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GHS administers 290,000 cholera vaccines in Western Region, targeting 641,851 residents Dec 18, 2024 Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Copy link The Ghana Health Service (GHS) in the Western Region has given 290,000 cholera vaccines within the first two days of its campaign. The campaign targets 641,851 people aged one year and older. The vaccination drive is focused on four high-risk areas: Sekondi-Takoradi Metropolis, Effia-Kwesimintsim, Shama, and Ahanta West municipalities. It started on Sunday, December 15, and will run until Thursday, December 29, 2024. Dr. Nana Yaw Ofori Yeboah, the Western Regional Director of GHS, told the Ghana News Agency (GNA) that anyone over one year old can take the vaccine, except pregnant women. He assured the public that the vaccines are safe and urged everyone in the target group to take part in the campaign to reduce cholera cases. To ensure they reach their goal, vaccination teams will visit homes, schools, places of worship, workplaces, markets, and healthcare centers. The cholera outbreak in the Western Region has seen 1,633 reported cases, including 15 deaths. Health authorities have also taken steps to control the outbreak. One of these measures includes banning food vendors from selling vegetables, as investigations found that contaminated vegetables were linked to 96% of cholera cases. "This effort is vital to protect residents from cholera and reduce its spread," Dr. Yeboah said. DR.Congo Congo Prepares to Host First-Ever National AI Symposium in Kinshasa DR.Congo Joseph Kabila Accused of High Treason as Congo Seizes Assets and Shuts Down His Party DR.Congo Rwanda’s Puppet Returns: Kabila Enters Goma After Trump’s Warning to Kagame DR.Congo US to Rwanda: Withdraw from Congo, Mining Talks with DRC Moving Forward Top News More News US Visa Now ‘Nearly Impossible’ for Rwandans in 2025, Political Fears and Kagame’s Rule Blamed . Kagame's twisted genocide narrative nearly destroys US-based Nsabumukunzi . Rwanda’s $2 Billion Airport: A Debt Trap Disguised as Progress . Kagame's Desperate Economy: When Rwanda Starts Taxing Weddings, You Know It's Broken .

Published: April 11, 2024 at 5:31:46 AM Modified: April 11, 2024 at 5:31:46 AM The entertainment world recently faced a whirlwind of concern following the circulation of distressing rumors regarding actor Junior Pope's alleged fatal boat accident. The alarming news left fans and industry peers in a state of shock, awaiting confirmation on the actor's fate. In the midst of growing anxiety, a ray of hope shone through as visuals surfaced showing the actor receiving emergency aid, reigniting hopes for his safety. It was the timely intervention of Emeka Rollas, President of the Actors Guild of Nigeria (AGN), that brought clarity to the situation. Rollas announced that, contrary to the rumors, Junior Pope had indeed survived the incident and was currently undergoing treatment in a medical facility. The incident reportedly occurred when Junior Pope and his colleagues were traversing the River Niger en route to a film set in Asaba, Delta State. In the wake of the accident, Rollas took to social media to provide an update, affirming the actor's condition and hospitalization. Adding to the drama of the event, a video posted by Pope himself prior to the rumors of his demise captured a tense moment where the actor expressed his fear of the river, pleading with the boat operator to be cautious. He voiced his responsibilities as an only child and a father of three, underscoring his imperative to return safely to his children. Despite the lack of a life jacket and the evident risk, Pope’s focus remained on fulfilling his parental duties. This confirmation from the AGN president not only dispels the false reports but also underscores the risks faced by actors in their line of duty, highlighting the industry's need for stringent safety measures. Junior Pope's experience serves as a poignant reminder of the fragility of life and the importance of safety precautions in all professional endeavors. ADVERTISEMENT Keep Reading

AFS Youth Assembly 2025 in New York offers opportunities for Africans aged 18–35. Travel abroad, join global leaders, and pitch your ideas. Apply now. AFS Youth Assembly 2025 in New York offers opportunities for Africans aged 18–35 AFS Youth Assembly 2025 in New York offers opportunities for Africans aged 18–35. Travel abroad, join global leaders, and pitch your ideas. Apply now. Published: June 15, 2025 at 6:07:59 PM Modified: June 15, 2025 at 7:32:10 PM Program: 30th AFS Youth Assembly Location: New York City, USA Date: August 2025 Target : Young Leaders from Africa (Ages 18–35) Are you a young African dreaming of travel abroad, scholarships, or work abroad? The 30th AFS Youth Assembly 2025 in New York City is one of the top opportunities for Africans to take part in a prestigious international conference, connect globally, and turn ideas into real-world impact. This isn’t just about dialogue, it’s about real action and leadership on the world stage. Who Can Apply? You are eligible if you are: Between 18 and 35 years old Passionate about global development, climate change, peace, or youth empowerment A student, young professional, or changemaker from Africa Fluent or conversational in English Looking for travel abroad or scholarship opportunities for Africans Why You Should Apply This Youth Assembly offers a direct path to global networks and change: ✈️ Travel abroad to New York City and represent your country 🧠 Learn from experts, attend leadership workshops, and join innovation labs 🌐 Build a powerful network of 600+ youth leaders from 100+ countries 💼 Many participants go on to secure jobs in USA, jobs in Canada, and beyond 💡 Get tools and visibility to scale your local or international projects What You'll Gain This is more than a trip, it’s a passport to global influence: 📘 Leadership training and exposure to the UN ecosystem 💬 International connections that can support future work abroad paths 🏅 A certificate of participation to boost your career or education profile 🧠 A chance to participate in real diplomatic simulations and pitch your vision Important Notes ⚠️ This is a program of AFS International, not AFS-USA.AFS-USA is a separate legal entity and not affiliated with AFS Intercultural Programs/AFS International. How to Apply Click “Apply Now” below Fill out the application form with your background and goals Submit required docs (CV, short essays, etc.) Wait for confirmation and next steps Apply Now ADVERTISEMENT opportunity opportunity United States United States Keep Reading Job & Opportunity Department of Correctional Services Vacancies 2025|Apply by 14 October Explore 2025 DCS job opportunities in South Africa. Multiple vacancies in finance, . Students Portal How to Apply for Global Health Research Training Programs Learn how to apply for global health research programs like EN-RTP. Tips on cover letters, mentors, . Students Portal Turkish Language Scholarship 2025: Apply for KATIP Program Learn how to apply for the Turkish Language Program (KATIP) Scholarship 2025. . Business & Investment South Africa Loans 2025: How to Apply, Compare & Qualify Explore 2025 loans in South Africa. From Capfin to Capitec, DirectAxis to African Bank, & how to apply .

Backed by the Chinese group African Sunrise, this project represents an initial investment of $200 million, with a possible $300 million more to follow. Backed by the Chinese group African Sunrise, this project represents an initial investment of $200 million, with a possible $300 million more to follow. Published: May 18, 2025 at 4:18:57 AM Modified: May 18, 2025 at 5:12:42 AM A digital mockup of the upcoming Cité de Chine (China City) in Kinshasa, part of a $300 million partnership between DRC and China KINSHASA, 10 May 2025. In a powerful sign of progress, the Democratic Republic of Congo has officially launched the China City project, a bold development led by the government under President Félix Antoine Tshisekedi Tshilombo. The foundation stone was laid this Saturday by the Minister of Industry and SME Development, Louis Watum Kabamba, in a ceremony that brought together government leaders, diplomats, and business partners. Backed by the Chinese group African Sunrise, this project represents an initial investment of $200 million, with a possible $300 million more to follow. Once completed, the project is expected to create 30,000 jobs for the Congolese people. What Is China City? Covering 150,000 square meters, this modern complex will become a new engine for Kinshasa’s economy. It will include: Shopping centers Logistics and financial hubs Hotel services Residential buildings More than just buildings, China City is designed to become a full platform for international trade and business, bringing new energy to Kinshasa’s economic life. A Vision of Modern Congo This project is part of President Tshisekedi’s vision for economic transformation, one where Congo becomes a regional hub for services, innovation, and trade. The government sees partnerships like this one as strategic tools for job creation and sustainable development. According to the DRC Ministry of Industry and Development of the PM, the first phase is expected to be ready by December 2025, with full completion by May 2027. “This is the industrial future of our country taking shape in the heart of Kinshasa,” declared the Ministry of Industry on social media. China City in Kinshasa to Boost Tourism in Congo From Bangkok to London, Chinatowns have become global tourist hotspots known for their vibrant food, shopping, and cultural experiences. With the launch of China City in Kinshasa, Congo is stepping into that same spotlight, offering a dynamic blend of restaurants, markets, hotels, and event spaces that celebrate both Chinese and Congolese heritage. Designed to attract thousands of visitors, both local and international, this landmark project is set to boost tourism revenue through guided food tours, New Year festivals, dragon parades, art shows, and music events. It also opens new doors for local businesses, tour operators, and event organizers to position Kinshasa as a modern, multicultural travel destination. A Short History of Chinatowns Around the World Chinatowns first appeared in the 1800s as small communities of Chinese immigrants building businesses and homes in foreign cities. Over time, many became key parts of local economies and culture. 🔹 Famous Chinatowns: San Francisco (USA) – the oldest Chinatown in North America London (UK) – a busy center for food and tourism Bangkok (Thailand) – known for its vibrant trade Toronto (Canada) supports thousands of small businesses Sydney (Australia) – a major cultural and business hub Paris (France) – strong in wholesale, logistics, and cuisine In many places, Chinatowns have: Created jobs for locals Brought tourism and income to cities Added new cultural experiences through festivals, food, and arts Helped with urban renewal in neglected areas Boosted small and medium business growth This project also marks a new chapter in cooperation between the DRC and China. With proper leadership and transparency, it shows how economic diplomacy can work for the people. ADVERTISEMENT DR.Congo DR.Congo Keep Reading Regional Economy DRC offers state mineral assets to US investors under pact Shortlist includes manganese, copper-cobalt and lithium projects . War in Eastern DRC What a “Full Withdrawal” from Uvira Would Really Require DRC Authorities Say M23 Withdrawal from Uvira Not Credible Without Territorial Exit . Government Announcements DRC: Kinshasa Launches Uvira Recovery Plan Kinshasa unveils its recovery plan for Uvira following the partial withdrawal of M23/RDF forces . War in Eastern DRC Why Kinshasa Rejects Claims of an M23 “Withdrawal” from Uvira DRC says claims of M23 withdrawal from Uvira are misleading, warning of disinformation & infiltration .

Published: April 28, 2024 at 7:28:01 AM Modified: April 28, 2024 at 7:28:01 AM The demonstrators, organized by several influential trade unions Escalating tensions erupted into chaos as police in Benin fired tear gas to disrupt a major protest over the soaring cost of living on Saturday. The demonstration, organized by several influential trade unions, was met with a stern response, including the arrest of prominent union leaders. Armed police established blockades around the labour council's headquarters in Cotonou, preventing access to the scheduled protest site and turning away members of the press. Despite these measures, groups of protesters managed to assemble nearby, voicing their grievances through placards and union attire. Among the arrested were Moudassirou Bachabi, leader of the General Confederation of Workers of Benin (CGTB), and Anselme Amoussou, head of CSA-Benin, as confirmed by CGTB deputy general secretary Anita Bossoukpe. In total, 18 demonstrators were detained, further intensifying the standoff. "The cost of basic necessities is just too high," said Clemence Akinocho, a protester. This sentiment is widespread as Benin struggles with inflation, particularly in essential goods such as corn, gari flour, beans, and cowpeas. Despite a recent increase, the guaranteed minimum wage in Benin remains a modest 52,000 CFA francs ($85) per month, insufficient to keep pace with escalating prices. This unrest comes at a time when the International Monetary Fund highlights a lackluster economic recovery in sub-Saharan Africa, with incomes lagging significantly behind global averages. As Benin faces economic challenges, the government's strategy, including a new sovereign dollar bond, is under scrutiny. The community and its leaders call for meaningful reforms to address the deepening economic divide. ADVERTISEMENT Keep Reading

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Goma's Boxing champion amongest 3000 killed During RDF/M23 invasion of Goma Feb 10, 2025 Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Copy link Balezi Jean de Dieu, also known as Kibomango Balezi Jean de Dieu, also known as Kibomango, was among the 3,000 people who tragically lost their lives when M23 rebels entered Goma on January 27. As a former child soldier turned boxing champion, Kibomango devoted himself to helping Goma’s youth. His family now demands justice, mourning the untimely death of a man who dedicated his life to giving others hope. “There were several shots, and he was hit by a stray bullet,” his brother Mashara Espoir recalls. “That’s when I got the call that my brother had passed away. Even though it was a tense situation, I had to find out what happened.” In 2008, Kibomango became the boxing champion of the Democratic Republic of Congo. After earning that title, he established the “Club de l’Amitié,” a sanctuary where he taught boxing to street children. For many kids, this was more than just a sport—it was a lifeline, helping them escape poverty and avoid recruitment into armed groups. Kibomango was a symbol of hope in Goma, a man who chose to fight for a better future despite the horrors he had endured. Inspired by his legacy, the amateur boxers he trained a DR.Congo Congo Prepares to Host First-Ever National AI Symposium in Kinshasa DR.Congo Joseph Kabila Accused of High Treason as Congo Seizes Assets and Shuts Down His Party DR.Congo Rwanda’s Puppet Returns: Kabila Enters Goma After Trump’s Warning to Kagame DR.Congo US to Rwanda: Withdraw from Congo, Mining Talks with DRC Moving Forward Top News More News US Visa Now ‘Nearly Impossible’ for Rwandans in 2025, Political Fears and Kagame’s Rule Blamed . Kagame's twisted genocide narrative nearly destroys US-based Nsabumukunzi . Rwanda’s $2 Billion Airport: A Debt Trap Disguised as Progress . Kagame's Desperate Economy: When Rwanda Starts Taxing Weddings, You Know It's Broken .

UN midterm report exposes war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and atrocities by M23 rebels in eastern DRC, backed by Rwanda. Over 500 civilians reportedly killed. Politics UN: M23 and Rwanda Committed War Crimes in Congo, Says Report UN midterm report exposes war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and atrocities by M23 rebels in eastern DRC, backed by Rwanda. Over 500 civilians reportedly killed. Published: January 8, 2026 at 5:41:34 PM Modified: January 10, 2026 at 11:23:05 PM Written By | Serge Kabongo Sports & Entertainment Serge Kabongo The UN midterm repor t S/2025/858 (30 December 2025) documents numerous incidents in which the M23 rebel group (also called Alliance Fleuve Congo/Mouvement du 23 mars, AFC/M23) committed war crimes, crimes against humanity, or serious violations of international humanitarian law in eastern DRC. These incidents often involved targeted attacks on civilians, mass killings, sexual violence, forced displacement, and destruction of villages, frequently with the direct support or coordination of Rwandan forces (RDF). Below is a comprehensive list of such incidents, organized by date, location, type of crime, and Rwanda’s involvement, with citations to the UN report: 24 February 2025 – Karenga (near Goma, North Kivu): Type of Crime: Threatening and forcibly displacing civilians . M23 fighters issued an ultimatum to residents of Karenga (a village near Virunga National Park) to leave within one day or be shot, causing the entire population to flee to displacement shelters in Sake. This constitutes a forcible eviction under threat of violence, a grave breach of international humanitarian law. Rwanda’s Involvement: Rwandan troops were reported on the ground in this incident, and M23’s control of the area was enabled by Rwanda’s backing and coordination. The UN experts note that throughout its campaign, M23 received sustained support from the Rwandan Defence Force (RDF), which allowed M23 to consolidate control around Goma and carry out such expulsions. 2 May 2025 – Goma/Sake (North Kivu): Type of Crime: Forcible transfer and deportation of civilians (ethnic/forced displacement) . On this date, AFC/M23 rounded up over 2,000 predominantly Hutu civilians sheltering around Goma and Sake – people who had been displaced by M23’s February offensives – and forced them into a UNHCR transit center in Goma, under armed supervision. Between 17 and 22 May 2025, M23 then compelled the transfer of 1,798 of these civilians across the border into Rwanda, in what was portrayed by M23 as a “voluntary return ” of supposed Rwandan nationals. In reality, conditions for voluntary return were not met: civilians had no chance to contest their nationality, men accused of FDLR affiliation were forcibly separated (over 180 men taken to an unknown location), and M23 officials intimidated UNHCR staff to abort proper screening. This forced deportation of a population and the disappearance of detainees are clear violations of IHL and human rights law. Rwanda’s Involvement: Facilitating. While the operation was carried out by M23 authorities, it directly served Rwanda’s interests in removing Hutu communities associated with the FDLR. Rwanda’s role included accepting the transferred civilians on its territory as “returnees.” The report indicates this was part of joint RDF–M23 efforts to reshape local demographics by expelling the Hutu populations from eastern DRC. (RDF had earlier conducted offensives that displaced these communities, and M23’s leadership – operating with Rwandan support – managed the deportation process.) 27–28 May 2025 – Marangara and Surrounding Villages (Bwito Chefferie, Rutshuru, North Kivu): Type of Crime: Attacks on civilians: killings, arson, looting, and forced displacement. Over two days, Rwandan Defence Force troops and M23 rebels jointly attacked villages around Marangara (Tongo area) under the pretext of striking FDLR positions. During these attacks, multiple civilians were killed, and numerous homes were deliberately set ablaze. On 28 May, RDF/M23 units accused local inhabitants of Marangara, Lukara, and Kirumba of hiding FDLR members; in retaliation, they looted livestock and property, burned more houses, and drove out the population, causing mass displacement. These actions – killing non-combatants, destroying civilian homes, and pillaging – are explicit war crimes under international law. Rwanda’s Involvement: Direct. Rwandan military forces participated actively in the assaults. The UN report documents that RDF soldiers fought alongside M23 in Marangara, carrying out the cordon-and-search operation and the subsequent reprisals against civilians. Thus, Rwanda was directly involved through military support and cross-border combat operations in this incident. 30 May 2025 – Multiple Villages in Rutshuru (North Kivu): Type of Crime: Forced eviction of civilians (mass forced displacement). On 30 May, AFC/M23 ordered at least 240 households to evacuate five villages (including Burambo, Kiyeye, Mayi ya Chumvi, Ngeri, and Kiganda in Rutshuru territory) on the threat of violence. This expulsion edict led to the mass displacement of those villages’ inhabitants. Forcing civilians to abandon their homes under duress is a violation of international humanitarian law. (The Group of Experts notes that M23 frequently issued such evacuation ultimatums, warning that anyone who remained would be “treated as a target,” which created fear and large-scale flight.) Rwanda’s Involvement: Rwanda-backed M23 was the de facto authority in these areas thanks to Rwandan military support. Rwanda’s involvement was through its broader backing of M23’s campaign (provision of arms, coordination, and a unified command structure) that enabled M23 to control territory and carry out these forced removals. 9–27 July 2025 – Binza Groupement (Bwisha Chefferie, Rutshuru, North Kivu): Type of Crime: Massacres of civilians, including summary executions, and village burnings. Following a mid-year buildup, RDF and M23 forces launched large-scale “cordon-and-search” operations in Binza (eastern Rutshuru) targeting Hutu communities suspected of FDLR ties. During mid-July 2025, an orgy of violence unfolded across several localities in Binza (Nyamilima, Kisharo, Burambo, Kiseguro, Katwiguro, Musinga, Kigarigari, etc.): over 300 civilian deaths were reported between 9 and 27 July. Witnesses, including survivors, recounted indiscriminate killings – men, women, and children were summarily executed on the mere accusation of collaborating with FDLR or local militias. M23 cadres imposed terror by prohibiting any burials of the victims; many bodies were dumped in rivers to conceal the massacre. Throughout these operations, entire villages were systematically torched – RDF/M23 fighters destroyed and burned homes and settlements of Hutu families labeled as FDLR sympathizers. These atrocities were widespread and systematic, constituting crimes against humanity and war crimes (murder of civilians, persecution, and destruction of property on a vast scale). Indeed, the UN experts explicitly note that the intentional targeting of this specific ethnic/social group may amount to war crimes or crimes against humanity. Rwanda’s Involvement: Direct. The Rwandan army was deeply involved in this campaign. The report describes joint RDF–AFC/M23 operations in Binza: RDF units encircled farming areas and conducted sweeps, while M23 militia enforced local control. Rwanda provided not only troops on the ground but also logistical support and command coordination. The massacres and village burnings were part of a coordinated anti-FDLR offensive by M23 together with the Rwandan Defence Force. (This joint effort to eradicate FDLR elements was so extreme that by October 2025, the UNHCR recorded over 70,000 refugees fleeing North Kivu, mostly Hutu civilians, due to these operations.) 6–7 October 2025 – Muliki and Kauma (Tongo area, Rutshuru, North Kivu): Type of Crime: Attack on villages with arson (probable killing of civilians). In early October, the AFC/M23 mounted attacks on the villages of Muliki and Kauma (in the Tongo groupement, Rutshuru) . Satellite fire data detected significant burning in those locales on 6 and 7 October, corresponding to reported AFC/M23 assaults that ignited the villages. While casualty details are not given in the report, the pattern suggests these attacks involved the torching of civilian homes and likely caused civilian injuries or deaths as well as displacement (consistent with M23’s scorched-earth tactics observed earlier). Such deliberate attacks on civilian habitations are serious violations of IHL. Rwanda’s Involvement: (continued support). Although the report’s details on these October raids are brief, they occurred in the context of ongoing RDF-backed M23 military operations. Given the established pattern of RDF’s direct support, it is highly likely that Rwanda continued to provide operational assistance or even forces on the ground during these attacks (e.g., intelligence, artillery, or command direction). The UN report notes generally that RDF remained integrated with M23’s offensives throughout 2025. (No separate RDF presence is explicitly mentioned for Muliki/Kauma, but M23’s capability to carry out these assaults was a result of Rwanda’s sustained military backing.) 19 October 2025 – Kamena area (Bwito Chefferie, Rutshuru, North Kivu): Type of Crime: Attack on a civilian area with arson. On 19 October, fires were detected near Kamena that coincided with an AFC/M23 attack on that area. This indicates that Kamena’s civilian structures were set ablaze during the M23 operation. As with the early October incidents, details are scant, but the action fits the broader campaign of village-burning and forced clearance of local populations. Any intentional burning of civilian villages is a war crime, and coming after the large-scale Binza massacres, this suggests a continued effort by M23 to purge areas of suspected hostile ethnic groups or militia sympathizers. Rwanda’s Involvement: (continued support). M23 forces were still receiving Rwandan support at this stage. The Kamena attack was part of the same RDF-assisted offensive in Rutshuru. Cross-border coordination and military aid from Rwanda (such as troop reinforcements, ammunition, and tactical guidance) almost certainly facilitated this attack, even if RDF units are not specifically named in this instance. Rwanda’s involvement is evident in the overall strategy – these October burnings occurred in zones where RDF and M23 had jointly been battling FDLR remnants, underscoring that Rwanda’s campaign against Hutu militia elements extended to the destruction of local civilian communities deemed sympathetic to those elements. Each of the above incidents is drawn directly from UN Security Council report S/2025/858, and together they illustrate a pattern of systematic atrocities by M23/AFC. The Group of Experts attributes over 500 civilian deaths in Rutshuru (Bwito and Bwisha chiefdoms) from April to October 2025 to M23/RDF operations, alongside countless acts of violence (summary executions, rapes, abductions) for which M23 is identified as the primary perpetrator nationwide during this period. Notably, the report concludes that many of these actions “may amount to war crimes or crimes against humanity”, and it documents Rwanda’s extensive role, from providing troops, drones, and weaponry to integrating M23 into a parallel command structure and administration, in perpetrating these violations. Sources: United Nations Security Council, Midterm Report of the Group of Experts on the DRC (S/2025/858, 30 Dec 2025), including Annexes as cited. ADVERTISEMENT 2025 UN report on Congo conflict 2025 UN report on Congo conflict DR.Congo DR.Congo Keep Reading 2025 UN Report on DRC UN: M23 and Rwanda Committed War Crimes in Congo, Says Report UN midterm report exposes war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and atrocities by M23 rebels in eastern DRC . 2025 UN Report on DRC Inside M23’s Brutality: Massacres, Child Soldiers, Sex Violence UN reveals M23 crimes in Congo: Kishishe massacre, child soldiers, rape, forced taxation . 2025 UN Report on DRC Rwanda’s Secret War Tactics in Congo: Spies, Smuggling, Drones UN report reveals how Rwanda fuels war in Congo through spies, drone strikes, and smuggling . 2025 UN Report on DRC 2025 UN Report Exposes Rwanda use FDLR as Cover for War Crimes in DRC Rwanda uses the FDLR to justify war in Congo, but the 2025 UN report says .

How Kagame’s decades-long proxy network is collapsing under Congo’s diplomacy. UN 2773, the Washington Accord, and the Doha Agreement expose Rwanda’s regional defeat How Kagame’s Regional Empire Is Crumbling by Congo’s Diplomatic Siege How Kagame’s decades-long proxy network is collapsing under Congo’s diplomacy. UN 2773, the Washington Accord, and the Doha Agreement expose Rwanda’s regional defeat Published: November 17, 2025 at 5:33:16 PM Modified: November 17, 2025 at 5:36:06 PM Written By | Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda For nearly three decades, Paul Kagame ruled the Great Lakes through coercion, covert warfare, and proxy militias. His power rested not on legitimacy, but on the ability to destabilize neighbors, capture cross-border resources, and weaponize regional insecurity. But 2025 marks the beginning of his decline, a shift driven not by war, but by diplomacy, law, and global consensus, engineered by a resurgent Democratic Republic of the Congo under President Félix Tshisekedi. The latest blow comes from Doha: the Framework Agreement for a Comprehensive Peace Accord between the DRC Government and the AFC/M23, signed on 15 November 2025. What looks like a peace document is, in reality, a definitive political defeat for Rwanda’s strategy of proxy warfare. It dismantles the very architecture Kigali built and exposes Kagame’s M23 project as internationally discredited, militarily exhausted, and politically cornered. 1. Kigali’s Proxy Crumbles: M23 Forced Into a Political Cage For years, Kagame used the M23 rebellion as a disposable instrument, a militia wrapped in political rhetoric but commanded, financed, and supplied by Kigali’s military intelligence. Today, that tool is collapsing under unprecedented diplomatic pressure. The Doha Accord forces the M23/AFC to accept terms that contradict the very purpose for which Rwanda created it: ✔ Permanent cessation of hostilities ✔ Recognition of Congolese sovereignty ✔ Withdrawal from occupied areas ✔ Reinstatement of State authority across all territories ✔ Disarmament, demobilisation, and reintegration under Congolese law This is not an M23 victory; it is a capitulation in slow motion. For the first time, the rebellion is negotiating without Rwanda as a co-signer, a direct consequence of UN Resolution 2773, which explicitly condemned RDF presence in Congo and demanded withdrawal without preconditions. The message is clear: The world has recognized Rwanda’s hand behind the violence and isolated it. 2. A Regional Trap Built by Kinshasa: Washington → Dubai → Doha Doha was not an accident. It was the third step in a coordinated diplomatic siege launched by Kinshasa: Step 1 — UN Resolution 2773 (Feb 2025) The world officially recognized that Rwanda’s army was inside Congo and backing M23. This shattered Kigali’s 20-year narrative of “we are not involved.” Step 2 — Washington Peace Accord (June 2025) Rwanda was forced to sign a binding agreement demanding: Withdrawal of RDF troops from DRC End of all support to M23 Creation of a joint verification mechanism Alignment with international oversight Kagame signed under American pressure, and his regime never recovered from the humiliation. Step 3 — Doha Framework Agreement (Nov 2025) This agreement sidelines Kigali entirely and binds M23 to DRC’s constitutional order. Together, these three instruments form the tightest diplomatic cage Kagame has faced since 1994. 3. The Doha Accord: A Mirror That Reflects Rwanda’s Defeat The text of the Framework Agreement reveals the depth of Kigali’s collapse. 1. DRC sovereignty explicitly reaffirmed Every paragraph reinforces that the Congolese State is the only legitimate authority across the national territory, a direct rejection of Rwanda’s parallel administrations through M23. 2. Armed groups banned and neutralised “All parties agree not to host or support any armed group.”This clause destroys Kigali’s strategic excuse: supporting M23 while accusing Congo of supporting FDLR. Doha ends the symmetry game. 3. The state authority must return everywhere This is Kagame’s worst nightmare.RDF’s access to Congolese minerals, smuggling routes, taxation points, and proxy zones dies the moment the Congolese State returns. 4. DDR under Congolese law, not Rwanda’s interests M23 fighters lose their privileged status. Integration, if it happens, will be case-by-case, carefully vetted, and subordinate to national law — not negotiated by Kigali. 5. Transitional security zones under international supervision Doha inserts Qatar, the U.S., AU, and SADC in the heart of eastern Congo. Kigali’s shadow influence is expelled. 4. Kagame’s Empire Loses Its Narrative For 20 years, Kagame convinced the international community that Rwanda was: a stabilizing force a model of good governance a victim of FDLR a necessary actor in eastern Congo That story is dead. Doha states openly that: Peace will not be achieved militarily Armed groups must be disarmed Congolese sovereignty is non-negotiable Rwanda’s role is no longer legitimate International observers, not Kigali, will supervise implementation Kagame has lost the ideological war. 5. Tshisekedi’s Diplomatic Masterstroke What Tshisekedi achieved in 18 months is unprecedented: ✔ The UN condemned Rwanda ✔ Washington forced Kagame into a peace accord ✔ Doha isolated M23 and exposed Kigali’s footprint ✔ The region (EAC–SADC) endorsed DRC’s position ✔ Qatar and the U.S. now co-supervise eastern Congo This is not luck, it is strategy. Tshisekedi built a grand diplomatic coalition against Kagame: from Paris to Washington, from SADC to Qatar, from the UN to the AU. Every forum cornered Kigali further. 6. From Predator to Pariah Doha marks the end of an era. Kagame’s regional network, once feared, is collapsing: M23 is negotiating for its survival RDF is trapped diplomatically and militarily Western cover is fading Economic smuggling channels are threatened Regional alliances are turning toward Kinshasa For the first time since 1998, Rwanda is on the defensive. And Congo, after decades of suffering, is on the offensive, not with guns, but with diplomacy, legitimacy, and global backing. Conclusion: The New Great Lakes Balance of Power Doha is not just an agreement. It is the formal burial of Kagame’s myth of invincibility. The predator of yesterday is the pariah of today. And Congo, long portrayed as the victim, is rewriting the geopolitical map, turning Kagame’s aggression into the very trap that now confines him. Tshisekedi didn’t just win a diplomatic battle. He changed the rules of the entire region. ADVERTISEMENT DR.Congo DR.Congo Keep Reading Regional Economy DRC offers state mineral assets to US investors under pact Shortlist includes manganese, copper-cobalt and lithium projects . War in Eastern DRC What a “Full Withdrawal” from Uvira Would Really Require DRC Authorities Say M23 Withdrawal from Uvira Not Credible Without Territorial Exit . Government Announcements DRC: Kinshasa Launches Uvira Recovery Plan Kinshasa unveils its recovery plan for Uvira following the partial withdrawal of M23/RDF forces . War in Eastern DRC Why Kinshasa Rejects Claims of an M23 “Withdrawal” from Uvira DRC says claims of M23 withdrawal from Uvira are misleading, warning of disinformation & infiltration .

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DR Congo’s top diplomat tells Al Jazeera the country is ready for peace, but not without justice, full withdrawal of Rwandan forces, and an end to M23’s occupation. DRC Foreign Minister Therese Kayikwamba Wagner DRC’s Foreign Minister Kayikwamba Confronts Rwanda’s War in Congo DR Congo’s top diplomat tells Al Jazeera the country is ready for peace, but not without justice, full withdrawal of Rwandan forces, and an end to M23’s occupation. Published: November 14, 2025 at 8:20:57 AM Modified: November 14, 2025 at 8:20:57 AM Written By | Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda DR Congo’s Top Diplomat Speaks on Rwanda, M23, and the Path to Peace Over 30 years into a war that has reshaped families, displaced over 7 million people, and drained eastern Congo of its peace, the Democratic Republic of Congo says it is still committed to peace, but not at the price of justice or sovereignty. Speaking to Al Jazeera , DRC Foreign Minister Therese Kayikwamba Wagner delivered a clear and unwavering message: the Democratic Republic of the Congo is ready for peace. But the M23, backed by Rwanda, must face reality. A Conflict With Many Names, One Constant Victim: The Civilians For decades, eastern Congo has suffered under shifting banners of rebellion, AFDL, RCD, CNDP, M23, all of them part of a long, well-documented pattern of Rwandan interference. “The story remains the same. Civilians pay the price.” In recent years, M23 has carved out a parallel administration, defying the Congolese state, aided by an estimated 6,000 Rwandan troops, and blocking UN investigations into war crimes. And yet, peace talks continue, from Doha to Washington, with the Congolese government still at the table, still insisting on the preservation of state authority and demilitarization. “It Takes Two to Tango.” The DRC Is Ready. Is the M23? Asked if a ceasefire was near, the Foreign Minister was honest: “We would want it to be a matter of weeks, not months… But it takes two to tango. The M23 has to stop the killings, the occupation, the lies.” While the DRC has committed to a ceasefire and signed onto a joint verification and withdrawal mechanism, ongoing M23 aggression continues to delay peace. Despite recent accords, including the Doha Declaration and the June 27 Washington Agreement with Rwanda, M23 refuses to disband or withdraw from occupied territory. “There is a gap between what they say in peace talks and what they do on the ground.” “No Peace Without Justice. No Reconciliation With Impunity.” One of the most critical sticking points is the prisoner swap. Wagner made clear: the DRC will not release war criminals under the guise of “reconciliation.” “Prisoner swaps should not mean impunity. There will be no reward for massacres, rape, and looting.” The government insists that justice must come first, and Congo’s military is being held accountable when allegations arise. A UN-backed independent commission is already in motion to investigate abuses, and Kinshasa is cooperating. Rwanda’s Role: The Elephant in the Room Pressed on Rwanda’s intentions, the Foreign Minister didn’t mince words: “We still have 6,000 Rwandan troops on our sovereign territory. They are looting, raping, killing, and occupying land.” Despite Kigali’s attempts to blame Congo for “supporting the FDLR,” Wagner was categorical: “We do not collaborate with the FDLR. They prey on our people, not Rwanda’s. But if any individuals in our army do, we sanction them. That’s not state policy, unlike Rwanda.” The difference, she noted, is that Rwanda has never once acknowledged or disciplined its military for occupying Congolese territory or backing M23. International Mediation Matters — But So Does Pressure Wagner acknowledged the role of international partners like Qatar and the U.S., who are currently facilitating dialogue and building accountability mechanisms. “What’s different this time is that the facilitators have real leverage, and they’re willing to use it.” She also affirmed that a presidential summit between Félix Tshisekedi and Paul Kagame is expected soon, under Washington’s auspices. But the timing depends on whether Rwanda is ready to commit to real peace, not parallel rule. Bottom Line: Congo Will Not Be Broken The interview ended with a reminder of what’s truly at stake: “What we know is that our territory will remain whole. Despite any effort, from any side, Congo will not be broken.” In a region where rebels and regimes often gamble with borders, minerals, and lives, the DRC’s position is now unmistakably firm: ✅ Yes to peace ✅ Yes to dialogue ✅ Yes to accountability ❌ No to Balkanization ❌ No to impunity ❌ No to parallel states within Congo “If Truth Cannot Exist, How Can Peace?” As gunfire echoes in eastern Congo and the world debates timelines, the Congolese government reminds everyone: this isn’t just a political crisis, it’s a humanitarian and moral one. “If truth cannot exist, how can peace?” ADVERTISEMENT DR.Congo DR.Congo Keep Reading Regional Economy DRC offers state mineral assets to US investors under pact Shortlist includes manganese, copper-cobalt and lithium projects . War in Eastern DRC What a “Full Withdrawal” from Uvira Would Really Require DRC Authorities Say M23 Withdrawal from Uvira Not Credible Without Territorial Exit . Government Announcements DRC: Kinshasa Launches Uvira Recovery Plan Kinshasa unveils its recovery plan for Uvira following the partial withdrawal of M23/RDF forces . War in Eastern DRC Why Kinshasa Rejects Claims of an M23 “Withdrawal” from Uvira DRC says claims of M23 withdrawal from Uvira are misleading, warning of disinformation & infiltration .