public Life How Eric Omondi rose through Churchill Show and became a prominent Kenyan activist. . Biography Who Is Snit Habteab, Eritrea’s Miss World Trailblazer? The neuroscientist and educator became Eritrea’s first Miss World entrant and reached the Top 6 . Entertainment Poco Lee UK Case Sparks Consent Debate Among Nigerian Stars The dancer faces five sexual offence charges and returns to court on September 15. . Tags Entertainment Entertainment Nigerian Entertainment Nigerian Entertainment Nigeria Nigeria