In a fervent appeal to voters just days before a pivotal election, John Steenhuisen, leader of South Africa's largest opposition party, urged citizens to support the Democratic Alliance (DA). As the election on May 29 approaches, there is a growing possibility that the ruling African National Congress (ANC) may lose its majority for the first time. Addressing supporters dressed in the party's blue colors, Steenhuisen emphasized that the DA delivers tangible results, not empty promises. "Unlike other parties, the DA doesn’t promise what we will do one day. We show you what we are already doing today, " he said. The DA governs the Western Cape province, which includes the popular tourist destination of Cape Town. Highlighting the DA's track record, Steenhuisen called on voters to close the ANC chapter marked by "unemployment, corruption, and misrule" and to start a new one. Polls suggest the ANC might lose its parliamentary majority, a historic shift since Nelson Mandela's election in 1994 ended apartheid . Also read: South Africa's Ramaphosa Vows to 'Do Better' as Election Nears The DA has allied with smaller parties, including the Zulu nationalist Inkatha Freedom Party and ActionSA, led by a former Johannesburg mayor, to secure over 50% of the vote needed to form a government. Continue Reading Full Article By Author Name Author Name Home Comment May 26, 2024 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: John Steenhuisen, leader of South Africa's largest opposition party In a fervent appeal to voters just days before a pivotal election, John Steenhuisen, leader of South Africa's largest opposition party, urged citizens to support the Democratic Alliance (DA). As the election on May 29 approaches, there is a growing possibility that the ruling African National Congress (ANC) may lose its majority for the first time. Addressing supporters dressed in the party's blue colors, Steenhuisen emphasized that the DA delivers tangible results, not empty promises. "Unlike other parties, the DA doesn’t promise what we will do one day. ADVERTISEMENT We show you what we are already doing today, " he said. The DA governs the Western Cape province, which includes the popular tourist destination of Cape Town. Highlighting the DA's track record, Steenhuisen called on voters to close the ANC chapter marked by "unemployment, corruption, and misrule" and to start a new one. Polls suggest the ANC might lose its parliamentary majority, a historic shift since Nelson Mandela's election in 1994 ended apartheid . ADVERTISEMENT Trending Now Kindu Nurses’ Strike Disrupts Care and Childhood Vaccination . Healthcare System EAC Preparedness Plan: What Must Be Ready Before Floods . Regional Blocs (AU, SADC, EAC, ECOWAS) DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba Seeks to Reshape the Francophonie . Francophone River Offin Girls’ Rights Decision: What Must Change? . Education Popular Today Also read: South Africa's Ramaphosa Vows to 'Do Better' as Election Nears The DA has allied with smaller parties, including the Zulu nationalist Inkatha Freedom Party and ActionSA, led by a former Johannesburg mayor, to secure over 50% of the vote needed to form a government. ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Tags

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Timket celebrations in Ethiopia featured drum-led processions of tabots at Lake Dambal in Batu and symbolic baptisms in Addis Ababa. Ethiopian Orthodox Christians have held nationwide Timket (Epiphany) celebrations commemorating the baptism of Jesus Christ in the River Jordan, with processions, prayers and water rites drawing large crowds. In Batu, a town in Ethiopia’s Oromia region on the shores of Lake Dambal, priests from local churches escorted tabots replicas symbolising the Ark of the Covenant and revered in Ethiopian Orthodox tradition towards the water as worshippers gathered to watch. Participants accompanied the procession with drums, chanting and spiritual songs, while church processional items, including crucifixes, were carried as part of the ceremonies. After tabots were brought together, clergy led prayers before crowds observed the service, in scenes that included colourful ceremonial dress and umbrellas commonly associated with Timket processions. In the capital, Addis Ababa, a priest led a symbolic baptism ceremony for worshippers as part of the observances. Timket is widely regarded as one of the most significant dates on the Ethiopian Orthodox calendar. Source: BBC RELIGION & SOCIETY Ethiopians mark Timket with tabot processions and baptisms By Neema Asha Mwakalinga Travel & Culture Expert Neema Asha Mwakalinga Home Comment Jan 20, 2026 May 15, 2026 1 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Ethiopian Orthodox Christians have held nationwide Timket (Epiphany) celebrations commemorating the baptism of Jesus Christ in the River Jordan, with processions, prayers and water rites drawing large crowds. In Batu, a town in Ethiopia’s Oromia region on the shores of Lake Dambal, priests from local churches escorted tabots replicas symbolising the Ark of the Covenant and revered in Ethiopian Orthodox tradition towards the water as worshippers gathered to watch. ADVERTISEMENT Participants accompanied the procession with drums, chanting and spiritual songs, while church processional items, including crucifixes, were carried as part of the ceremonies. After tabots were brought together, clergy led prayers before crowds observed the service, in scenes that included colourful ceremonial dress and umbrellas commonly associated with Timket processions. ADVERTISEMENT Trending Now Kindu Nurses’ Strike Disrupts Care and Childhood Vaccination . Healthcare System EAC Preparedness Plan: What Must Be Ready Before Floods . Regional Blocs (AU, SADC, EAC, ECOWAS) DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba Seeks to Reshape the Francophonie . Francophone River Offin Girls’ Rights Decision: What Must Change? . Education Popular Today Economic Reports Ethiopia Rebases GDP: Economy Now Measured at $210.7 Billion . Biography Timnit Gebru Biography: AI Ethics, DAIR and Right Livelihood . Sports Trends Guye Adola and Tigst Assefa Win Berlin . Conflict Zones Tigray Forces Seize Airports as Fighting Spreads . International Relations Seven Ethiopian Armed Groups Form Anti-Government Alliance . In the capital, Addis Ababa, a priest led a symbolic baptism ceremony for worshippers as part of the observances. Timket is widely regarded as one of the most significant dates on the Ethiopian Orthodox calendar. Source: BBC ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Economic Reports Ethiopia Rebases GDP: Economy Now Measured at $210.7 Billion The revision adds about 59% to measured output, but officials say the economy did not grow overnight . Biography Timnit Gebru Biography: AI Ethics, DAIR and Right Livelihood Meet Timnit Gebru, the Ethiopian-born AI researcher honored with the 2026 Right Livelihood Award. . Sports Trends Guye Adola and Tigst Assefa Win Berlin Ethiopia swept the elite titles as Assefa ran 2:11:04 and Adola claimed his second Berlin win. . Conflict Zones Tigray Forces Seize Airports as Fighting Spreads Ethiopian Airlines halted flights to Mekelle, Axum and Shire amid renewed battles. . Tags Ethiopia Ethiopia BBC NEWS BBC NEWS Post-colonial Africa Post-colonial Africa

Renowned for his distinctive voice in Nigerian music, Chike has captured the hearts of listeners with his captivating blend of RnB, folk, ballad, and Igbo indigenous influences. As he prepares to release his third album, 'Son Of Chike,' the acclaimed artist has unveiled a new, thought-provoking single titled 'Man Not God.' This soul-stirring folk ballad resonates with timeless wisdom and profound introspection, drawing inspiration from Celestine Ukwu's classic 'Ife Si Na Chi.' The haunting melody, enriched by Chike's soulful vocals, creates an intimate atmosphere that invites listeners to deeply reflect on their journeys and the divine influence in their lives. The rich acoustic instrumentation and heartfelt delivery make 'Man Not God' a powerful anthem of humility and faith. Reflecting on the ballad, Chike states: "I came to believe over time that my journey, not just as an artist but as a person, depends on God's say-so. Man tries to play God, maybe to attain a certain level of finality, but I have come to see that the will of man is inconsequential after events play out, and I see how far away from man's will they go. I am confident in my beliefs and think it is okay to challenge imposing thoughts." Through this single from his forthcoming album 'Son of Chike,' Chike pays homage to the past while forging a path forward, reminding us of the grace in embracing our humanity and recognizing the ultimate sovereignty of God's will. Continue Reading Full Article By Author Name Author Name Home Comment Jun 23, 2024 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Renowned for his distinctive voice in Nigerian music, Chike has captured the hearts of listeners with his captivating blend of RnB, folk, ballad, and Igbo indigenous influences. As he prepares to release his third album, 'Son Of Chike,' the acclaimed artist has unveiled a new, thought-provoking single titled 'Man Not God.' This soul-stirring folk ballad resonates with timeless wisdom and profound introspection, drawing inspiration from Celestine Ukwu's classic 'Ife Si Na Chi.' The haunting melody, enriched by Chike's soulful vocals, creates an intimate atmosphere that invites listeners to deeply reflect on their journeys and the divine influence in their lives. The rich acoustic instrumentation and heartfelt delivery make 'Man Not God' a powerful anthem of humility and faith. Reflecting on the ballad, Chike states: "I came to believe over time that my journey, not just as an artist but as a person, depends on God's say-so. Man tries to play God, maybe to attain a certain level of finality, but I have come to see that the will of man is inconsequential after events play out, and I see how far away from man's will they go. I am confident in my beliefs and think it is okay to challenge imposing thoughts." ADVERTISEMENT Through this single from his forthcoming album 'Son of Chike,' Chike pays homage to the past while forging a path forward, reminding us of the grace in embracing our humanity and recognizing the ultimate sovereignty of God's will. ADVERTISEMENT Trending Now Kindu Nurses’ Strike Disrupts Care and Childhood Vaccination . Healthcare System EAC Preparedness Plan: What Must Be Ready Before Floods . Regional Blocs (AU, SADC, EAC, ECOWAS) DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba Seeks to Reshape the Francophonie . Francophone River Offin Girls’ Rights Decision: What Must Change? . Education Popular Today ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles Tags

South Sudan faces DR Congo in a crucial World Cup qualifier. Preview of standings, stakes, and kick-off details as Group B heats up. Group B of the CAF qualifiers for the 2026 FIFA World Cup resumes on 5 September 2025, when South Sudan hosts the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) at the Juba National Stadium. The stadium opened in 1962 and normally holds around 7,000 spectators, but renovation work aims to expand its capacity to around 19,000. The fixture is part of match‑day 7 of Group B and will be refereed by a Zimbabwean officiating team led by Brighton Chimene Kick‑off time and how to watch The match kicks off at 12:00 UTC ( 8:00 AM U.S. Eastern Time ) on 5 September 2025. Fans in the United States can stream the game via FIFA+ or follow live updates on platforms such as Vavel Form guide and team outlook DR Congo: group leaders under pressure After six games, DR Congo sit at the top of Group B with 13 points. Their record of four wins, one draw, and one defeat gives them a +5 goal difference. Under coach Sébastien Desabre, the Leopards have kept clean sheets in their last three competitive fixtures and have developed a strong away record with a 67 % win rate in recent matches. DR Congo’s only defeat in this campaign came against Sudan, a 1‑0 loss last November The Congolese squad includes Premier League players such as Aaron Wan‑Bissaka and forwards Yoane Wissa and Cédric Bakambu. With Senegal and Sudan only one point behind, DR Congo cannot afford any slip‑ups. A win in Juba would strengthen their grip on the group’s single automatic qualification slot. South Sudan: playing for pride at home South Sudan occupies fifth place in the six‑team group with three points. They are winless after six matches, drawing with Mauritania, Togo, and Sudan and losing the other three. The Bright Stars have scored only two goals in the campaign and have struggled to turn half‑chances into goals. Coach Nicolas Dupuis has been optimistic, insisting his players will fight hard despite being huge underdogs. The teams have met only once before: DR Congo won 1‑0 in their March 2025 qualifier. South Sudan, therefore, has the chance to earn its first‑ever competitive victory over the Leopards. Although qualification is almost out of reach, a positive result at home would be a morale boost for a side still learning to compete at this level. Continue Reading Full Article South Sudan vs DR Congo: World Cup Qualifier Preview By Serge Kabongo Sports & Entertainment Serge Kabongo Home Comment Sep 5, 2025 May 15, 2026 5 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Group B of the CAF qualifiers for the 2026 FIFA World Cup resumes on 5 September 2025, when South Sudan hosts the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) at the Juba National Stadium. The stadium opened in 1962 and normally holds around 7,000 spectators, but renovation work aims to expand its capacity to around 19,000. The fixture is part of match‑day 7 of Group B and will be refereed by a Zimbabwean officiating team led by Brighton Chimene Kick‑off time and how to watch The match kicks off at 12:00 UTC ( 8:00 AM U.S. Eastern Time ) on 5 September 2025. Fans in the United States can stream the game via FIFA+ or follow live updates on platforms such as Vavel Form guide and team outlook DR Congo: group leaders under pressure After six games, DR Congo sit at the top of Group B with 13 points. Their record of four wins, one draw, and one defeat gives them a +5 goal difference. Under coach Sébastien Desabre, the Leopards have kept clean sheets in their last three competitive fixtures and have developed a strong away record with a 67 % win rate in recent matches. DR Congo’s only defeat in this campaign came against Sudan, a 1‑0 loss last November ADVERTISEMENT The Congolese squad includes Premier League players such as Aaron Wan‑Bissaka and forwards Yoane Wissa and Cédric Bakambu. With Senegal and Sudan only one point behind, DR Congo cannot afford any slip‑ups. A win in Juba would strengthen their grip on the group’s single automatic qualification slot. South Sudan: playing for pride at home South Sudan occupies fifth place in the six‑team group with three points. They are winless after six matches, drawing with Mauritania, Togo, and Sudan and losing the other three. The Bright Stars have scored only two goals in the campaign and have struggled to turn half‑chances into goals. Coach Nicolas Dupuis has been optimistic, insisting his players will fight hard despite being huge underdogs. ADVERTISEMENT Trending Now Kindu Nurses’ Strike Disrupts Care and Childhood Vaccination . Healthcare System EAC Preparedness Plan: What Must Be Ready Before Floods . Regional Blocs (AU, SADC, EAC, ECOWAS) DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba Seeks to Reshape the Francophonie . Francophone River Offin Girls’ Rights Decision: What Must Change? . Education Popular Today South Sudan vs DR Congo: World Cup Qualifier Preview . The teams have met only once before: DR Congo won 1‑0 in their March 2025 qualifier. South Sudan, therefore, has the chance to earn its first‑ever competitive victory over the Leopards. Although qualification is almost out of reach, a positive result at home would be a morale boost for a side still learning to compete at this level. Group B standings (after 6 matches) Team Points Notes DR Congo 13 pts 4W‑1D‑1L, +5 goal difference Senegal 12 pts 3W‑3D‑0L Sudan 12 pts 3W‑3D‑0L Togo 4 pts 0W‑4D‑2L South Sudan 3 pts 0W‑3D‑3L, only 2 goals scored Mauritania 2 pts 0W‑2D‑4L Only the group winner qualifies directly for the 2026 World Cup; the four best runners‑up advance to a play‑off round Why the match matters For DR Congo, this fixture is an opportunity to extend their narrow lead over Senegal and Sudan and move closer to a first World Cup appearance since 1974 (when they competed as Zaire). Dropping points could see them slip to second or even third place with a difficult home match against Senegal looming. ADVERTISEMENT For South Sudan, qualification is unlikely, but playing at home offers a chance to show improvement and please local supporters. Head coach Nicolas Dupuis has emphasised his players’ fighting spirit, and a draw or win against the group leaders would be one of the biggest results in the nation’s brief football history. Conclusion The Group B encounter in Juba features two teams at opposite ends of the table. DR Congo arrive as favourites thanks to their strong defence and clinical attackers, while South Sudan hope to make home advantage count and upset the leaders. With only one point separating the top three teams, the match carries significant implications for the group standings. Kick‑off is at 08:00 AM ET (12:00 UTC), and fans can follow the action live on FIFA+ or via match updates. Expect an intense contest as DR Congo chase qualification and South Sudan fight for pride. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles South Sudan vs DR Congo: World Cup Qualifier Preview South Sudan faces DR Congo in a crucial World Cup qualifier. Preview of standings, stakes, . 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How the 1904 and 1911 agreements dispossessed Maasai communities and why their 1913 court challenge failed without the facts being tried. The Maasai land case of 1913 was not an isolated courtroom defeat. It was the final stage of a colonial sequence: an agreement that divided Maasai communities into two reserves, a second agreement that removed the northern reserve, and a legal doctrine that protected the British government from having its conduct examined in its own colonial court. Calling this history “the stolen highlands” does not mean that every part of Kenya’s highlands belonged only to one people. It refers specifically to documented Maasai loss in the central Rift Valley and Laikipia, where British policy converted pastoral country into land for European settlement. The paper trail survives and so does the contradiction at its centre. How did the Maasai lose land and why did their 1913 case fail? British officials used the 1904 and 1911 agreements to move Maasai communities from the central Rift Valley and Laikipia. When Maasai plaintiffs sued, the court classified the agreements as treaties and the removals as Acts of State beyond a colonial court’s power to remedy. Who Are the Maasai? The Maasai are an Indigenous East African people whose homeland crosses southern Kenya and northern Tanzania. They speak Maa and have long organised social and economic life around cattle, kinship, age sets, mobility and access to seasonal grazing. Today, Maasai people are also farmers, professionals, traders, conservation workers and urban residents. XTRAfrica’s broader guide to Maasai culture, history and modern life explains this diversity. This article concerns particular Maasai sections in what became colonial Kenya, especially communities moved from the central Rift Valley and later from Laikipia. It should not be read as a single history of every Maasai community in Kenya and Tanzania. Before the Agreements: An Alliance Under Pressure The British did not enter Maasailand as an all-powerful administration confronting a politically passive population. Historian Richard Waller’s study of Maasai-British relations from 1895 to 1905 describes an informal alliance shaped by mutual need. Maasai communities were recovering from devastating human and livestock disasters of the late nineteenth century, while the British lacked enough troops and money to control their new protectorate securely (Waller, 1976, p. 529). That relationship changed as settler demand for fertile land grew. Pastoral mobility did not fit the colonial preference for surveyed boundaries, fixed reserves and private holdings. The result was not merely a change of maps. Restricting movement affected access to water, dry-season pasture, livestock health, ritual sites and communication between communities. The 1904 Agreement: “Final” Reserves and an Open Rift Valley Continue Reading Full Article AFRICAN CULTURE The Stolen Highlands: Maasai Land Loss and the 1913 Court Case By Neema Asha Mwakalinga Travel & Culture Expert Neema Asha Mwakalinga Home Comment Jul 19, 2026 Jul 20, 2026 18 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: The Maasai land case of 1913 was not an isolated courtroom defeat. It was the final stage of a colonial sequence: an agreement that divided Maasai communities into two reserves, a second agreement that removed the northern reserve, and a legal doctrine that protected the British government from having its conduct examined in its own colonial court. A contemporary view across the Rift Valley toward the Laikipia highlands, part of the wider landscape transformed by colonial settlement and Maasai displacement. Photograph by Daniel Case, CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons. Calling this history “the stolen highlands” does not mean that every part of Kenya’s highlands belonged only to one people. It refers specifically to documented Maasai loss in the central Rift Valley and Laikipia, where British policy converted pastoral country into land for European settlement. The paper trail survives and so does the contradiction at its centre. How did the Maasai lose land and why did their 1913 case fail? British officials used the 1904 and 1911 agreements to move Maasai communities from the central Rift Valley and Laikipia. When Maasai plaintiffs sued, the court classified the agreements as treaties and the removals as Acts of State beyond a colonial court’s power to remedy. Who Are the Maasai? Members of a Maasai community in Narok County, Kenya. Photograph by Kandukuru Nagarjun, CC BY 2.0, via Wikimedia Commons. The Maasai are an Indigenous East African people whose homeland crosses southern Kenya and northern Tanzania. They speak Maa and have long organised social and economic life around cattle, kinship, age sets, mobility and access to seasonal grazing. Today, Maasai people are also farmers, professionals, traders, conservation workers and urban residents. XTRAfrica’s broader guide to Maasai culture, history and modern life explains this diversity. This article concerns particular Maasai sections in what became colonial Kenya, especially communities moved from the central Rift Valley and later from Laikipia. It should not be read as a single history of every Maasai community in Kenya and Tanzania. Before the Agreements: An Alliance Under Pressure The British did not enter Maasailand as an all-powerful administration confronting a politically passive population. Historian Richard Waller’s study of Maasai-British relations from 1895 to 1905 describes an informal alliance shaped by mutual need. Maasai communities were recovering from devastating human and livestock disasters of the late nineteenth century, while the British lacked enough troops and money to control their new protectorate securely (Waller, 1976, p. 529). Four Maasai men beside a train, circa 1900, during the expansion of colonial infrastructure in British East Africa. Wellcome Collection, Public Domain. That relationship changed as settler demand for fertile land grew. Pastoral mobility did not fit the colonial preference for surveyed boundaries, fixed reserves and private holdings. The result was not merely a change of maps. Restricting movement affected access to water, dry-season pasture, livestock health, ritual sites and communication between communities. The 1904 Agreement: “Final” Reserves and an Open Rift Valley Credit: Lenana et al., Agreement of 10 and 15 August 1904, edited by Ng’ang’a Wahu-Mũchiri and Adrian S. Wisnicki, One More Voice/The Ardhi Initiative, CC BY 4.0. The surviving text of the 1904 agreement , signed in stages on 10 and 15 August, divided Maasai communities between northern and southern reserves. Certain sections were directed to Laikipia; others were assigned land south of the railway. In exchange, Maasai representatives undertook to vacate the Rift Valley so that it could be used for European settlement. The document also requested a route, including water access, between the two reserves and protected land on the Kinangop slopes for ceremonies. Most importantly, it described the settlement as enduring “so long as the Masai as a race shall exist” and said settlers should not take land inside the reserves (Judgment, 1914, pp. 382–383). Those words matter. The 1904 document was not a 100-year lease, despite a persistent modern myth that the land was supposed to “revert” in 2004. Historian Lotte Hughes has directly corrected that claim : the agreement contained no 100-year expiry date. Its promise was framed as permanent, not temporary. The removals of 1904–05 pushed communities from favoured grazing country around Naivasha and Nakuru into the two reserves. In her Oxford research based on archives and Maasai oral testimony , Hughes argues that white settlement was the primary reason for the displacement (Hughes, 2002, pp. 8–9). The 1911 Agreement: Laikipia Is Taken Back Only seven years later, the northern reserve became an obstacle to settler expansion. The 1911 agreement preserved by the One More Voice and Ardhi Initiative project stated that the Maasai should live in one area rather than remain divided. Representatives marked the document in Nairobi on 4 April and at Rumuruti on 13 April; Governor Percy Girouard signed on 26 April. ADVERTISEMENT The Uganda Railway and surrounding territories in British East Africa, circa 1903. Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons. It helps readers understand why land near the railway became so valuable to settlers. Its practical effect was clear: residents were to vacate the Northern Maasai Reserve and move with their herds and flocks to land south of the Uganda Railway. The government promised a southern reserve for Maasai use, subject to exceptions for mining and public purposes (Judgment, 1914, pp. 383–385). The language of “free will” in both agreements cannot settle whether consent was genuine. The later plaintiffs said the 1911 agreement had been obtained under duress and lacked valid approval from the people it purported to bind. The unequal setting also matters: colonial officials controlled the administration, the movement orders and the written record used to describe consent. Credit: Segi et al., Agreement of 4 and 13 April 1911, edited by Ng’ang’a Wahu-Mũchiri and Adrian S. Wisnicki, One More Voice/The Ardhi Initiative, CC BY 4.0. The northern removal continued over the next two years and was completed on 26 March 1913. Hughes estimates that the moves, together with related later removals, cost Maasai communities in British East Africa at least half the land they had previously used; she notes that a precise percentage is impossible because pastoral use before 1904 had not been surveyed in colonial terms (Hughes, 2002, p. 9). Land loss also narrowed the physical base of the cattle-centred economy discussed in XTRAfrica’s account of Maasai food and changing diets . Resistance Through Law The British expected violent resistance. Instead, Maasai challengers hired lawyers and used the colonial legal system. This was organised, non-violent resistance not evidence that communities quietly accepted the removal. Maasai people moving with their belongings near Rumuruti in Laikipia, 1909–1911. Photographed during the period in which the Northern Maasai Reserve was dismantled, the image conveys the upheaval surrounding the 1911 removal, although the archive does not identify this particular journey as part of the colonial relocation. Photograph by Carl Ethan Akeley/AMNH, Asset 212346. Parsaloi Ole Gilisho, an influential Purko age-set spokesman, helped initiate the challenge. By the High Court hearing, his son-in-law Murket Ole Nchoko recorded by British officials as “Ol le Njogo” was the first of eight plaintiffs. The final arrangement of plaintiffs and defendants was complicated because some Maasai leaders, including Ole Gilisho, had marked earlier documents. That complexity should not erase Maasai authorship of the resistance. Civil Case No. 91 of 1912 asked the court to recognise the 1904 settlement as binding, declare that the 1911 agreement did not bind the plaintiffs and other Maasai who had not validly approved it, and allow return to Laikipia. The claim also sought £5,000 over the promised road and an inquiry into livestock deaths and depreciation caused by the removal (Judgment, 1914, pp. 387–388). Shortly before the case was heard, an injunction was issued to stop further removal. It arrived on 10 April 1913 about two weeks after the last Maasai had already left Laikipia (Hughes, 2006, p. 89). The legal protection came after the physical result it was supposed to prevent. The 1913 Judgment: A Court That Would Not Hear the Wrong On 26 May 1913, the High Court at Mombasa addressed a preliminary jurisdiction question rather than conducting a full trial of the plaintiffs’ evidence. The published text of the colonial judgment shows how the trap worked. The Old Law Courts in Mombasa, part of the colonial judicial setting in which the Maasai case was decided. Photograph by Zahra Abdulmajid, CC BY-SA 3.0, via Wikimedia Commons. Avoid claiming that the case was heard in the exact room pictured. Judge R. W. Hamilton held that the Maasai were not British subjects but “protected foreigners” living in a protectorate. From that premise, he treated the 1904 and 1911 instruments not as enforceable contracts but as treaties between the Crown and representatives of a foreign people (Judgment, 1914, pp. 385–387). That classification turned the agreements and removals into Acts of State. The court therefore said it had no authority to determine whether the 1911 signatures had been obtained through duress, whether the signatories could bind other Maasai, or whether the government had wrongfully destroyed the 1904 arrangement. It dismissed the action with costs, stating that even if a wrong had occurred, no municipal court could provide a remedy (Judgment, 1914, pp. 388–389). ADVERTISEMENT Trending Now Kindu Nurses’ Strike Disrupts Care and Childhood Vaccination . Healthcare System EAC Preparedness Plan: What Must Be Ready Before Floods . Regional Blocs (AU, SADC, EAC, ECOWAS) DR Congo's Juliana Lumumba Seeks to Reshape the Francophonie . Francophone River Offin Girls’ Rights Decision: What Must Change? . Education Popular Today African Culture Disability-Selective Infanticide: The Hidden History in Maasailand . African Culture Zee Nxumalo Biography: Age, Real Name, Songs & Amapiano Rise . African Culture Wendy Shay Biography: Age, Nursing Career, Songs & AFRIMA Win . African Culture Vinka Biography: Real Name, Songs, Family & Music Career . African Culture Vestine & Dorcas Biography: Ages, Family, Songs & Career . The plaintiffs appealed. In December 1913, the Court of Appeal for Eastern Africa upheld the barrier: the matter remained outside the jurisdiction of the local courts. In plain language, the Crown could exercise power over Maasai people while describing them as foreigners when they asked the Crown’s court to enforce its promise. What the Case Did—and Did Not—Decide The courts did not conduct a factual trial proving that the 1911 move was freely accepted, fair or harmless. They did not calculate livestock losses or decide the moral justice of removing communities from Laikipia. They decided that colonial courts could not grant the requested remedy because the conduct was classified as an Act of State. A Maasai man overlooks a highland landscape, illustrating the enduring connection between Maasai communities, land and pastoral identity. That distinction is essential. Saying simply “the Maasai lost the case” can sound as if judges examined the evidence and found the removals lawful on their merits. They did not. The jurisdiction ruling prevented the central claims from being tested. Nor should the story be reduced to the idea that “the chiefs sold the land.” Maasai political authority was distributed, the agreements named many representatives, and the challengers disputed whether those who marked the 1911 document could bind everyone. Colonial officials also selected the people they were prepared to recognise as representatives. The documents record marks and official assurances, but they cannot by themselves establish informed, community-wide consent. Why the Stolen Highlands Still Matter The 1913 case records an early attempt by Indigenous East Africans to turn the coloniser’s law against colonial dispossession. Its defeat exposed how legal categories could recognise Maasai political personality for the purpose of making a treaty, then deny an effective forum when that treaty was challenged. Other images of regional atmosphere in the 1909–1911. Its material legacy reaches beyond court history. Land determines mobility, water access, grazing options, household security and the room in which culture can be practised and changed. It also shapes the markets through which cultural work from livestock products to Maasai beadwork and modern craft supports families today. The case also belongs in a wider East African conversation about Indigenous land systems. XTRAfrica’s examination of Hadza communal land rights in Tanzania shows a different community and legal history, but a related problem: mobile ways of using land are repeatedly forced to defend themselves through institutions built around surveyed boundaries and written titles. Reconstructing the Maasai case accurately does not produce an easy modern court remedy, and it does not settle every present-day ownership dispute. It does something more basic: it restores the sequence of promise, removal and legal exclusion. The highlands were not simply “empty” land waiting for development. They were used landscapes whose conversion created winners, displaced communities and a claim for justice that the colonial court refused to hear. ADVERTISEMENT One of Masai leader available in the the 1904 and 1911 Maasai Agreements Olonana, commonly known as Lenana, was the Maasai laibon who forged a strategic alliance with the British and signed the 1904 Maasai Agreement. Intended to protect his authority and people during a period of crisis, the alliance was later exploited by colonial officials as Maasai lands were transferred to settler control. Image: National Museums of Kenya/Shujaa Stories. He sought British support against his rival brother Senteu and other threats during a period of war, drought and devastating human and livestock disease. The British needed Maasai cooperation, soldiers and secure communication routes. Lenana consequently became their intermediary and a salaried colonial “Paramount Chief,” an office that did not previously exist in Maasai political organization. After 1904, their interests diverged and the colonial government exploited the alliance to acquire Maasai land. Historian Richard Waller describes it as an alliance serving mutual interests . Lenana signed the 1904 agreement, but he did not sign the formal 1911 agreement. He died in March 1911; the April agreement bears the marks of his young son Segi, two regents and other Maasai representatives. Colonial officials nevertheless used Lenana’s reported final wishes to support the relocation. Compare the 1904 agreement with the 1911 signatories . Frequently Asked Questions What were the 1904 and 1911 Maasai Agreements? The 1904 agreement divided Maasai communities between northern and southern reserves and opened much of the central Rift Valley to European settlement. The 1911 agreement required the northern communities to leave Laikipia and move to an enlarged southern reserve. Who brought the 1913 Maasai land case? Parsaloi Ole Gilisho helped organise the challenge. In the High Court judgment, Murket Ole Nchoko recorded as Ol le Njogo appeared as lead plaintiff with seven other plaintiffs from the Purko and Keekonyokie sections. Why did the Maasai plaintiffs lose? The court classified the agreements as treaties and the government’s conduct as Acts of State. It therefore ruled that a municipal court could not hear the plaintiffs’ claims, including their arguments about duress, authority, breach and loss. Did the 1904 agreement expire after 100 years? No. The surviving text contains no 100-year lease or 2004 expiry date. It said the reserve settlement should endure for as long as the Maasai existed. Sources and Further Reading High Court of the East Africa Protectorate. 1914. “ Judgment in the Case Brought by the Masai Tribe Against the Attorney-General .” American Journal of International Law 8(2): 380–389. Judgment delivered May 26, 1913. Hughes, Lotte. 2002. “ Moving the Maasai: A Colonial Misadventure .” DPhil thesis, University of Oxford. Hughes, Lotte. 2006. “ The Court Case .” In Moving the Maasai: A Colonial Misadventure , pp. 89–104. Palgrave Macmillan. Hughes, Lotte. 2023. “ 2023 Marks 110 Years Since the Maasai Case 1913: Does It Still Matter? .” The Elephant . Lenana et al. (1914) 2023. “ Treaty/Agreement of 10 and 15 August 1904 .” One More Voice and The Ardhi Initiative. Segi et al. (1914) 2023. “ Treaty/Agreement of 4 and 13 April 1911 .” One More Voice and The Ardhi Initiative. Wahu-Mũchiri, Ng’ang’a, Chao Tayiana Maina and Adrian S. Wisnicki. 2024. “ The 1904 and 1911 Maa-British Land Agreements .” The Ardhi Initiative and One More Voice. Waller, Richard. 1976. “ The Maasai and the British 1895–1905: The Origins of an Alliance .” Journal of African History 17(4): 529–553. ADVERTISEMENT Related Articles African Culture Disability-Selective Infanticide: The Hidden History in Maasailand Field evidence exposes a history of killing, abandonment and neglect and the Maasai resisting it . African Culture Zee Nxumalo Biography: Age, Real Name, Songs & Amapiano Rise Meet Zee Nxumalo: her age, real name, songs, awards and journey from viral covers to amapiano stardom. . African Culture Wendy Shay Biography: Age, Nursing Career, Songs & AFRIMA Win Discover Wendy Shay’s age, Ghana-Germany story, nursing career, albums, songs and awards. . African Culture Vinka Biography: Real Name, Songs, Family & Music Career Discover Vinka’s real name, family, hit songs, awards and journey from dancer to Ugandan star. . 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