Explore Luanda’s top luxury hotels and beach clubs in 2026, from rooftop pools to island escapes, shaping Angola’s new Atlantic Riviera. In 2025 it is quietly auditioning for a new role: Africa’s Atlantic Riviera. Visa free entry for tourists from nearly 100 countries has kicked in, oil money keeps flowing, and suddenly the waterfront is full of rooftop pools, beach clubs and art hotels instead of just shipping cranes and traffic . If you like your sunsets with sushi, champagne and a soft dress code of “rich auntie in recovery”, Luanda is now very much your city. Below are the new or newly hot high end spots turning Angola’s capital into a Riviera style playground in 2025, with real world prices and real 2025 social receipts. Quick money maths: right now 1 USD is roughly 900 to 920 AOA, so I round using 1 USD ≈ 900 AOA. 1. InterContinental Luanda Miramar: the diamond on the hill InterContinental Luanda Miramar sits above the bay in the leafy Miramar district, designed around the shape of a cut diamond, Angolas favorite rock. It is the first big international five star brand in the city, with a rooftop pool, Sky Lounge on the 24th floor and serious “oil conference by day, champagne by dusk” energy. If you still think luxury travel in Angola is a myth, Luanda’s InterContinental is here to correct you in 0.3 seconds. Travel creators keep calling it the country’s top hotel, and one recent post from t raveltomtom sums it up perfectly: many presidents have slept here, the ocean views feel unreal, and the breakfast alone could convert a non-believer. It is the kind of place where the lobby looks like a futuristic art installation, the elevators glide like a movie scene, and the service quietly whispers “yes, Angola does five star, actually.” Price vibe Rooms in late 2025 typically start from around 280 to 350 USD per night before tax, so call it roughly 250,000 to 320,000 AOA depending on dates and demand. Why it feels Riviera Continue Reading Full Article TRAVEL GUIDE Best Luxury Hotels and Beach Clubs in Luanda, Angola 2026 By Neema Asha Mwakalinga Travel & Culture Expert Neema Asha Mwakalinga Home Comment Dec 1, 2025 May 15, 2026 19 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: In 2025 it is quietly auditioning for a new role: Africa’s Atlantic Riviera. Visa free entry for tourists from nearly 100 countries has kicked in, oil money keeps flowing, and suddenly the waterfront is full of rooftop pools, beach clubs and art hotels instead of just shipping cranes and traffic . If you like your sunsets with sushi, champagne and a soft dress code of “rich auntie in recovery”, Luanda is now very much your city. Below are the new or newly hot high end spots turning Angola’s capital into a Riviera style playground in 2025, with real world prices and real 2025 social receipts. Quick money maths: right now 1 USD is roughly 900 to 920 AOA, so I round using 1 USD ≈ 900 AOA. 1. InterContinental Luanda Miramar: the diamond on the hill InterContinental Luanda Miramar sits above the bay in the leafy Miramar district, designed around the shape of a cut diamond, Angolas favorite rock. It is the first big international five star brand in the city, with a rooftop pool, Sky Lounge on the 24th floor and serious “oil conference by day, champagne by dusk” energy. If you still think luxury travel in Angola is a myth, Luanda’s InterContinental is here to correct you in 0.3 seconds. Travel creators keep calling it the country’s top hotel, and one recent post from t raveltomtom sums it up perfectly: many presidents have slept here, the ocean views feel unreal, and the breakfast alone could convert a non-believer. It is the kind of place where the lobby looks like a futuristic art installation, the elevators glide like a movie scene, and the service quietly whispers “yes, Angola does five star, actually.” Price vibe Rooms in late 2025 typically start from around 280 to 350 USD per night before tax, so call it roughly 250,000 to 320,000 AOA depending on dates and demand. Why it feels Riviera The rooftop pool wraps around the tower with views over the Baía de Luanda, and the Sky Lounge is built for golden hour: cocktails, soft house music, business people pretending they are on holiday. The hotel pitches itself as a base to explore Luanda’s colonial core, beaches and waterfalls, but honestly you could spend a full weekend just rotating between spa, pool and bar. Social proof Travel creators on YouTube have been doing glossy walkthroughs of the property in 2025, panning slowly from the infinity pool over the skyline on channels like Explorers Lifestyle . Local tip Book dinner at Curadoria inside the hotel, then time your dessert for sunset and move up one level to the Sky Lounge for a drink. You avoid taxi traffic on the Marginal and still get that “city wrapped in orange light” moment. 2. Palmeiras Suite Hotel & Kenka Rooftop, Talatona: south side skyline flex Talatona is Luanda’s suburban money belt, full of gated compounds and international schools. Palmeiras Suite Hotel is where that crowd goes to pretend they live in a resort full time. The hotel has a rooftop infinity pool, spa, and its own scene at Kenka, the sushi and cocktail bar on top. Price vibe ADVERTISEMENT Aggregator sites list standard suites from roughly 230 to 370 USD in 2025, depending on weekday, season and how late you book . That is about 210,000 to 330,000 AOA. Why it feels Riviera Think “mini Dubai Marina but in Portuguese”. The rooftop infinity pool looks across Talatona’s low rise skyline, and Kenka has become one of the city’s go to after work rooftops for sushi, gin and low key flexing. A 2025 short from local channel Explorers Lifestyle shows exactly the vibe: chilled lighting, neatly plated sushi, couples filming the sunset for their stories. Local tip Look out for Palmeiras events like the Gin & Jazz nights, which came back in 2025 and basically turn the hotel into a grown up rooftop party, complete with live bands and an older, well heeled Angolan crowd. Check recent uploads from Palmeiras Suite Hotels on YouTube for dates and mood. Damage check Plan around 15 to 25 USD per person for sushi and a drink at Kenka, so roughly 14,000 to 23,000 AOA for a light rooftop session. 3. Lookal Beach Club, Ilha do Cabo: the private club that feels like a movie set If Luanda has a poster child for the “African Riviera” idea, it is Lookal Beach Club on Ilha do Cabo. It is an “exclusive beach club” with a pool, daybeds, three kitchens including sushi and chef driven plates, and a full Atlantic Ocean backdrop. The 2025 digital menu lists everything from garlic bread at 1,000 AOA to lobster rice for two at 52,000 AOA, plus mains like fish fillet around 21,200 AOA and seafood curry at 28,500 AOA. That translates to roughly 1 to 60 USD for dishes, with most serious plates in the 20 to 40 USD range. Why it feels Riviera By day it is white loungers, bikini cover ups and poke bowls. By night it flips into sunset cocktails, live music sets and that soft club lighting you get in Ibiza or Mykonos. Recent r eviews in January 2025 read like love letters to the location, praising the “great food” and “directly on the sea” setting. Social proof Food creator Marza Cristia has a Luanda dining series on YouTube, including an episode filmed at Lookal that keeps circulating in 2024 and 2025 among locals planning special nights out. Newer short clips of the pool, ocean and champagne buckets also pop up in 2025 shorts like this Lookal Beach Club reel, which is basically a 15 second advert for quitting your job. Damage check Budget 30 to 70 USD per person if you want a main, shared starters and a couple of cocktails, so roughly 27,000 to 63,000 AOA. Daybed packages and bottles go up from there. Local tip Book ahead for weekend evenings. Locals complain in reviews that the place sometimes shows as “open” online but is closed for events, so always call or message same day before you pay a taxi to the island. 4. Malibu Beach Club, Ilha: sunset, speakers and soft launch central Malibu Beach Club is another Ilha favorite, but 2025 is the year it feels fully settled into its role as Luanda’s “I am not going out out, I am just going to Malibu” spot. Recent posts from the club chat about full houses, “every sunset an invitation to stay a little longer” and lazy Sundays that turn into something else once the DJ warms up . ADVERTISEMENT Price vibe Expect roughly 15 to 30 USD per person for a decent session with drinks and shared food, about 14,000 to 27,000 AOA, more if you want dedicated loungers, seafood platters and bottles. Locals often mention it feels better value than some other beachfront options . Why it feels Riviera The Malibu formula is simple: wide beachfront deck, decent cocktails, actual service, and a crowd that mixes expats, young Angolan professionals and visiting cousins from Lisbon. In late 2025 their own updates talk about “house full” nights and heatwave afternoons, which tracks with Luanda’s growing party coastline . Social proof Beach and nightlife vloggers keep slotting Malibu into their Luanda content. In the 2025 travel video “From Beach Clubs To Island Beaches Luanda Angola Has A LOT To Offer”, the presenter hops between Ilha clubs and Mussulo with Malibu as one of the key stops, showing the sun loungers, food and shoreline. turn8search1 You also see it again cameo style in broader 2025 Luanda nightlife videos like TFIL’s “We Found Secret Nightlife And Beaches In Luanda” on YouTube . Local tip Go on a Friday late afternoon instead of Saturday night. You still get the sunset and energy, but it is a softer crowd and much easier to actually hear your friends. 5. Ushuaia Luanda Beach Club, Ilha do Cabo: Balearic fantasy with Angolan grill At Ushuaia Beach Club on Ilha de Luanda, “tropical paradise” is not a place, it is a frequency. The caption from edenparaiso.ao nails it: paradise happens when the music, the sunset and your state of mind click into the same rhythm. Their September teaser invites guests to “be part of this unique energy” at 15h, hinting at exactly what locals love about Ushuaia in 2026. It is not just a beach club, it is a whole mood on the Angolan coast where cocktails meet warm Atlantic wind and the day quietly transforms into a party. Opened in 2024 and hitting its stride in 2025, Ushuaia Luanda sits on the Ilha de Cabo and leans straight into the “exclusive beach club plus restaurant” concept, with grills, cocktails and full day lounging from 9 in the morning until late evening . Price vibe You are looking at mid to upper range Luanda beach club prices. Think 20 to 40 USD per person for a meal and drinks, roughly 18,000 to 36,000 AOA, with cabanas and bottle service climbing well above that once you start treating it like a mini Ibiza. Why it feels Riviera The design brief is clearly “Mediterranean but make it Angola”: pale woods, plenty of white, grilled fish, cocktails and the Atlantic rolling in just meters away. Their own site sells it as a “haven of relaxation and delights”, and from 2025 Luanda travel vlogs you can see Ushuaia popping up as one of the places people name when they talk about “Ilha beach clubs you n eed to try ”. Social proof Recent 2025 Luanda nightlife videos like “Exploring the ‘Sinful’ Secrets of Luanda” cut between downtown bars and Ilha clubs such as Ushuaia, capturing that specific combination of barefoot sand, sparkling bottles and Angolan kizomba. The creators often tag the location in their descriptions, so it is easy to stalk the vibe before you commit. Local tip Weekdays are underrated. Go on a random Tuesday afternoon when the city is melting, order grilled fish and a caipirinha, and you practically have your own private Riviera. 6. Macoco Resort, Ilha do Mussulo: Luanda’s island weekender When Luandans say they are “going to Mussulo”, they mean escaping the city entirely. Macoco Resort, a small resort style complex on Ilha do Mussulo, is the luxe way to do it in 2025. It runs as an aparthotel with five bungalows around 100 meters from the beach, plus pools, a bar and a restaurant that works by preorder . Price vibe Macoco’s rates float around the 100 to 140 USD mark for a bungalow in late 2025 according to hotel platforms. That is roughly 90,000 to 125,000 AOA per night, which is not cheap, but you are paying for space, setting and the fact you can brunch in your swimsuit with no one judging. ADVERTISEMENT TRENDING NOW How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online . Tax and Revenue Niger TV Shows Soldiers Detained After Niamey Mutiny . Justice & Crime KAA Warns of Flight Delays at Kenyan Airports . Transport and Airlines POPULAR TODAY Travel Tips 6 most known rivers of Angola and how to actually experience them . Luxury Travel 8 Best Spots to Watch Movies in Luanda 2026 . Travel Tips How to Tour the Namib Desert Like a Local (Angola Side) . Food and Travel Top 6 Public Libraries in Luanda (City & Suburbs) 2026 . Luxury Travel Top 8 Festivals and Events Celebrated in Luanda, Angola . Why it feels Riviera You get ten outdoor pools, a nine hole golf course nearby, spa treatments, snorkelling, boat tours and an onsite art gallery. It is more “private peninsula retreat” than party island. Several 2025 listings and reviews call out the white sand, private beach club, and peaceful atmosphere, which is exactly the energy Europe’s fancier rivieras sell. Social proof Recent YouTube beach club roundups for Luanda and Mussulo show Macoco as part of the new wave of more designed, experience based stays instead of just rustic beach houses, especially in videos like “From Beach Clubs To Island Beaches Luanda Angola Has A LOT To Offer” where Mussulo island gets a big section. Local tip Because the restaurant only works by order and the island logistics are real, treat this like a self catering escape. Bring your favorite snacks and drinks from the mainland, then just use Macoco’s bar and kitchen for the good stuff. 7. Thomson Art House, Ilha do Cabo: art hotel for people who hate bland luxury Not every Riviera style spot has to be marble and mirrors. Thomson Art House is a design forward boutique hotel and restaurant on the island, blending contemporary Angolan art, a handful of rooms and a dining room that feels like a creative’s living room. Price vibe Hotel sites list rooms in the broad 90 to 160 USD range, so about 80,000 to 145,000 AOA per night depending on season and room type. That puts it below the huge chains but comfortably in “treat yourself” territory. Why it feels Riviera It is small, right on the water and curated. Think of those little art hotels on the Amalfi Coast, then replace the ceramics with Angolan contemporary art and the soundtrack with kuduro, kizomba and whatever the creative director is obsessed with this month. Reviews in 2024 and 2025 highlight the personalised service, good food and “feel at home” vibe, which is exactly what the bigger towers often miss. Social proof Travel and lifestyle YouTubers have been dropping in for dinner and room tours, including a 2025 hotel and food vlog where the creator spends a night between the terrace, the art filled lounge and the pier at sunset, tagging Thomson Art House in the title. It shows up again in wider Luanda city guides and reels that focus on “unexpectedly cool boutique stays ”. Local tip Even if you are not staying overnight, book dinner here after a day doing the big beach clubs. It is where Luandans who work in fashion, media and art actually sit down to talk instead of shout over a DJ. So, is Luanda really an “African Riviera” now? Short answer: yes, in its own very Angolan way. You have a visa policy that suddenly makes quick trips from Lisbon, São Paulo and beyond much easier, a string of new or upgraded high end hotels from Miramar to Talatona, and a coastline full of beach clubs on Ilha do Cabo and Mussulo that now play in the same aesthetic league as parts of the Mediterranean . The difference is the texture. You get kizomba instead of deep house at 3 a.m., grilled fish and funge alongside sushi, and Portuguese, Kimbundu and Brazilian Portuguese all blending at the bar. ADVERTISEMENT RELATED ARTICLE Travel Tips 6 most known rivers of Angola and how to actually experience them From the Kwanza to the Zambezi, discover Angola’s most famous rivers and how to explore them . Luxury Travel 8 Best Spots to Watch Movies in Luanda 2026 Luanda’s luxe movie spots, from 4DX thrills to velvet VIP lounges your 2026 cinema guide is here. . Travel Tips How to Tour the Namib Desert Like a Local (Angola Side) Tour Angola’s wild side: desert tribes, starlit dunes, and eco-adventures few tourists ever reach. . Food and Travel Top 6 Public Libraries in Luanda (City & Suburbs) 2026 From grand archives to under-bridge gems, Luanda’s libraries are where the city’s soul shelves itself. . Tags Travel Blog Travel Blog Angola Angola travel abroad travel abroad Travel & Tourism Travel & Tourism Travel Blog Travel Blog Travel Africa Travel Africa

Macron confirms DRC met all conditions to reopen Goma Airport. M23 rebels still blocking aid, exposing Rwanda’s role in eastern Congo instability. Johannesburg, November 23, 2025. In a landmark declaration at the G20 Summit in South Africa, French President Emmanuel Macron delivered a stinging indictment of the M23 rebel group, confirming that despite the Democratic Republic of Congo fulfilling all required procedures to reopen Goma International Airport for humanitarian aid, the M23 rebels continue to obstruct the process. “The effort has not been made by M23 and those who hold Goma Airport, even though the DRC has already taken all necessary administrative steps,” Macron stated unequivocally before global leaders. This statement, delivered on one of the world’s largest diplomatic stages, vindicates the DRC’s position and exposes the ongoing obstruction by M23, a group widely known to operate with the support of Rwanda’s regime under Paul Kagame. How the Goma Airport Reopening Initiative Began The push to reopen Goma International Airport began in October 2025, when French President Emmanuel Macron hosted a high-level humanitarian conference in Paris focused on the crisis in the Great Lakes region. During the event, Macron announced France’s intention to facilitate the reopening of the airport, which had been closed since January 2025 following its seizure by the M23 rebel group. He stressed that humanitarian flights would resume “in the coming weeks,” alongside the creation of secure humanitarian corridors, and crucially affirmed that all efforts would respect the sovereignty of the Democratic Republic of Congo. The Paris conference also mobilized over €1.5 billion in humanitarian aid for the region, a major diplomatic win for Kinshasa. DRC Did Its Part — But M23 Sabotaged the Process The French president made it clear that Kinshasa acted in good faith . All technical and administrative conditions were fulfilled to allow humanitarian flights to resume at Goma, the vital hub in North Kivu. Instead of responding with cooperation, M23 has maintained its illegal occupation, effectively weaponizing humanitarian access and prolonging the suffering of millions. This public acknowledgment from France confirms what Congolese authorities and international observers have been saying for months: it is not Congo blocking aid, it is the Rwandan-backed rebels. €1.5 Billion in Relief Mobilized — Now M23 Must Be Held Accountable Continue Reading Full Article DRC PEACE EFFORT France:DRC Cleared Goma Airport,M23 Still Blocking Humanitarian Access By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Nov 23, 2025 May 15, 2026 4 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Johannesburg, November 23, 2025. In a landmark declaration at the G20 Summit in South Africa, French President Emmanuel Macron delivered a stinging indictment of the M23 rebel group, confirming that despite the Democratic Republic of Congo fulfilling all required procedures to reopen Goma International Airport for humanitarian aid, the M23 rebels continue to obstruct the process. “The effort has not been made by M23 and those who hold Goma Airport, even though the DRC has already taken all necessary administrative steps,” Macron stated unequivocally before global leaders. This statement, delivered on one of the world’s largest diplomatic stages, vindicates the DRC’s position and exposes the ongoing obstruction by M23, a group widely known to operate with the support of Rwanda’s regime under Paul Kagame. How the Goma Airport Reopening Initiative Began The push to reopen Goma International Airport began in October 2025, when French President Emmanuel Macron hosted a high-level humanitarian conference in Paris focused on the crisis in the Great Lakes region. During the event, Macron announced France’s intention to facilitate the reopening of the airport, which had been closed since January 2025 following its seizure by the M23 rebel group. He stressed that humanitarian flights would resume “in the coming weeks,” alongside the creation of secure humanitarian corridors, and crucially affirmed that all efforts would respect the sovereignty of the Democratic Republic of Congo. The Paris conference also mobilized over €1.5 billion in humanitarian aid for the region, a major diplomatic win for Kinshasa. ADVERTISEMENT DRC Did Its Part — But M23 Sabotaged the Process The French president made it clear that Kinshasa acted in good faith . All technical and administrative conditions were fulfilled to allow humanitarian flights to resume at Goma, the vital hub in North Kivu. Instead of responding with cooperation, M23 has maintained its illegal occupation, effectively weaponizing humanitarian access and prolonging the suffering of millions. This public acknowledgment from France confirms what Congolese authorities and international observers have been saying for months: it is not Congo blocking aid, it is the Rwandan-backed rebels. €1.5 Billion in Relief Mobilized — Now M23 Must Be Held Accountable Macron also announced that France and its international partners raised over €1.5 billion to support humanitarian efforts in the DRC, a tenfold increase from earlier pledges. ADVERTISEMENT “We were at €150 million before the summit. Now, we’ve exceeded €1.5 billion. This is essential,” he said. While this funding is critical, Macron emphasized that it will mean nothing if armed groups continue to block access to affected populations. Global Community Aligns Behind Congo — Rwanda Isolated Macron’s statement comes on the heels of growing international frustration with the destabilizing role of Rwanda in eastern DRC. UN Security Council Resolution 2773, the Washington Agreement of June 2025, and now France’s public position at the G20, all point to one truth: Kigali is backing rebels who are violating Congo’s sovereignty and international humanitarian law. ADVERTISEMENT TRENDING NOW How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online . Tax and Revenue Niger TV Shows Soldiers Detained After Niamey Mutiny . Justice & Crime KAA Warns of Flight Delays at Kenyan Airports . Transport and Airlines POPULAR TODAY Justice & Crime Tshisekedi: No Military Conquest Will Become Political Legitimacy" . War in Eastern DRC Rwanda Raises Interest Rate to 8.75% as Inflation Hits 14.5% . Peace For DRC Now Tshisekedi Launches DRC National Dialogue for Peace and Reform . PRESS RELEASE DRC Protects Students, Diplomas in AFC/M23-Held Areas . Infrastructure DRC and Angola Accelerate Joint Oil and Power Projects . France, the United States, Qatar, Angola, and the African Union have all called for the disarmament of M23 and the restoration of Congolese authority over strategic zones like Goma. Congo’s Message: We Are Ready for Peace, But We Will Not Be Held Hostage President Félix Tshisekedi’s government has remained committed to peace, diplomacy, and humanitarian access. The DRC has taken every possible measure to ease civilian suffering, even amid ongoing aggression. Now, the world must act. Macron’s words at the G20 must not remain symbolic; they must translate into pressure, sanctions, and accountability. The DRC has spoken. France has confirmed. The only blockade remaining is the one held by Kagame’s rebels. ADVERTISEMENT RELATED ARTICLE Justice & Crime Tshisekedi: No Military Conquest Will Become Political Legitimacy" Tshisekedi says armed groups cannot turn military conquest into political legitimacy, . War in Eastern DRC Rwanda Raises Interest Rate to 8.75% as Inflation Hits 14.5% Rwanda faces surging prices at home as US sanctions and tighter external financing add pressure abroad. . Peace For DRC Now Tshisekedi Launches DRC National Dialogue for Peace and Reform The three-month process will reach all 26 provinces and seek consensus on peace, cohesion and . PRESS RELEASE DRC Protects Students, Diplomas in AFC/M23-Held Areas Kinshasa says students will not restart their studies as temporary measures protect academic records, . Tags DR.Congo DR.Congo

Discover Cape Town bioluminescence, the science, best beaches, safety tips, and climate links, plus why this glowing phenomenon matters for tourism and culture. Imagine midnight waves glowing like neon-blue fire… Picture yourself on Muizenberg Beach at midnight. The breakers roll in, but instead of white foam, they glow electric blue. Your footsteps leave trails of light, and every swirl of water sparkles as if the ocean has been sprinkled with fairy dust. This otherworldly spectacle is Cape Town bioluminescence, one of the most unforgettable natural wonders in South Africa. What causes Cape Town’s bioluminescence? Bioluminescence is a “cold light” produced by a chemical reaction inside living organisms. In the ocean, tiny plankton called dinoflagellates, especially Noctiluca scintillans, synthesize a compound called luciferin and an enzyme called luciferase. When the water is disturbed, luciferin oxidizes and emits a bluish‑green glow. Dinoflagellates float near the surface in warm, nutrient‑rich waters and sometimes form large blooms that make the daytime sea look red or brown (hence the term “red tide”). Bioluminescence vs. red tide: Not all red tides are bioluminescent . Some algal blooms produce toxins that kill fish or contaminate shellfish. Noctiluca scintillans blooms in Cape Town are usually non‑toxic, but decaying blooms can deplete oxygen and cause mass strandings. Observers often see the ocean turn rusty during the day and then glow blue at night. How often does bioluminescence occur in Cape Town? According to marine microbiologist Dr Emma Rocke of the University of Cape Town, bioluminescent events along the Cape Peninsula typically happen once a year and last for three to five nights. The phenomenon prefers calm, warm seas usually late summer or early autumn (February–April). Look for days of sunshine, little wind, and minimal swell; a new moon provides the darkest skies for viewing. Although unpredictable, locals know that a daytime red tide often signals a nighttime glow. Where to see the glowing beach in Cape Town Cape Town offers several coastal spots to witness bioluminescence South Africa style: Continue Reading Full Article ENTERTAINMENT Bioluminescence Cape Town 2025: Best Beaches, Dates & Viewing Guide By Neema Asha Mwakalinga Travel & Culture Expert Neema Asha Mwakalinga Home Comment Aug 31, 2025 May 15, 2026 6 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Imagine midnight waves glowing like neon-blue fire… Picture yourself on Muizenberg Beach at midnight. The breakers roll in, but instead of white foam, they glow electric blue. Your footsteps leave trails of light, and every swirl of water sparkles as if the ocean has been sprinkled with fairy dust. This otherworldly spectacle is Cape Town bioluminescence, one of the most unforgettable natural wonders in South Africa. What causes Cape Town’s bioluminescence? Bioluminescence is a “cold light” produced by a chemical reaction inside living organisms. In the ocean, tiny plankton called dinoflagellates, especially Noctiluca scintillans, synthesize a compound called luciferin and an enzyme called luciferase. When the water is disturbed, luciferin oxidizes and emits a bluish‑green glow. Dinoflagellates float near the surface in warm, nutrient‑rich waters and sometimes form large blooms that make the daytime sea look red or brown (hence the term “red tide”). ADVERTISEMENT Bioluminescence vs. red tide: Not all red tides are bioluminescent . Some algal blooms produce toxins that kill fish or contaminate shellfish. Noctiluca scintillans blooms in Cape Town are usually non‑toxic, but decaying blooms can deplete oxygen and cause mass strandings. Observers often see the ocean turn rusty during the day and then glow blue at night. How often does bioluminescence occur in Cape Town? According to marine microbiologist Dr Emma Rocke of the University of Cape Town, bioluminescent events along the Cape Peninsula typically happen once a year and last for three to five nights. The phenomenon prefers calm, warm seas usually late summer or early autumn (February–April). Look for days of sunshine, little wind, and minimal swell; a new moon provides the darkest skies for viewing. Although unpredictable, locals know that a daytime red tide often signals a nighttime glow. Where to see the glowing beach in Cape Town Cape Town offers several coastal spots to witness bioluminescence South Africa style: Muizenberg Beach: A long, sandy stretch with plenty of parking and restaurants. It’s often the first place locals check after hearing reports of a “red tide Cape Town” event. Fish Hoek and Kalk Bay: The sheltered False Bay coastline can trap dinoflagellates, turning the surf into a glowing lagoon. Gordon’s Bay and Kogel Bay (also called “Cooler Bay”): On the eastern side of False Bay, waves crash onto steep beaches, creating spectacular blue sprays. West Coast (Yzerfontein, Langebaan): Occasional blooms occur here, too, though red tides on the West Coast can be toxic. The best viewing is typically after 8 p.m. on a moonless night. Bring a red‑torch headlamp (white light kills night vision) and walk along the water’s edge. Wade's gentle movement triggers the glow. For photographers, use long exposures (10–30 seconds) at high ISO to capture the blue luminescence. Remember, the glow is faint; your eyes need to adjust. ADVERTISEMENT The magic and the risks Witnessing a glowing beach in Cape Town can feel surreal. Visitors describe it as “walking on stars” or dipping hands into an ocean of blue fire. Children squeal as they splash, leaving sparkling footprints. For many locals, these displays symbolize hope and remind them of the ocean’s power to inspire. Yet there are risks. Do not eat washed‑up shellfish or rock lobsters after a red tide; toxins can cause paralysis or death. Swimming is generally safe during Noctiluca blooms, but avoid entering the water if you have open cuts or if the sea smells foul, a sign of decaying algae. Always follow alerts from the Department of Forestry, Fisheries and Environment (DFFE). They regularly issue warnings when harmful algal blooms occur. Culture, symbolism, and local stories Cape Town bioluminescence isn’t just a science lesson; it’s part of the city’s cultural tapestry. Families make midnight pilgrimages to Muizenberg and Fish Hoek, sharing flasks of hot chocolate while children dance along the glowing shoreline. Instagram and TikTok have amplified the spectacle #GlowingBeach has millions of views, and photos often go viral. Some Capetonians see the glowing waves as a symbol of resilience: a reminder that beauty emerges from turbulence. ADVERTISEMENT TRENDING NOW How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online . Tax and Revenue Niger TV Shows Soldiers Detained After Niamey Mutiny . Justice & Crime KAA Warns of Flight Delays at Kenyan Airports . Transport and Airlines POPULAR TODAY Women football Congolese-Born Grace Geyoro Sets Record in Women’s Football Deal . Travel Guide How to Enter the Democratic Republic of Congo: Travel & Visa Guide . Entertainment Bioluminescence Cape Town 2025: Best Beaches, Dates & Viewing Guide . Agriculture Tshisekedi Launches Congo’s Agricultural Revival in Menkao . From Power to Prison: Baltasar Ebang Engonga Sentenced to 8 Years . Environmental and climate connections Scientists warn that climate change and nutrient pollution could make algal blooms more frequent and intense. Warmer seawater and changes in rainfall increase runoff of fertilisers and sewage, fuelling plankton growth. While Cape Town bioluminescence usually involves non‑toxic species, other red tides can harm marine life or human health. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency notes that warming waters and high CO2 levels lengthen bloom seasons. Sustainable coastal management, reducing nutrient runoff, monitoring water quality, and mitigating climate change are essential to preserve the magic and prevent harm. Cape Town’s glowing seas on the global stage Places like Puerto Rico’s Mosquito Bay, the Maldives’ Vaadhoo Island, and Jamaica’s Luminous Lagoon are famous for their glowing waters. Cape Town bioluminescence could join this list with responsible eco‑tourism. Night‑time kayak tours, guided beach walks, and “glow safaris” could diversify the city’s tourism beyond Table Mountain and wine. Marketing a glowing beach Cape Town experience paired with messages about ocean conservation would attract travellers seeking wonder while supporting local communities. Investment in sustainable tourism infrastructure, such as low‑light pathways and educational signage, could help manage crowds and protect the fragile ecosystem. Closing reflection: protecting the wonder Cape Town bioluminescence offers a rare chance to witness nature’s light show on African shores. It’s a moment of awe, a tangible connection to the microscopic life that drives ocean ecosystems. As you stand watching the waves glow like liquid stars, remember that this beauty is fragile. Climate shifts, pollution, and overuse threaten the delicate balance that allows dinoflagellates to thrive. By respecting warnings, avoiding pollution, and supporting conservation, we can ensure future generations experience the magic. ADVERTISEMENT RELATED ARTICLE Women football Congolese-Born Grace Geyoro Sets Record in Women’s Football Deal Grace Geyoro’s €1.65m move to London City Lionesses breaks the women’s football transfer record . Travel Guide How to Enter the Democratic Republic of Congo: Travel & Visa Guide Planning a trip to DR Congo? Here’s your guide to DRC entry rules, visa types, tariffs & tips ... . Entertainment Bioluminescence Cape Town 2025: Best Beaches, Dates & Viewing Guide Discover Cape Town’s glowing beaches in 2025, best spots, times & tips for visitors. . Agriculture Tshisekedi Launches Congo’s Agricultural Revival in Menkao President Tshisekedi launches Congo’s agriculture revolution: tractors, seeds, and reforms to revive . Tags Top News Top News South Africa South Africa Travel South Africa Travel South Africa Travel Blog Travel Blog Travel Africa Travel Africa

In a significant move to strengthen The Gambia's Agriculture and Food Security Project, the African Development Bank Group's Board of Directors has sanctioned an additional $16.08 million grant. This funding, primarily sourced from the Global Agriculture and Food Security Project (GAFSP), aims to enhance the livelihoods and food security of the country's vulnerable populations. Launched in 2021, the project focuses on the Central River, Upper River, North Bank, Lower River, and West Coast regions, promoting climate-resilient agriculture. The expansion includes increasing cultivation areas for essential crops such as groundnuts, maize, millet, cowpea, findi, and rice, thereby boosting food production and nutritional security. The enhanced funding is set to elevate productivity, with notable increases in rice yields from 2.0 to 2.5 tonnes per hectare (t/ha) and maize from 1.8 to 2.0 t/ha. The initiative will now reach 18,000 small-scale farmers, half of whom are youth and over half are women, up from the initial 10,000 beneficiaries. Moreover, the project pledges to improve the nutrition and health of over 200,000 school pupils by providing nutritious meals and deworming supplements. This holistic approach not only targets agricultural development but also focuses on social well-being, gender equality, and educational support . The initial grant of $16 million by the African Development Bank Group in September 2021, coupled with $1.37 million from The Gambia's government, has already yielded impressive results. Beneficiaries have reported significant increases in poultry meat, vegetable production, and egg yields, contributing an estimated $750,000 in income for smallholder farmers and enhancing school enrolment rates through the Homegrown school feeding program. Continue Reading Full Article By Author Name Author Name Home Comment Mar 14, 2024 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Gambian's innitiative to improve food security In a significant move to strengthen The Gambia's Agriculture and Food Security Project, the African Development Bank Group's Board of Directors has sanctioned an additional $16.08 million grant. This funding, primarily sourced from the Global Agriculture and Food Security Project (GAFSP), aims to enhance the livelihoods and food security of the country's vulnerable populations. Launched in 2021, the project focuses on the Central River, Upper River, North Bank, Lower River, and West Coast regions, promoting climate-resilient agriculture. The expansion includes increasing cultivation areas for essential crops such as groundnuts, maize, millet, cowpea, findi, and rice, thereby boosting food production and nutritional security. ADVERTISEMENT The enhanced funding is set to elevate productivity, with notable increases in rice yields from 2.0 to 2.5 tonnes per hectare (t/ha) and maize from 1.8 to 2.0 t/ha. The initiative will now reach 18,000 small-scale farmers, half of whom are youth and over half are women, up from the initial 10,000 beneficiaries. ADVERTISEMENT Moreover, the project pledges to improve the nutrition and health of over 200,000 school pupils by providing nutritious meals and deworming supplements. This holistic approach not only targets agricultural development but also focuses on social well-being, gender equality, and educational support . The initial grant of $16 million by the African Development Bank Group in September 2021, coupled with $1.37 million from The Gambia's government, has already yielded impressive results. Beneficiaries have reported significant increases in poultry meat, vegetable production, and egg yields, contributing an estimated $750,000 in income for smallholder farmers and enhancing school enrolment rates through the Homegrown school feeding program. ADVERTISEMENT TRENDING NOW How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online . Tax and Revenue Niger TV Shows Soldiers Detained After Niamey Mutiny . Justice & Crime KAA Warns of Flight Delays at Kenyan Airports . Transport and Airlines POPULAR TODAY ADVERTISEMENT RELATED ARTICLE Tags

The African Development Bank (AfDB) is poised to increase infrastructure funding as Africa's economic growth is projected to accelerate. According to AfDB President Akinwumi Adesina, growth is expected to rise to 3.7% this year and 4.3% next year, up from 3.1% in 2023. Speaking at the bank's annual meeting, Adesina highlighted the resilience of African economies despite challenges such as climate change, geopolitical tensions, global inflation, and rising debt. Over the past nine years, the AfDB has invested more than $50 billion in infrastructure projects across the continent. Adesina also mentioned that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) recently approved the use of Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) by multilateral banks like the AfDB. SDRs are interest-bearing international reserve assets allocated to IMF member countries based on their shareholding. Adesina expressed optimism that channeling the approved $20 billion SDR limit to multilateral development banks could enable the AfDB to leverage up to $80 billion in new financial support. The bank is actively involved in several major infrastructure projects, including raising $3.2 billion for the East Africa standard gauge railway, which will connect Tanzania, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Burundi. Additionally, the AfDB is providing $500 million for the development of the Lobito Corridor, aimed at linking Zambia, Angola, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Continue Reading Full Article By Author Name Author Name Home Comment May 29, 2024 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: AfDB President Akinwumi Adesina The African Development Bank (AfDB) is poised to increase infrastructure funding as Africa's economic growth is projected to accelerate. According to AfDB President Akinwumi Adesina, growth is expected to rise to 3.7% this year and 4.3% next year, up from 3.1% in 2023. Speaking at the bank's annual meeting, Adesina highlighted the resilience of African economies despite challenges such as climate change, geopolitical tensions, global inflation, and rising debt. Over the past nine years, the AfDB has invested more than $50 billion in infrastructure projects across the continent. ADVERTISEMENT Adesina also mentioned that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) recently approved the use of Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) by multilateral banks like the AfDB. SDRs are interest-bearing international reserve assets allocated to IMF member countries based on their shareholding. Adesina expressed optimism that channeling the approved $20 billion SDR limit to multilateral development banks could enable the AfDB to leverage up to $80 billion in new financial support. ADVERTISEMENT The bank is actively involved in several major infrastructure projects, including raising $3.2 billion for the East Africa standard gauge railway, which will connect Tanzania, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Burundi. Additionally, the AfDB is providing $500 million for the development of the Lobito Corridor, aimed at linking Zambia, Angola, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. ADVERTISEMENT TRENDING NOW How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online . Tax and Revenue Niger TV Shows Soldiers Detained After Niamey Mutiny . Justice & Crime KAA Warns of Flight Delays at Kenyan Airports . Transport and Airlines POPULAR TODAY ADVERTISEMENT RELATED ARTICLE Tags

A tribunal ruling in 2026 brings renewed focus to a Canada-based officer with Rwanda ties and a long-running data misuse case. In April 2026 the Federal Public Sector Labour Relations and Employment Board released a decision confirming the 2017 dismissal of Placide Kalisa, a long‑time program officer with the Canada Border Services Agency (CBSA). Although Kalisa had been fired nearly a decade earlier, the publication of the ruling brought renewed scrutiny to how he misused sensitive immigration databases for more than thirteen years to benefit his private real‑estate business and how the agency failed to detect the misconduct for so long . Kalisa, a member of Canada’s Rwandan diaspora, argues that he was only trying to help fellow Rwandans navigate the immigration system, yet the tribunal found that his actions constituted serious breaches of confidentiality and conflicts of interest. This article examines the case, its connection to Rwanda, and the broader implications for data security and government oversight. A senior officer with sensitive responsibilities Kalisa joined CBSA in the early 2000s and rose to senior program officer . In that role he advised whether foreign nationals who were inadmissible for criminality or security reasons could safely be removed from Canada. The position required top‑secret security clearance, giving him access to CBSA’s internal enforcement databases and to data held by Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC). Kalisa, who immigrated to Canada from Rwanda decades earlier and maintained deep ties to the Rwandan community, also worked part‑time as a real‑estate agent and property manager . Dozens of unauthorized searches for personal gain Long‑term pattern of abuse The tribunal decision reveals that between 2003 and 2016 Kalisa conducted “countless” searches of CBSA and IRCC databases that were not required by his job. He accessed files to obtain confidential information on immigration applicants and then shared those details with applicants who were often prospective clients for his real‑estate side gigs. In one of the most egregious examples, a Rwandan applicant identified as “A.K.” contacted Kalisa after learning that his visa application had been denied. Kalisa ran 32 searches of the IRCC database over two months, purportedly to check whether A.K. was suspected of involvement in the 1994 genocide; he then wrote an invitation letter to support the applicant’s new visa request and asked a colleague to sign it. Kalisa was aware that A.K. planned to buy a condominium and subsequently hired him as a real‑estate agent, eventually signing a property‑management contract with him. The tribunal found similar misconduct in other cases. Kalisa admitted that he wrote invitation letters and conducted database searches for at least seven individuals. In each case he included his CBSA title in the letter to lend authority and boost the applicants’ chances of approval. Continue Reading Full Article INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Kalisa Canada Rwanda-Linked Officer Case Resurfaces After Ruling By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Apr 26, 2026 May 15, 2026 8 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: In April 2026 the Federal Public Sector Labour Relations and Employment Board released a decision confirming the 2017 dismissal of Placide Kalisa, a long‑time program officer with the Canada Border Services Agency (CBSA). Although Kalisa had been fired nearly a decade earlier, the publication of the ruling brought renewed scrutiny to how he misused sensitive immigration databases for more than thirteen years to benefit his private real‑estate business and how the agency failed to detect the misconduct for so long . Kalisa, a member of Canada’s Rwandan diaspora, argues that he was only trying to help fellow Rwandans navigate the immigration system, yet the tribunal found that his actions constituted serious breaches of confidentiality and conflicts of interest. This article examines the case, its connection to Rwanda, and the broader implications for data security and government oversight. A senior officer with sensitive responsibilities Kalisa joined CBSA in the early 2000s and rose to senior program officer . In that role he advised whether foreign nationals who were inadmissible for criminality or security reasons could safely be removed from Canada. The position required top‑secret security clearance, giving him access to CBSA’s internal enforcement databases and to data held by Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC). Kalisa, who immigrated to Canada from Rwanda decades earlier and maintained deep ties to the Rwandan community, also worked part‑time as a real‑estate agent and property manager . Dozens of unauthorized searches for personal gain Long‑term pattern of abuse The tribunal decision reveals that between 2003 and 2016 Kalisa conducted “countless” searches of CBSA and IRCC databases that were not required by his job. He accessed files to obtain confidential information on immigration applicants and then shared those details with applicants who were often prospective clients for his real‑estate side gigs. In one of the most egregious examples, a Rwandan applicant identified as “A.K.” contacted Kalisa after learning that his visa application had been denied. Kalisa ran 32 searches of the IRCC database over two months, purportedly to check whether A.K. was suspected of involvement in the 1994 genocide; he then wrote an invitation letter to support the applicant’s new visa request and asked a colleague to sign it. Kalisa was aware that A.K. planned to buy a condominium and subsequently hired him as a real‑estate agent, eventually signing a property‑management contract with him. The tribunal found similar misconduct in other cases. Kalisa admitted that he wrote invitation letters and conducted database searches for at least seven individuals. In each case he included his CBSA title in the letter to lend authority and boost the applicants’ chances of approval. ADVERTISEMENT One friend asked him to check why a spousal sponsorship had been denied; Kalisa looked up the file and advised the spouse on how to improve the application, while simultaneously negotiating to sell the couple a property and act as their property manager. The board concluded that he likely shared information that was not publicly available and that his explanation “confirming that applications were simply being processed” was not credible. Conflict of interest and misuse of position The board held that Kalisa “put his interests as a real‑estate agent and property manager in conflict with his obligations as a CBSA employee”. By leveraging his title and access to privileged data, he sought to attract clients and generate commission income. In several cases he tried to persuade colleagues to sign invitation letters to legitimize them. Such behaviour, the tribunal ruled, undermined the integrity of Canada’s immigration system. CBSA told the tribunal that the unauthorized searches were “worrisome” and had nothing to do with Kalisa’s official duties. The board agreed, saying he committed “serious acts of misconduct over a long period” by accessing the agencies’ databases for personal reasons . Failure to disclose ties to a suspected war criminal A further breach involved Kalisa’s failure to report his long‑time friendship with “D.N.”, a Rwandan national who appeared on lists of suspected war criminals. In 2009 the Rwandan embassy gave Kalisa a list of individuals suspected of involvement in the 1994 genocide; D.N. was on the list. A few years later the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) met with Kalisa to discuss concerns that D.N. might be a war criminal. Because Kalisa held a top‑secret clearance, he was obligated to inform his manager about any association with such individuals, but he did not. The board noted that Kalisa took multiple trips to Rwanda paid for by D.N., raising additional concerns. Investigation, suspension and firing It was only after CSIS opened an investigation into Kalisa in 2014 that CBSA began reviewing his work activities. In 2016, the agency launched a security‑clearance review that uncovered the long‑standing pattern of unauthorized searches; he was suspended that year and dismissed in 2017. Kalisa filed a grievance, arguing that he had only been trying to protect Canada by ensuring applicants were not genocide perpetrators and that he had shared information applicants already knew. ADVERTISEMENT The board rejected these arguments as implausible and said it was more likely he provided confidential details to help his potential clients. In February 2026 the tribunal upheld his dismissal; the decision was published online in April, prompting the public to revisit the case. Kalisa represented himself during the grievance process and continues to deny wrongdoing. In correspondence with the National Post , he said he was consulting lawyers to file discrimination lawsuits against CBSA and his union, which he claims refused to represent him. He argues that the employer ignored his discrimination argument and that he had to take on two of the agency’s lawyers by himself. The tribunal’s decision nevertheless stands and he remains barred from federal service. Institutional fallout and reforms The case has prompted questions about how CBSA monitors employees’ use of sensitive data. A follow‑up report by Unpublished notes that CBSA began tracking database usage and logging all adds/moves/changes/deletes in 2016, the same year it discovered Kalisa’s unauthorized searches. CBSA told reporters that it now stores those logs for internal audits and requires new systems to record user activity. The agency has also beefed up security awareness training and briefings on confidentiality. Notably, it introduced annual conflict‑of‑interest attestations for employees during the 2024‑25 fiscal year, seven years after Kalisa’s firing. An automated podcast summarizing the case similarly reports that CBSA is now logging every database action and has implemented annual conflict‑of‑interest declarations to prevent future breaches. These changes, while positive, beg the question: why did the agency fail to detect the misuse for over a decade? The answer may lie in previously lax monitoring and reliance on trust rather than systematic auditing. ADVERTISEMENT TRENDING NOW How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online . Tax and Revenue Niger TV Shows Soldiers Detained After Niamey Mutiny . Justice & Crime KAA Warns of Flight Delays at Kenyan Airports . Transport and Airlines POPULAR TODAY Scholarships 120 EAC Master’s Scholarships Open to EAC Students — How to Apply . Scholarships UCT Mastercard Foundation Scholarship 2027 Opens to Africans . Scholarships Chevening Scholarships 2027–2028 Open Across Africa — How to Apply . African Culture Himba Clothing and Adornment: Meaning of Traditional Dress . International Relations Ndayishimiye Backs Leopards After Historic Draw With Portugal . Rwanda, the diaspora and the Genocide context Kalisa’s defence rested partly on the argument that he was helping ensure applicants were not associated with Rwanda’s 1994 genocide. The genocide was one of the worst atrocities of the late twentieth century; in just 100 days in 1994, extremists in Rwanda killed about 800,000 Tutsi and moderate Hutu with machetes and other weapons. Many Rwandans fled the country during and after the violence, creating diaspora communities across the world, including in Canada. Canadian authorities are obligated to screen potential immigrants for involvement in war crimes and crimes against humanity. Kalisa exploited that obligation by positioning himself as a knowledgeable intermediary while simultaneously seeking real‑estate business from the very people he was supposed to vet. His failure to disclose ties to a suspected war criminal further undercuts his claim that he was protecting Canada’s security. Significance and lessons The Kalisa case illustrates several systemic issues. First, it shows how personal connections and diaspora networks can create conflicts of interest for officials with access to sensitive data. Kalisa’s Rwandan heritage and ties to the community are not problematic in themselves, but when he used his CBSA position to support immigration applicants who were also real‑estate clients, he crossed ethical lines. Second, the case highlights weaknesses in database monitoring. For more than a decade, a senior officer repeatedly accessed databases without triggering alarms. Only when CSIS raised concerns about his trips and associations did CBSA scrutinize his activities. Finally, it underscores the importance of clear policies on outside employment and of annual conflict‑of‑interest declarations; CBSA introduced such attestations only in 2024‑25. As Canada grapples with national security challenges and debates about data privacy, the Kalisa case serves as a cautionary tale. Robust auditing systems, transparent conflict‑of‑interest policies and timely investigations are essential to protect sensitive information and maintain public trust especially when officials have personal ties to communities whose members may rely on the agencies they serve. ADVERTISEMENT RELATED ARTICLE Scholarships 120 EAC Master’s Scholarships Open to EAC Students — How to Apply Up to 120 EAC Master’s scholarships are open to nationals of eight East African countries, . Scholarships UCT Mastercard Foundation Scholarship 2027 Opens to Africans UCT Mastercard Foundation Scholars Program 2027 is open to African students with ... . 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Ramaphosa says South Africa’s absence from the G7 summit should not surprise anyone as France denies US pressure claims. South African President Cyril Ramaphosa has played down his country’s absence from the upcoming G7 summit in France , saying non-attendance by a country outside the bloc should not be seen as a snub. Speaking after reports of a diplomatic dispute over the guest list, Ramaphosa said South Africa was not entitled to attend every G7 gathering because it is not a member. The row emerged after a South African official said Pretoria had initially been invited but was later left off the final list following what it described as sustained pressure from Washington. But France said the guest invitations were part of a streamlined format , with Kenya selected alongside India, Brazil and South Korea for the June 15–17 summit in Évian-les-Bains. Paris has also linked Kenya’s inclusion to its broader diplomatic engagement with Nairobi ahead of the 2026 Africa-France summit, which the two countries agreed to co-host in Kenya under a joint France-Kenya framework announced by the Élysée . That wider context has helped frame the decision less as an outright rebuke of South Africa and more as a shift in France’s current African outreach. Still, the episode comes at a sensitive moment for Pretoria’s foreign relations. Ties between South Africa and the United States have been strained by disagreements over trade, land reform, and Pretoria’s wider diplomatic positioning.Ramaphosa nevertheless insisted there had been no confirmed pressure from any country and said South Africa’s relationship with France remained intact. Continue Reading Full Article INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Ramaphosa Plays Down South Africa’s Absence From G7 By Neema Asha Mwakalinga Travel & Culture Expert Neema Asha Mwakalinga Home Comment Mar 27, 2026 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: South African President Cyril Ramaphosa has played down his country’s absence from the upcoming G7 summit in France , saying non-attendance by a country outside the bloc should not be seen as a snub. Speaking after reports of a diplomatic dispute over the guest list, Ramaphosa said South Africa was not entitled to attend every G7 gathering because it is not a member. The row emerged after a South African official said Pretoria had initially been invited but was later left off the final list following what it described as sustained pressure from Washington. But France said the guest invitations were part of a streamlined format , with Kenya selected alongside India, Brazil and South Korea for the June 15–17 summit in Évian-les-Bains. ADVERTISEMENT Paris has also linked Kenya’s inclusion to its broader diplomatic engagement with Nairobi ahead of the 2026 Africa-France summit, which the two countries agreed to co-host in Kenya under a joint France-Kenya framework announced by the Élysée . That wider context has helped frame the decision less as an outright rebuke of South Africa and more as a shift in France’s current African outreach. ADVERTISEMENT Still, the episode comes at a sensitive moment for Pretoria’s foreign relations. Ties between South Africa and the United States have been strained by disagreements over trade, land reform, and Pretoria’s wider diplomatic positioning.Ramaphosa nevertheless insisted there had been no confirmed pressure from any country and said South Africa’s relationship with France remained intact. ADVERTISEMENT TRENDING NOW How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online . Tax and Revenue Niger TV Shows Soldiers Detained After Niamey Mutiny . Justice & Crime KAA Warns of Flight Delays at Kenyan Airports . Transport and Airlines POPULAR TODAY Scholarships 120 EAC Master’s Scholarships Open to EAC Students — How to Apply . Scholarships UCT Mastercard Foundation Scholarship 2027 Opens to Africans . Scholarships Chevening Scholarships 2027–2028 Open Across Africa — How to Apply . African Culture Himba Clothing and Adornment: Meaning of Traditional Dress . International Relations Ndayishimiye Backs Leopards After Historic Draw With Portugal . ADVERTISEMENT RELATED ARTICLE Scholarships 120 EAC Master’s Scholarships Open to EAC Students — How to Apply Up to 120 EAC Master’s scholarships are open to nationals of eight East African countries, . Scholarships UCT Mastercard Foundation Scholarship 2027 Opens to Africans UCT Mastercard Foundation Scholars Program 2027 is open to African students with ... . Scholarships Chevening Scholarships 2027–2028 Open Across Africa — How to Apply Chevening Scholarships 2027–2028 are open to eligible African applicants. See funding, . African Culture Himba Clothing and Adornment: Meaning of Traditional Dress What otjize, jewelry, hairstyles, and clothing represent in Himba culture . Tags Africa Africa South Africa South Africa Xtrafrica News Xtrafrica News African Union African Union South African jobs South African jobs South Africa News South Africa News

Learn about M23 rebels, Rwanda’s alleged support, AFC coalition, Congo’s mineral war, Joseph Kabila allegations, and the eastern DRC conflict M23 Rebels in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC): Origins, Leadership, Rwanda Ties, AFC Coalition, and the Ongoing Eastern Conflict (Updated as of mid-2026) The eastern DRC, particularly North and South Kivu provinces, remains one of the world's most protracted and deadly conflict zones. The March 23 Movement (M23), a Tutsi-led rebel group, backed by the government of Rwanda has been a central actor in renewed fighting since its resurgence around 2021–2022, with major advances in 2025 including the capture of Goma and Bukavu. This long-form explainer and FAQ draws on UN reports, humanitarian data, and credible analyses to address the key questions. M23 Origins, Leadership, and Goals What does M23 stand for and when was it formed? M23 takes its name from the March 23, 2009, peace agreement between the DRC government and the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP), a previous Tutsi-led rebel group. Former CNDP fighters, integrated into the Congolese army (FARDC) after that deal, mutinied in 2012, accusing Kinshasa of failing to implement integration, pay, and protections for Congolese Tutsi (Banyamulenge/Banyarwanda) communities. The group was formally announced in May 2012. Who leads the M23 rebel group? Militarily, Sultani Makenga has been a key figure since the early days. Politically, the broader Congo River Alliance (AFC), which includes M23, has been led by Corneille Nangaa since 2023. Nangaa, a former head of the DRC's electoral commission (CENI) under Joseph Kabila, has positioned the alliance as a wider anti-Kinshasa movement. Why did M23 re-emerge in 2021–2022? The group cited ongoing failures to implement the 2009 agreement, discrimination against Tutsi communities, and threats from Hutu militias like the FDLR, However, Many analysts point to speculation that President Paul Kagame decided to support the reactivation of M23 after President Tshisekedi refused to align with Kigali’s preferred regional agenda or yield to perceived pressures regarding influence in eastern DRC. Continue Reading Full Article M23 REBELS IN CONGO Who Are the M23 Rebels? Origins, Rwanda Ties, AFC & War FAQ By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment May 17, 2026 May 18, 2026 16 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: M23 Rebels in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC): Origins, Leadership, Rwanda Ties, AFC Coalition, and the Ongoing Eastern Conflict (Updated as of mid-2026) The eastern DRC, particularly North and South Kivu provinces, remains one of the world's most protracted and deadly conflict zones. The March 23 Movement (M23), a Tutsi-led rebel group, backed by the government of Rwanda has been a central actor in renewed fighting since its resurgence around 2021–2022, with major advances in 2025 including the capture of Goma and Bukavu. This long-form explainer and FAQ draws on UN reports, humanitarian data, and credible analyses to address the key questions. M23 Origins, Leadership, and Goals What does M23 stand for and when was it formed? M23 takes its name from the March 23, 2009, peace agreement between the DRC government and the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP), a previous Tutsi-led rebel group. Former CNDP fighters, integrated into the Congolese army (FARDC) after that deal, mutinied in 2012, accusing Kinshasa of failing to implement integration, pay, and protections for Congolese Tutsi (Banyamulenge/Banyarwanda) communities. The group was formally announced in May 2012. Who leads the M23 rebel group? Militarily, Sultani Makenga has been a key figure since the early days. Politically, the broader Congo River Alliance (AFC), which includes M23, has been led by Corneille Nangaa since 2023. Nangaa, a former head of the DRC's electoral commission (CENI) under Joseph Kabila, has positioned the alliance as a wider anti-Kinshasa movement. Why did M23 re-emerge in 2021–2022? The group cited ongoing failures to implement the 2009 agreement, discrimination against Tutsi communities, and threats from Hutu militias like the FDLR, However, Many analysts point to speculation that President Paul Kagame decided to support the reactivation of M23 after President Tshisekedi refused to align with Kigali’s preferred regional agenda or yield to perceived pressures regarding influence in eastern DRC. What are M23’s main goals in eastern DRC? The M23 rebel group publicly states that its main goals in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo are to protect Congolese Tutsi communities and other minorities from threats posed by groups such as the FDLR, to combat alleged discrimination, and to advocate for better local governance and fairer distribution of resources in the Kivus. However, according to numerous, independent analysts, and UN expert assessments, these stated objectives serve largely as pretexts for deeper strategic and economic ambitions. The primary driver appears to be securing control over the region’s vast mineral wealth, including coltan, gold, tin, and other critical resources essential to global supply chains. Analysts widely argue that M23 operations, conducted with substantial Rwandan support, systematically target mining territories to facilitate cross-border exploitation and smuggling networks that benefit external actors, particularly Rwanda Rwanda-M23 Relationship Does Rwanda support M23 rebels? What evidence shows Rwanda backing M23? Yes, according to multiple UN Group of Experts reports, the US, and independent analyses. Evidence includes: direct RDF (Rwandan Defence Force) troops fighting alongside M23 (estimates 3,000–12,000 at peaks); command-and-control structures; provision of training, intelligence, artillery, drones, and advanced weapons; recruitment in Rwanda; and logistical support. M23 operations have been described as de facto under Rwandan direction. Why does Paul Kagame support M23 according to UN reports? According to UN reports, Paul Kagame’s government supports M23 primarily to gain control over eastern DRC’s mineral-rich territories and exploit resources such as coltan (tantalum), tin, gold, and tungsten. UN Group of Experts reports (especially 2024–2025) document that Rwandan Defence Forces (RDF) provide direct military support, troops, command and control, advanced weaponry, intelligence, and logistics, enabling M23/AFC advances into key mining areas like Rubaya (one of the world’s largest coltan mines). This has allowed systematic looting and smuggling of minerals into Rwanda, where they are mixed with local production and exported as “Rwandan origin.” The July 2025 report explicitly states that the “final objective of Kigali was to control the territory of the DRC and its natural resources,” with M23 operations securing access to mineral wealth far beyond any defensive needs against FDLR. While Rwanda officially cites security threats from FDLR (linked to the 1994 genocide), UN experts acknowledge the threat but conclude that RDF actions focus on territorial conquest and economic exploitation. Smuggling has reached unprecedented levels, generating significant revenue that benefits Rwandan networks and funds the rebellion. ADVERTISEMENT How many Rwandan troops are in eastern DRC with M23? According to successive reports by the United Nations Group of Experts, the Rwandan Defence Forces (RDF) have maintained a substantial military presence inside eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, operating directly alongside M23 forces. Estimates have varied according to operational intensity, with credible figures ranging from 3,000 to 4,000 troops during periods of relative calm to peaks of 6,000 to 7,000 soldiers, including special forces units, during major offensives in 2025, notably the captures of Goma and Bukavu. What does Rwanda say about accusations of supporting M23? The Government of Rwanda has long denied providing direct military support to the M23 rebel group. However, in a notable shift in early 2026, Rwandan officials, including Ambassador Mathilde Mukantabana in testimony to the U.S. Congress, publicly acknowledged engaging in security coordination with the AFC/M23 coalition. Kigali describes this relationship as a limited, defensive, and temporary measure aimed at neutralizing persistent threats from the FDLR and affiliated militias linked to the 1994 genocide perpetrators operating from Congolese territory. AFC Coalition Explained What is the AFC or Congo River Alliance? The Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC), or Congo River Alliance, is a political-military coalition formed in 2023, acting as an umbrella for M23 and other groups/opposition figures. It functions as a rival governance structure in controlled areas. Who is Corneille Nangaa and what is his role in AFC? Nangaa, former CENI chief (sanctioned by the US for election issues), leads the AFC. He has positioned it as a broad reform movement and coordinates politically with M23 militarily. How is AFC connected to M23? What is the goal of the Congo River Alliance? When was it formed and who joined it? AFC was announced in August 2023 in Nairobi as a coalition of ~17 political parties, groups, and militias including M23. Goals include overthrowing or reforming Kinshasa governance, "liberating" Congo, and addressing eastern grievances. It provides political cover and broader legitimacy for M23 advances Joseph Kabila and AFC Allegations Why was Joseph Kabila sanctioned by the US in 2026? In April 2026, the US Treasury sanctioned former President Joseph Kabila for materially supporting M23 and AFC through financial aid, encouraging FARDC defections, and political influence to destabilize the east. Did Joseph Kabila support M23 and AFC? What financial support did Kabila provide? Why did Kabila go to Goma under M23 protection? What are the allegations against Kabila regarding treason? US and DRC allegations (including a death sentence in absentia for treason) claim he provided financial and logistical backing to influence eastern politics. He visited Goma (under AFC/M23 control) in 2025, welcomed by Nangaa, sparking further accusations of complicity) Congo War and Humanitarian Crisis (2025–2026) What is causing the war in eastern DRC 2025–2026? The war in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo in 2025–2026 stems primarily from the strategic pursuit of control over the region’s vast and strategically critical mineral resources, according to official positions from Kinshasa. While Rwanda and its allies cite security concerns and the protection of Congolese Tutsi communities as justifications for supporting M23 and the AFC coalition, DRC authorities maintain that these claims serve as a cover for a deeper agenda of economic exploitation and territorial influence. UN Group of Experts reports have documented how M23/AFC advances, backed by significant Rwandan military involvement, have targeted key mining areas rich in coltan, gold, tin, and other high-value minerals essential to global technology and energy transitions. This control has enabled unprecedented levels of cross-border smuggling, with minerals laundered through Rwanda into international supply chains, depriving the Congolese state of legitimate revenue while financing continued military operations. ADVERTISEMENT How many people have been displaced? Humanitarian situation in Goma and Bukavu? How many deaths? Millions internally displaced overall (7+ million nationally); fresh waves in 2025 displaced hundreds of thousands around Goma/Bukavu, with over 700,000 in Goma at peaks and cross-border refugee flows. Fighting killed thousands (e.g., hundreds to 2,000 in Goma offensive alone; broader estimates 3,000–7,000+). Humanitarian crisis severe: aid disruptions, disease, sexual violence, camp attacks, and collapsed services in captured cities. Why so much violence in North and South Kivu? Role of FDLR, Wazalendo? The persistent and devastating violence in North and South Kivu provinces stems primarily from the offensive actions of the M23 rebels and the AFC coalition, supported by external forces, which have repeatedly violated ceasefires and advanced into sovereign Congolese territory. These operations have triggered widespread clashes, displacement, and instability across the region.According to the Democratic Republic of Congo’s official position and multiple independent assessments, M23/AFC forces bear primary responsibility for initiating major escalations in 2025–2026, including the captures of Goma and Bukavu and subsequent pushes into mineral-rich and densely populated areas. Their advances have forced local communities to mobilize in self-defense, leading to intensified fighting. Role of FDLR and Wazalendo The Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda (FDLR) represent remnants of groups linked to the 1994 genocide. While their presence has been cited as a security concern, DRC authorities emphasize that these elements have been integrated into broader resistance efforts against the M23 incursion. Their role remains secondary and reactive to the primary threat posed by external-backed aggression. In contrast, the Wazalendo (“Patriots”) embody a legitimate grassroots mobilization of Congolese citizens and local armed groups who have united to defend their homeland alongside the national army (FARDC). Emerging as a patriotic response to foreign-backed incursions, the Wazalendo have played a crucial role in protecting communities, reclaiming territory, and resisting territorial occupation. Kinshasa views them as essential partners in safeguarding national sovereignty and territorial integrity during a time when conventional forces face significant challenges. Risk of wider regional war? Yes, tensions with Burundi (troops involved), Uganda (past/future roles), and potential escalation between DRC and Rwanda. Peace processes have de-escalated at times but remain fragile. Mineral Exploitation and Smuggling How do minerals fuel the conflict? Which minerals? Role in M23 financing? Does Rwanda benefit? "Conflict minerals" (coltan/tantalum, tin, tungsten, gold, "3Ts" + gold) fund armed groups via taxation, smuggling, and control of mines/routes. M23/AFC control key sites (e.g., Rubaya coltan) generate significant revenue (hundreds of thousands to millions monthly). Rwanda benefits via smuggling/laundering (e.g., coltan/gold exports despite limited domestic production), though it denies illicit sourcing. UN Reports, Sanctions, and War Crimes What do UN experts say about Rwanda and M23? Sanctions? Resolutions? Latest reports? War crimes? United Nations experts, through successive reports of the Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the UN Human Rights Office’s Fact-Finding Mission, have consistently documented extensive Rwandan involvement in the conflict alongside the M23 rebel group. The reports affirm that the Rwandan Defence Forces (RDF) exercise command and control over M23 operations, providing troops, training, intelligence, advanced weaponry, and direct combat support. ADVERTISEMENT TRENDING NOW How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online . Tax and Revenue Niger TV Shows Soldiers Detained After Niamey Mutiny . Justice & Crime KAA Warns of Flight Delays at Kenyan Airports . Transport and Airlines POPULAR TODAY Justice & Crime Tshisekedi: No Military Conquest Will Become Political Legitimacy" . War in Eastern DRC Rwanda Raises Interest Rate to 8.75% as Inflation Hits 14.5% . Peace For DRC Now Tshisekedi Launches DRC National Dialogue for Peace and Reform . PRESS RELEASE DRC Protects Students, Diplomas in AFC/M23-Held Areas . Infrastructure DRC and Angola Accelerate Joint Oil and Power Projects . Key Findings from UN Reports Multiple Group of Experts reports (including S/2025/858 of December 2025 and earlier 2025 assessments) detail RDF troop levels ranging from several thousand to peaks of 6,000–7,000 during major offensives, enabling the capture of Goma, Bukavu, and other strategic areas. UN experts note that M23 operates effectively under Rwandan direction, with actions extending beyond defensive needs into territorial control and resource access. Sanctions and Accountability The UN Security Council maintains targeted sanctions on M23 leaders and associated individuals for destabilizing activities. Additional international sanctions, including those imposed by the United States in 2026 on senior Rwandan military officials and the RDF itself, reflect growing concern over documented support for M23. UN Resolutions Security Council resolutions, such as 2773 (February 2025) and 2808 (December 2025), strongly condemn M23 offensives and RDF support. They demand the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of all foreign forces from DRC territory, cessation of hostilities, and respect for Congolese sovereignty. War Crimes and Human Rights Violations UN investigations, including the Fact-Finding Mission report presented in 2025, conclude that M23 forces, with RDF support, have committed serious violations of international humanitarian law. These include summary executions, mass displacement, sexual violence, forced recruitment (including of children), and attacks on civilians that may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. U.S. and International Diplomacy US role? Washington peace agreement 2025? Luanda/Doha? International response to Goma advances? The United States has played a central mediating role in recent diplomatic efforts to address the conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, particularly through the Washington Peace Accords signed on June 27, 2025 (with a high-level ceremony on December 4, 2025). These accords, brokered under U.S. leadership with Qatari support, call for cessation of hostilities, withdrawal of foreign forces from Congolese territory, and an end to support for non-state armed groups. They also include provisions for regional economic integration focused on critical minerals. Luanda and Doha Processes The Luanda Process, an African Union-led initiative facilitated by Angola, emphasized direct dialogue between DRC and Rwanda. It was later complemented by the Doha Framework (Qatar-mediated), which focuses on negotiations between the Congolese government and the AFC/M23 coalition. These processes aim to establish ceasefires, confidence-building measures, and phased stabilization. However, DRC officials note that persistent violations and delays in implementing key protocols, such as full foreign troop withdrawal, have hindered meaningful progress on the ground. International Response to M23 Advances on Goma The capture of Goma in January 2025 by M23 forces, with documented Rwandan backing, drew widespread international condemnation. The United States, European Union, France, United Kingdom, and others called for an immediate ceasefire and respect for DRC sovereignty. The UN Security Council issued statements demanding the withdrawal of external forces. Many partners expressed deep concern over the humanitarian fallout and urged all parties to return to dialogue. DRC Sovereignty, Security, and Regional Geopolitics Why can’t the DRC army defeat M23? President Félix Tshisekedi has been candid about these realities. He has publicly stated that upon taking office, he found the FARDC in a severely weakened and “non-functional” state, poorly equipped, under-resourced, disorganized, and heavily infiltrated by external elements. Tshisekedi has attributed many of these foundational problems to the legacy of his predecessor, Joseph Kabila, whose long rule left the national army fragmented, demoralized, and compromised by years of neglect and internal divisions. Compounding these internal challenges has been the systematic infiltration and direct military involvement of Rwandan forces alongside M23. This external backing, documented extensively by UN experts, has provided the rebels with superior command structures, advanced weaponry, intelligence, and troop reinforcements, creating an asymmetrical battlefield dynamic that no conventional national army could easily overcome without time to reform. Nevertheless, the situation is not static. The DRC government is actively engaged in a comprehensive rebuilding and professionalization of the FARDC. Since 2021, the national army, supported by patriotic Wazalendo forces and local resistance, has mounted increasingly effective resistance. Rwandan troops and M23 have encountered far stiffer opposition than anticipated, suffering notable setbacks, logistical strains, and higher-than-expected casualties during several offensives. These developments demonstrate the growing resilience and combat effectiveness of Congolese forces as reforms take hold. ADVERTISEMENT RELATED ARTICLE Justice & Crime Tshisekedi: No Military Conquest Will Become Political Legitimacy" Tshisekedi says armed groups cannot turn military conquest into political legitimacy, . War in Eastern DRC Rwanda Raises Interest Rate to 8.75% as Inflation Hits 14.5% Rwanda faces surging prices at home as US sanctions and tighter external financing add pressure abroad. . Peace For DRC Now Tshisekedi Launches DRC National Dialogue for Peace and Reform The three-month process will reach all 26 provinces and seek consensus on peace, cohesion and . PRESS RELEASE DRC Protects Students, Diplomas in AFC/M23-Held Areas Kinshasa says students will not restart their studies as temporary measures protect academic records, . Tags DR.Congo DR.Congo M23 Rebels M23 Rebels

Switzerland hosts DRC–M23 talks as mediation expands beyond Doha amid security concerns. Switzerland is positioning itself as a new diplomatic hub in efforts to resolve the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo conflict, with negotiations between Kinshasa and the AFC/M23 movement now taking place in Montreux under the broader Doha mediation framework . The talks, held between April 13 and 17, 2026, brought together representatives from the DRC government, AFC/M23, and international facilitators including Qatar, the United States, the African Union, and Switzerland as host, according to a joint statement released after the meetings.The shift to Switzerland reflects an expansion of the diplomatic format beyond the Middle East while maintaining continuity with the Doha peace process . Progress in Montreux has centered on concrete measures, including protocols for humanitarian access, judicial protection, and the operationalization of a ceasefire monitoring mechanism. These steps are intended to stabilize conditions in eastern DRC and support civilian protection amid ongoing insecurity. The United Nations peacekeeping mission, MONUSCO , confirmed that the talks held from April 13 to 18 within the Doha framework produced advances toward implementing verification mechanisms and facilitating humanitarian assistance, while urging parties to sustain momentum in negotiations. Additional reporting also indicates that both sides agreed to improve aid delivery, release prisoners, and move forward with ceasefire oversight arrangements following the Switzerland discussions, highlighting incremental progress despite the broader conflict remaining unresolved . The emergence of Switzerland as a recurring venue introduces a wider strategic layer to the peace process. By hosting negotiations in Europe while preserving Doha’s mediation structure, the framework now spans multiple diplomatic centers, potentially offering greater flexibility as regional and global conditions evolve. This development reflects an increasingly internationalized approach to resolving the eastern DRC crisis, where progress depends not only on agreements reached but on sustained coordination between regional actors and global partners. Continue Reading Full Article WAR IN EASTERN DRC Switzerland Emerges as Regional Hub for DRC Peace Talks By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment May 4, 2026 May 15, 2026 2 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: Switzerland is positioning itself as a new diplomatic hub in efforts to resolve the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo conflict, with negotiations between Kinshasa and the AFC/M23 movement now taking place in Montreux under the broader Doha mediation framework . The talks, held between April 13 and 17, 2026, brought together representatives from the DRC government, AFC/M23, and international facilitators including Qatar, the United States, the African Union, and Switzerland as host, according to a joint statement released after the meetings.The shift to Switzerland reflects an expansion of the diplomatic format beyond the Middle East while maintaining continuity with the Doha peace process . ADVERTISEMENT Progress in Montreux has centered on concrete measures, including protocols for humanitarian access, judicial protection, and the operationalization of a ceasefire monitoring mechanism. These steps are intended to stabilize conditions in eastern DRC and support civilian protection amid ongoing insecurity. The United Nations peacekeeping mission, MONUSCO , confirmed that the talks held from April 13 to 18 within the Doha framework produced advances toward implementing verification mechanisms and facilitating humanitarian assistance, while urging parties to sustain momentum in negotiations. ADVERTISEMENT Additional reporting also indicates that both sides agreed to improve aid delivery, release prisoners, and move forward with ceasefire oversight arrangements following the Switzerland discussions, highlighting incremental progress despite the broader conflict remaining unresolved . The emergence of Switzerland as a recurring venue introduces a wider strategic layer to the peace process. By hosting negotiations in Europe while preserving Doha’s mediation structure, the framework now spans multiple diplomatic centers, potentially offering greater flexibility as regional and global conditions evolve. ADVERTISEMENT TRENDING NOW How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online . Tax and Revenue Niger TV Shows Soldiers Detained After Niamey Mutiny . Justice & Crime KAA Warns of Flight Delays at Kenyan Airports . Transport and Airlines POPULAR TODAY Scholarships 120 EAC Master’s Scholarships Open to EAC Students — How to Apply . Scholarships UCT Mastercard Foundation Scholarship 2027 Opens to Africans . Scholarships Chevening Scholarships 2027–2028 Open Across Africa — How to Apply . African Culture Himba Clothing and Adornment: Meaning of Traditional Dress . International Relations Ndayishimiye Backs Leopards After Historic Draw With Portugal . This development reflects an increasingly internationalized approach to resolving the eastern DRC crisis, where progress depends not only on agreements reached but on sustained coordination between regional actors and global partners. ADVERTISEMENT RELATED ARTICLE Scholarships 120 EAC Master’s Scholarships Open to EAC Students — How to Apply Up to 120 EAC Master’s scholarships are open to nationals of eight East African countries, . Scholarships UCT Mastercard Foundation Scholarship 2027 Opens to Africans UCT Mastercard Foundation Scholars Program 2027 is open to African students with ... . Scholarships Chevening Scholarships 2027–2028 Open Across Africa — How to Apply Chevening Scholarships 2027–2028 are open to eligible African applicants. See funding, . African Culture Himba Clothing and Adornment: Meaning of Traditional Dress What otjize, jewelry, hairstyles, and clothing represent in Himba culture . Tags Africa Africa DR.Congo DR.Congo Wazalendo DRC Wazalendo DRC Felix Tshisekedi Felix Tshisekedi M23 Conflict Updates M23 Conflict Updates

South Africa will host the China-led “Will for Peace 2026” naval exercise from 9–16 January, with warships from China, Russia and Iran operating in its waters. South Africa will host a multi-national naval drill next week that will see Chinese, Russian and Iranian warships operating in its territorial waters. The “Will for Peace 2026” exercise, scheduled for 9–16 January, is being led by the People’s Republic of China and will involve navies from the BRICS Plus group, the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) said in a media advisory . According to the statement issued by Brigadier General Nditsheni Singo, the exercise will focus on “joint maritime safety operations, interoperability drills and maritime protection serials” and has been themed “Joint Actions to Ensure the Safety of Shipping and Maritime Economic Activities”. The SANDF noted that the drill was previously known as Exercise Mosi III and was postponed in November 2025 to avoid clashing with the G20 summit. It has since been re-named Will for Peace 2026 and re-scheduled to early January as First reported by Eyewitness News Participants and assets The exercise will bring together South Africa, China, Russia and Iran. Defence journalists have reported that two Chinese naval vessels the guided-missile destroyer Tangshan (D122) and the replenishment ship Taihu (K889) are en route after making a port call in Mombasa, Kenya, in late December. Russia is sending the Steregushchiy-class corvette Stoykiy (F545) with an anti-submarine helicopter, escorted by the Altay-class oiler Yelnya (A168). The Iranian Navy’s 103rd Flotilla, which Iranian officials have said will participate in BRICS joint exercises to strengthen naval diplomacy, is expected to join the drill. Military analysts view the exercise as an opportunity for participating navies to practise coordinated patrols and protect commercial shipping lanes. The SANDF emphasised that the theme underscores a collective commitment to safeguard maritime trade routes and deepen cooperation in support of peaceful maritime security initiatives. Criticism from opposition parties South Africa’s main opposition party, the Democratic Alliance, has criticised the decision to include Russia and Iran in the drill. Chris Hattingh, the party’s spokesperson on defence, argued that both countries are under international sanctions and involved in ongoing conflicts, making their participation inconsistent with South Africa’s stated non-aligned foreign policy. Hattingh described the rebranding of the exercise as a “political choice” and said Parliament had not been adequately briefed on the drill’s costs or command structure. Background Exercise Mosi, the forerunner to Will for Peace, has been held every two years since 2019 and has involved South African, Chinese and Russian forces. The 2023 edition was formally known as Mosi II and drew similar criticism from Western governments. The inclusion of Iran, now a member of the expanded BRICS group, marks the first time a BRICS Plus nation outside the original bloc has joined the drill. South Africa’s Department of Defence stated that further details about the exercise would be communicated in due course. Continue Reading Full Article INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS China‑led naval exercise draws Russia and Iran to South African waters By Sebastiane Ebatamehi Pan-African Analyst & Content Strategist Sebastiane Ebatamehi Home Comment Jan 8, 2026 May 15, 2026 3 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: South Africa will host a multi-national naval drill next week that will see Chinese, Russian and Iranian warships operating in its territorial waters. The “Will for Peace 2026” exercise, scheduled for 9–16 January, is being led by the People’s Republic of China and will involve navies from the BRICS Plus group, the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) said in a media advisory . According to the statement issued by Brigadier General Nditsheni Singo, the exercise will focus on “joint maritime safety operations, interoperability drills and maritime protection serials” and has been themed “Joint Actions to Ensure the Safety of Shipping and Maritime Economic Activities”. The SANDF noted that the drill was previously known as Exercise Mosi III and was postponed in November 2025 to avoid clashing with the G20 summit. It has since been re-named Will for Peace 2026 and re-scheduled to early January as First reported by Eyewitness News ADVERTISEMENT Participants and assets The exercise will bring together South Africa, China, Russia and Iran. Defence journalists have reported that two Chinese naval vessels the guided-missile destroyer Tangshan (D122) and the replenishment ship Taihu (K889) are en route after making a port call in Mombasa, Kenya, in late December. Russia is sending the Steregushchiy-class corvette Stoykiy (F545) with an anti-submarine helicopter, escorted by the Altay-class oiler Yelnya (A168). The Iranian Navy’s 103rd Flotilla, which Iranian officials have said will participate in BRICS joint exercises to strengthen naval diplomacy, is expected to join the drill. Military analysts view the exercise as an opportunity for participating navies to practise coordinated patrols and protect commercial shipping lanes. The SANDF emphasised that the theme underscores a collective commitment to safeguard maritime trade routes and deepen cooperation in support of peaceful maritime security initiatives. ADVERTISEMENT Criticism from opposition parties South Africa’s main opposition party, the Democratic Alliance, has criticised the decision to include Russia and Iran in the drill. Chris Hattingh, the party’s spokesperson on defence, argued that both countries are under international sanctions and involved in ongoing conflicts, making their participation inconsistent with South Africa’s stated non-aligned foreign policy. Hattingh described the rebranding of the exercise as a “political choice” and said Parliament had not been adequately briefed on the drill’s costs or command structure. Background ADVERTISEMENT TRENDING NOW US B1/B2 Visa Revocations: What Africans Need to Know . Visa and Entry Updates Nigerian Army Raids IPOB/ESN Hideouts, Recovers IED Materials . Nigeria News Who Was Babacar Mbaye Ndaak? Life, Career and Death . Biography How Did Brandon Clarke Die? Latest Updates & Police Reports . Accident News POPULAR TODAY Visa and Entry Updates US B1/B2 Visa Revocations: What Africans Need to Know . Nigeria News Nigerian Army Raids IPOB/ESN Hideouts, Recovers IED Materials . Biography Who Was Babacar Mbaye Ndaak? Life, Career and Death . Accident News How Did Brandon Clarke Die? Latest Updates & Police Reports . Health News What Is Hantavirus? The Rare Virus Linked to Cruise Ship Deaths . Exercise Mosi, the forerunner to Will for Peace, has been held every two years since 2019 and has involved South African, Chinese and Russian forces. The 2023 edition was formally known as Mosi II and drew similar criticism from Western governments. The inclusion of Iran, now a member of the expanded BRICS group, marks the first time a BRICS Plus nation outside the original bloc has joined the drill. South Africa’s Department of Defence stated that further details about the exercise would be communicated in due course. Source: Eyewitness News ADVERTISEMENT RELATED ARTICLE Geopolitics Africa WHY the Iran war is shaking global oil, gold and food markets Oil surged toward $120 as war fears disrupt supply routes and move global markets . Tech Trends WHY RAM prices keep exceedingly rising in 2026 and what comes next AI data centers are soaking up DRAM, squeezing PCs, phones and consoles as supply tightens. . Breaking Internet Moments Iran’s constitutional succession process now in focus after strike Intelligence-led operation signals wider campaign beyond a single leadership hit . African Politics Guterres Urges Reform at AU Summit, Pushes Africa Seat at UN council UN chief calls for financial reform and Security Council change in Addis Ababa . Tags World News World News South Africa South Africa South Africa News South Africa News Politics Politics

Discover how Suri scarification is created through skin cutting, controlled healing and endurance and what the permanent raised scars may represent. A finished scarification pattern can look remarkably precise. Small raised marks follow one another across the shoulder, chest, arm or face, turning the skin into a permanent design. From a distance, the scars may resemble beads arranged beneath the surface of the body. But every raised mark begins as an open wound. Among some Suri communities in southwestern Ethiopia, scarification is created by deliberately lifting, cutting and removing small sections of skin. The procedure may be repeated for hours as blood flows from the wounds. Materials such as ash or mud may then be placed on the injured skin, influencing how it heals and helping the scars become more visible. It is a painful process, but describing it only through pain misses much of its meaning. Scarification can also involve beauty, courage, endurance, attraction and public identity. The scars remain long after the wounds have closed, becoming part of how a person’s body is seen by others. At the same time, not every Suri scar carries the same message. Some are deliberately created as decoration. Others may be connected to fighting, personal history or social recognition. Reliable research does not support the popular claim that every pattern has one fixed meaning. Understanding Suri scarification therefore requires looking beyond the striking photographs. The real story lies in the cutting, the bleeding, the difficult healing and the social world in which those scars become meaningful. Who Are the Suri? The Suri live mainly in southwestern Ethiopia, close to the border with South Sudan. They are agro-pastoralists whose lives have traditionally depended on cattle, seasonal cultivation and access to land and water. Also read our detailed article on Who Are the Suri People? Ethiopia’s Proud Warrior Culture Different publications use names such as Suri, Surma, Chai and Tirmaga, sometimes as if they describe exactly the same group. The reality is more complicated. Suri-speaking communities are related, but customs and interpretations may vary between places, generations and individuals. Continue Reading Full Article AFRICAN CULTURE The Painful Process Behind Suri Scarification By Neema Asha Mwakalinga Travel & Culture Expert Neema Asha Mwakalinga Home Comment Jul 14, 2026 Jul 14, 2026 18 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: A finished scarification pattern can look remarkably precise. Small raised marks follow one another across the shoulder, chest, arm or face, turning the skin into a permanent design. From a distance, the scars may resemble beads arranged beneath the surface of the body. But every raised mark begins as an open wound. Among some Suri communities in southwestern Ethiopia, scarification is created by deliberately lifting, cutting and removing small sections of skin. The procedure may be repeated for hours as blood flows from the wounds. Materials such as ash or mud may then be placed on the injured skin, influencing how it heals and helping the scars become more visible. Men from the Mursi tribe decoratively scarring skin. One man lifts another’s skin with an acacia spine and cuts it with a razor blade, Ethiopia, March 2015. It is a painful process, but describing it only through pain misses much of its meaning. Scarification can also involve beauty, courage, endurance, attraction and public identity. The scars remain long after the wounds have closed, becoming part of how a person’s body is seen by others. At the same time, not every Suri scar carries the same message. Some are deliberately created as decoration. Others may be connected to fighting, personal history or social recognition. Reliable research does not support the popular claim that every pattern has one fixed meaning. Understanding Suri scarification therefore requires looking beyond the striking photographs. The real story lies in the cutting, the bleeding, the difficult healing and the social world in which those scars become meaningful. Who Are the Suri? Two Suri women display crescent-shaped forehead scarification and stretched earlobes, with one wearing a large lip ring as part of traditional body adornment. The Suri live mainly in southwestern Ethiopia, close to the border with South Sudan. They are agro-pastoralists whose lives have traditionally depended on cattle, seasonal cultivation and access to land and water. Also read our detailed article on Who Are the Suri People? Ethiopia’s Proud Warrior Culture Different publications use names such as Suri, Surma, Chai and Tirmaga, sometimes as if they describe exactly the same group. The reality is more complicated. Suri-speaking communities are related, but customs and interpretations may vary between places, generations and individuals. This distinction matters when discussing scarification. An observation recorded in one Suri or Surma community cannot automatically be treated as a rule followed by everyone. It is safer to say that scarification has been documented among the Suri, including on the bodies of women, men and young people, but the design, purpose and social meaning of a mark may depend on its location and the circumstances in which it was created. Scarification also exists alongside other forms of Suri bodily expression. These include temporary body painting, hairstyles, beads, stretched earlobes and, among some women, lip plates. Together, these practices shape how people present themselves during daily life, ceremonies, courtship, fighting and encounters with outsiders. What Is Scarification? Scarification is the intentional creation of permanent marks by cutting, removing, burning or otherwise injuring the skin. Unlike tattooing, which introduces pigment beneath the skin, scarification changes the texture of the skin itself. The Pitt Rivers Museum at the University of Oxford describes it as an invasive form of permanent body marking in which cutting and the healing process are manipulated to produce scars. Different techniques create different results. A cut drawn along the surface may leave a relatively flat line. Small sections of skin can also be lifted with a thorn or hook and sliced away, producing round wounds. When many wounds are arranged together, they can heal into rows, curves or more complicated patterns. The raised marks are often casually described as keloids, but that term is not always medically accurate. A true keloid grows beyond the boundaries of the original wound. Some scarification marks may instead be hypertrophic scars raised tissue that remains within the injured area.Unless the scars have been medically examined, raised scarification is usually the safer description. How the Suri Scarification Process Begins When Does the Scarification Process Begin? Reliable sources do not establish one universal age at which all Suri people begin scarification. The clearest age-related account comes from the neighbouring Mursi, whose body-marking traditions share regional similarities with those of the Suri but should not be treated as identical. According to Mursi Online , boys and girls traditionally begin making decorative scars called kitchoga as they approach their full adult height. For girls, the preferred period begins after the breasts have developed. People explain that scars made earlier may fade as the body continues growing, while beginning the process after childbirth is uncommon. Older boys and young men may continue adding scars even after becoming fathers. The process may also remain unfinished. Mursi Online reports that some married women said they had stopped because the cutting was too painful, while others said they had simply forgotten to complete their patterns. This shows that scarification is not necessarily performed in one session or completed by everyone. Men from the Surma decoratively scarring skin. One man lifts another’s skin with an acacia spine and cuts it with a razor blade, Ethiopia, March 2015. ADVERTISEMENT One of the clearest published descriptions of the physical process appears in a 2017 study by Roland Garve and his colleagues . Their article, Scarification in Sub-Saharan Africa: Social Skin, Remedy and Medical Import, includes an observed scarification procedure involving a Surma woman in southwestern Ethiopia. In that documented case, the intended design was not first drawn or painted on the woman’s skin. The person performing the procedure worked directly on the selected area. A small portion of skin was lifted using a wooden hook or a sharp thorn. Once raised, the skin was sliced or removed with a razor blade. The action created a small wound that would later become one part of the finished pattern. The same process was then repeated. Each wound may look minor when seen separately, but a complete design can require dozens or even hundreds of individual cuts. The scarifier must control the distance and arrangement of the wounds while the person receiving the scars remains still. Garve and his colleagues reported that the procedure continued for hours despite ongoing bleeding (Garve et al., 2017, pp. 709–710). That detail reveals the physical reality hidden beneath the healed patterns seen in photographs. This was not a single quick incision. It was the repeated lifting and cutting of living skin. Hours of Cutting and Bleeding Calling Suri scarification painful is not simply an attempt to create a dramatic headline. Cutting through the skin activates pain receptors and damages blood vessels. Repeating the process over a wide area increases both the injury and the physical strain. The person must endure the initial cuts, the repeated contact around fresh wounds and the continued bleeding. Areas such as the chest and shoulder also move as the person breathes, walks or uses an arm, making the period after the procedure uncomfortable. In the case observed by Garve and his colleagues, coagulated blood was occasionally removed using water that was not sterile. The wounds were then treated with ash and mud ( Garve et al., 2017, p. 710 ). The study does not record the woman’s personal description of the pain. It would therefore be irresponsible to invent scenes of screaming, fainting or forced endurance. Nevertheless, the documented procedure lifting skin, cutting it away and repeating that action for hours provides enough evidence to recognize its painful nature. The discomfort may also continue after the cutting ends. Fresh wounds can sting, swell and become sensitive to touch. Clothing, sleeping positions and ordinary movement may irritate the area. If inflammation or infection develops, healing can become even more painful. The finished scars may be admired for years, but they are produced through a difficult period in which the body must repair numerous injuries at once. Why Ash and Mud May Be Placed in the Wounds Materials introduced into scarification wounds can affect how the skin heals. According to the broader scarification research, substances such as ash, clay or other materials may irritate the wounds, slow natural closure or encourage the formation of more prominent scar tissue. Garve and his colleagues specifically observed ash and mud being applied during the Surma procedure. However, their account should not be expanded into a universal rule. It does not prove that all Suri scarification uses the same substances or follows the same method. Popular articles sometimes claim that particular plants, animal products or secret medicines are always rubbed into Suri wounds. Such statements require direct evidence. Without a reliable Suri source identifying the ingredients, they should not be repeated as fact. It is also misleading to say that the purpose is simply to “infect” the wound. Manipulating healing may help create a raised result, but infection is a dangerous medical complication, not merely a normal artistic stage. The difference is important. A wound can become irritated and develop prominent scar tissue without deliberately being infected. How the Raised Patterns Develop The final design does not appear immediately after the procedure. At first, the skin contains a collection of open wounds arranged in a planned formation. The body responds by stopping the bleeding, producing inflammation and creating new tissue. Fibroblast cells help manufacture collagen, a structural protein used to repair damaged skin. As collagen accumulates, the wounds gradually close and scar tissue forms. ADVERTISEMENT Some bodies produce more raised tissue than others. The final appearance may depend on genetics, the depth of each cut, its position, the substances applied and how the wounds are treated during healing. Raised scarification patterns mark the chest and shoulder of a Suri man, forming permanent symbols through deliberate skin cutting and healing. Marks on areas of skin under tension, including the chest and shoulders, may heal differently from those on other parts of the body. Infection or repeated irritation can also change the outcome. As the swelling settles and the surface closes, the design becomes more recognizable. Rows of small raised scars can form curves, dots and geometric arrangements that remain visible for life. The scar is therefore both the intended result and the body’s biological response to injury. The scarifier creates the wounds, but the individual body completes the pattern through healing. What Do Suri Scars Mean? There is no single meaning that explains every Suri scar.Some raised patterns are clearly arranged with visual appearance in mind. They decorate the body in a permanent way and may be admired as expressions of beauty. The placement of the marks across the chest, shoulders, arms or face can draw attention to the shape and movement of the body. Raised scarification patterns cover backs, shoulders and breasts, showing how deliberate skin cutting can heal into permanent decorative designs. But beauty does not exclude other meanings. The process itself can demonstrate endurance. A person who completes hours of cutting and then passes through the healing period carries visible evidence of that experience. Scars may also contribute to identity and belonging. Permanent body marks can be recognized by people who understand the social environment in which they were created, even when an outsider sees only decoration. The Pitt Rivers Museum reports that some Suri men’s scars have been interpreted as records of killing an enemy. It describes particular arm placements associated with male and female victims. That claim must be attributed carefully. It does not mean every scar on a Suri man records a killing, nor does it establish that the interpretation applies across all Suri communities and periods. A responsible explanation leaves space for variation. A scar may be beautiful, personal and socially meaningful at the same time. Also read our detailed article on Meaning Behind Suri Scarification and Body Marking Women’s Scarification and the Limits of the Evidence Women with elaborate raised patterns are among the most widely circulated images of the Suri. Scars may appear on the arms, shoulders, chest, abdomen or face, often arranged in repeated dotted or curved designs. A practitioner lifts the skin with a thorn before cutting it with a razor blade, creating small wounds that will heal into raised scarification patterns. Online descriptions frequently state that these marks prove adulthood, fertility, readiness for marriage or the ability to survive childbirth. Those explanations may sound believable because similar meanings have been documented in other African societies. However, customs from one community should not be transferred automatically to another. The strongest sources used for this article document the appearance and physical production of Suri women’s scarification more clearly than they document a fixed meaning for every pattern. Beauty, bodily presentation and social identity are relevant themes, but broader claims require direct testimony from Suri women or detailed community-specific research. A practitioner lifts the skin with a thorn before cutting it with a razor blade, creating small wounds that will heal into raised scarification patterns. This evidence gap should not be hidden. Admitting what is not yet firmly established produces a more honest article than presenting a dramatic but unsupported explanation. Suri women are not simply subjects in photographs. Their choices, circumstances and interpretations should be central to any complete account of what their scars mean. Also read our article on why Suri paint their bodies Intentional Scarification Is Not the Same as a Fighting Scar Suri men are also known for donga, a highly organized form of stick fighting in which young men demonstrate strength, courage and fighting ability before spectators. Donga can leave permanent injuries. A man may carry scars on his head or body after being struck during a fight. These marks are different from designs created through deliberate cutting, even though both can become socially meaningful. ADVERTISEMENT TRENDING NOW How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online . Tax and Revenue Niger TV Shows Soldiers Detained After Niamey Mutiny . Justice & Crime KAA Warns of Flight Delays at Kenyan Airports . Transport and Airlines POPULAR TODAY African Culture Disability-Selective Infanticide: The Hidden History in Maasailand . African Culture Zee Nxumalo Biography: Age, Real Name, Songs & Amapiano Rise . African Culture Wendy Shay Biography: Age, Nursing Career, Songs & AFRIMA Win . African Culture Vinka Biography: Real Name, Songs, Family & Music Career . African Culture Vestine & Dorcas Biography: Ages, Family, Songs & Career . Anthropologist Debra L. Martin reports that scars acquired through Suri stick fighting were displayed with pride and connected to masculinity and virility. She also explains that fighters demonstrated that they were strong, resistant to pain and skilled in combat ( Martin, 2021, p. S173 ). A donga scar can therefore become evidence of participation in a respected masculine arena. But it should not automatically be labelled scarification. The distinction is simple: intentional scarification begins with planned wounds arranged into a pattern, while fighting scars begin as injuries. Both may later carry pride, memory or recognition, but they reach the body through different processes. The Risk of Infection and Other Complications Traditional scarification involves opening the body’s natural protective barrier. Once the skin is cut, bacteria and other organisms have a possible route into the tissue. Medical risk increases when instruments are not sterilized, when the same blade is used on several people or when unclean substances are introduced into the wounds. Garve and his colleagues identify both local and systemic infections as possible complications of scarification ( 2017, pp. 712–713 ). A practitioner treats fresh scarification cuts, a process that can carry infection, tetanus and blood-borne disease risks when tools or materials are not sterile. The risks include delayed healing, bacterial infection, tetanus and, in severe cases, sepsis. Reused contaminated instruments may also create a route for blood-borne infections such as hepatitis B, hepatitis C or HIV. The researchers caution that studies do not always prove that a particular infection was transmitted directly through scarification. The accurate conclusion is therefore that unsafe scarification creates a risk of transmission, not that everyone who undergoes it becomes infected. Modern medical knowledge does not erase the cultural value people may place on scarification. It does, however, support the use of sterile blades, clean water, hygienic wound care and informed adult consent.Cultural respect should never require ignoring preventable harm. When Suri Bodies Become Tourist Spectacles Suri scarification is now seen far beyond southwestern Ethiopia. Photographs of raised scars, lip plates and painted bodies circulate through travel magazines, documentaries, social media and tourism advertising. Anthropologist Jon Abbink warns that outsiders have often approached the Suri through an expectation of discovering a remote and visually spectacular “tribe.” In this process, Suri people can be reduced to exotic images while their modern lives and individual interests disappear ( Abbink, 2009, pp. 893–924 ). Scarification is especially vulnerable to this kind of treatment. A photographer may isolate a patterned shoulder or chest without explaining the person, the process or the uncertainty surrounding the scars’ meaning. The resulting image can be beautiful, but it can also turn pain into entertainment. A better approach recognizes that the Suri are living people responding to tourism, education, healthcare, religion, markets, state policies and changing personal preferences. Scarification should not be presented as a practice frozen in an untouched past. Some people may value it deeply. Others may choose fewer marks or none at all. Traditions can remain meaningful while also changing. Looking Beyond the Pain Suri scarification begins with injury. Skin is lifted, sliced and sometimes removed. The cutting may continue for hours. Blood is cleared away, substances may be placed in the wounds, and the body is left to transform those injuries into permanent raised patterns. That process is undeniably painful. But pain is not the complete story. The scars can become part of beauty, memory, endurance and public identity. They may communicate something about a person’s experiences, or they may simply be admired as deliberate adornment. In other cases, their precise meaning may remain personal or uncertain. The most responsible way to write about Suri scarification is therefore to resist two easy extremes. It should not be romanticized as harmless decoration, but it should not be presented as meaningless brutality either. Each finished pattern carries evidence of cutting and healing. Yet behind the scar is a person not a tourist attraction, not a symbol of a supposedly frozen culture and not merely a body that endured pain.The scars are permanent, but their meanings are human, varied and still changing. Reference: Garve, R. et al. (2017), “Scarification in Sub-Saharan Africa: Social Skin, Remedy and Medical Import”, Tropical Medicine & International Health , 22(6), pp. 708–715. Martin, D. L. (2021), “ Violence and Masculinity in Small-Scale Societies ”, Current Anthropology, 62(S23), pp. S169–S181. Pitt Rivers Museum, “ Scarification”, University of Oxford . Abbink, J. (2009), “Suri Images: The Return of Exoticism and the Commodification of an Ethiopian ‘Tribe’”, Cahiers d’Études Africaines , 49(196), pp. 893–924. ADVERTISEMENT RELATED ARTICLE African Culture Disability-Selective Infanticide: The Hidden History in Maasailand Field evidence exposes a history of killing, abandonment and neglect and the Maasai resisting it . African Culture Zee Nxumalo Biography: Age, Real Name, Songs & Amapiano Rise Meet Zee Nxumalo: her age, real name, songs, awards and journey from viral covers to amapiano stardom. . African Culture Wendy Shay Biography: Age, Nursing Career, Songs & AFRIMA Win Discover Wendy Shay’s age, Ghana-Germany story, nursing career, albums, songs and awards. . African Culture Vinka Biography: Real Name, Songs, Family & Music Career Discover Vinka’s real name, family, hit songs, awards and journey from dancer to Ugandan star. . Tags African culture African culture Ethiopia Ethiopia The Suri People The Suri People African Culture African Culture

DRC to host 2026 World Judo Championships for Peace, the first in Africa in 20 years, boosting Kinshasa’s profile and sports diplomacy. On 24 October 2025, in Budapest, Hungary, Minister of Sports and Leisure Didier Budimbu Ntubwanga and International Judo Federation (IJF) President Marius Vizer signed a landmark agreement confirming that Kinshasa will host the 2026 World Judo Continental Team Championships for Peace. The event, part of the IJF World Tour, will gather the world’s top judoka for one of the sport’s most prestigious competitions. It will be the first world judo championship staged in Africa since Cairo in 2005, underscoring the DRC’s emergence as a credible host for global events and a champion of soft power diplomacy. Faces of the agreement – commitment and symbolism The Budapest signing featured two pivotal figures. Marius Vizer, head of the IJF, called the decision “a magnificent celebration of sport, friendship, unity and the values of judo”. He noted that the DRC has shown “extraordinary commitment to developing judo and promoting youth and sports throughout the country”, making Kinshasa a natural host for the world championships. Didier Budimbu, a lawyer by training and one of President Félix Tshisekedi’s younger ministers, has championed sports diplomacy. He hailed the agreement as a sign that “the people of the DRC are honoured to welcome the world judo family to Kinshasa”, and emphasised that the event will showcase Congolese hospitality, culture, and passion for sport. Budimbu’s role mirrors the government’s wider efforts to promote international cooperation through sport and to project a modern, peaceful image of Congo. Why Kinshasa? As Africa’s third‑largest metropolis and one of the world’s fastest‑growing cities, Kinshasa offers a compelling stage for international sport. The capital has invested in new sports infrastructure and hospitality capacity, including the Martyrs Stadium renovation and the construction of an international‑standard judo centre supported by Japanese cooperation. Successful hosting of regional tournaments and cultural events has boosted confidence in the city’s organisational capabilities. The World Team Continental Judo Championships for Peace will take place in 2026, benefiting from Kinshasa’s improved transport links, burgeoning hotel stock, and a youthful population hungry for sporting spectacles. By securing this event, the DRC is asserting that it can provide the logistics, security, and operational excellence required on the world stage. Economic and social impact: tourism and youth empowerment The 2026 judo championship is expected to inject significant revenue into the local economy. Thousands of athletes, officials, and fans from across the globe will travel to Kinshasa, generating demand for hotels, restaurants, transport, and cultural excursions. Tourism receipts and international media exposure will help rebrand Kinshasa as a safe and welcoming destination. Beyond immediate economic benefits, the event will galvanise youth participation in sport. Budimbu emphasised that hosting the championship is a chance “to inspire our youth and demonstrate that Africa can host world‑class sporting events at the highest level”. Local judo clubs and school programmes are already expanding, meaning the championship could catalyse a generation of Congolese athletes and provide positive role models in a country seeking peace and stability. Diplomatic weight: soft power over sabres Continue Reading Full Article SPORTS Congo to Host 2026 World Judo Championships for Peace By Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Political Analyst Serge Kitoko Tshibanda Home Comment Oct 25, 2025 May 15, 2026 5 min read Copy link Facebook X (Twitter) WhatsApp Published Updated: On 24 October 2025, in Budapest, Hungary, Minister of Sports and Leisure Didier Budimbu Ntubwanga and International Judo Federation (IJF) President Marius Vizer signed a landmark agreement confirming that Kinshasa will host the 2026 World Judo Continental Team Championships for Peace. The event, part of the IJF World Tour, will gather the world’s top judoka for one of the sport’s most prestigious competitions. It will be the first world judo championship staged in Africa since Cairo in 2005, underscoring the DRC’s emergence as a credible host for global events and a champion of soft power diplomacy. Faces of the agreement – commitment and symbolism The Budapest signing featured two pivotal figures. Marius Vizer, head of the IJF, called the decision “a magnificent celebration of sport, friendship, unity and the values of judo”. He noted that the DRC has shown “extraordinary commitment to developing judo and promoting youth and sports throughout the country”, making Kinshasa a natural host for the world championships. Didier Budimbu, a lawyer by training and one of President Félix Tshisekedi’s younger ministers, has championed sports diplomacy. He hailed the agreement as a sign that “the people of the DRC are honoured to welcome the world judo family to Kinshasa”, and emphasised that the event will showcase Congolese hospitality, culture, and passion for sport. Budimbu’s role mirrors the government’s wider efforts to promote international cooperation through sport and to project a modern, peaceful image of Congo. Why Kinshasa? As Africa’s third‑largest metropolis and one of the world’s fastest‑growing cities, Kinshasa offers a compelling stage for international sport. The capital has invested in new sports infrastructure and hospitality capacity, including the Martyrs Stadium renovation and the construction of an international‑standard judo centre supported by Japanese cooperation. Successful hosting of regional tournaments and cultural events has boosted confidence in the city’s organisational capabilities. The World Team Continental Judo Championships for Peace will take place in 2026, benefiting from Kinshasa’s improved transport links, burgeoning hotel stock, and a youthful population hungry for sporting spectacles. By securing this event, the DRC is asserting that it can provide the logistics, security, and operational excellence required on the world stage. Economic and social impact: tourism and youth empowerment The 2026 judo championship is expected to inject significant revenue into the local economy. Thousands of athletes, officials, and fans from across the globe will travel to Kinshasa, generating demand for hotels, restaurants, transport, and cultural excursions. Tourism receipts and international media exposure will help rebrand Kinshasa as a safe and welcoming destination. Beyond immediate economic benefits, the event will galvanise youth participation in sport. Budimbu emphasised that hosting the championship is a chance “to inspire our youth and demonstrate that Africa can host world‑class sporting events at the highest level”. Local judo clubs and school programmes are already expanding, meaning the championship could catalyse a generation of Congolese athletes and provide positive role models in a country seeking peace and stability. ADVERTISEMENT Diplomatic weight: soft power over sabres Sport has become an instrument of diplomacy and nation branding. By securing the 2026 World Judo Continental Team Championships, the DRC projects an image of stability, cooperation, and openness. It stands in contrast to some neighbouring states that channel resources into militarised foreign policies. The IJF’s decision demonstrates international confidence in Kinshasa’s ability to deliver major events and positions Congo as an influential player in global sport governance. For President Félix Tshisekedi, the championship aligns with his broader strategy of elevating Congo’s profile through peaceful engagement rather than conflict. Hosting the event also strengthens bilateral ties with Hungary and Japan and reinforces Congo’s alignment with Olympic values of friendship and respect. Voices from the ground Didier Budimbu, Minister of Sports: “Signing this agreement is more than a logistical win; it is a declaration that Congo is open for partnership. Kinshasa 2026 will unite athletes from every continent in the spirit of peace and competition. We want the world to see our vibrant city, to experience our culture, and to witness our youth rising through sport. This is the Congo we are building under President Tshisekedi’s leadership.” ADVERTISEMENT Marius Vizer, IJF President: “We are delighted to bring the World Judo Continental Team Championships for Peace to Kinshasa in 2026. This event will be a magnificent celebration of sport, friendship, and unity. The Democratic Republic of the Congo has shown an extraordinary commitment to developing judo and promoting youth and sports throughout the country.” Conclusion: Congo steps back onto the world stage The Budapest agreement is more than a sporting contract – it is a symbol of national renewal. By hosting the 2026 World Judo Continental Team Championships, Congo signals that it is back on the world stage through peace, sport, and partnership. The investment in judo and infrastructure, the diplomatic engagement with the IJF, and the youth‑centred vision reflect a confident, rising nation. As Kinshasa prepares to welcome the world’s best judoka, Congolese citizens can take pride in a country that is choosing soft power over conflict, fostering unity through sport, and reminding the world that Congo is rising. ADVERTISEMENT TRENDING NOW How to Check if You Must Submit a SARS Tax Return . Tax and Revenue How to Book a SARS Appointment Online . Tax and Revenue Niger TV Shows Soldiers Detained After Niamey Mutiny . Justice & Crime KAA Warns of Flight Delays at Kenyan Airports . Transport and Airlines POPULAR TODAY Justice & Crime Tshisekedi: No Military Conquest Will Become Political Legitimacy" . War in Eastern DRC Rwanda Raises Interest Rate to 8.75% as Inflation Hits 14.5% . Peace For DRC Now Tshisekedi Launches DRC National Dialogue for Peace and Reform . PRESS RELEASE DRC Protects Students, Diplomas in AFC/M23-Held Areas . Infrastructure DRC and Angola Accelerate Joint Oil and Power Projects . ADVERTISEMENT RELATED ARTICLE Justice & Crime Tshisekedi: No Military Conquest Will Become Political Legitimacy" Tshisekedi says armed groups cannot turn military conquest into political legitimacy, . War in Eastern DRC Rwanda Raises Interest Rate to 8.75% as Inflation Hits 14.5% Rwanda faces surging prices at home as US sanctions and tighter external financing add pressure abroad. . Peace For DRC Now Tshisekedi Launches DRC National Dialogue for Peace and Reform The three-month process will reach all 26 provinces and seek consensus on peace, cohesion and . PRESS RELEASE DRC Protects Students, Diplomas in AFC/M23-Held Areas Kinshasa says students will not restart their studies as temporary measures protect academic records, . 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